Practicing Virtues "endnotes"

Notes

INTRODUCTION TEACHING AND LEARNING IN A MORAL COMMUNITY

1. See Ann Swidler, Organization Without Authority: Dilemmas of Social Control in Free Schools (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), 6.

2. Some books and essays about this process of socialization include: Basil Bernstein, ''Social Class and Pedagogic Practice," in The Structuring of Pedagogic Discourse (London: Routledge, 1990), 63-93; Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-Claude Passeron, Reproduction in Education, Society, and Culture (Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1977); Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Schooling in Capitalist America: Educational Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life (New York: Basic Books, 1976); Douglas E. Foley, Learning Capitalist Culture: Deep in the Heart of Tejas (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990); Shirley Brice Heath, Ways with Words: Language, Life, and Work in Communities and Classrooms (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Paul Willis, Learning to Labor: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class Jobs (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977).

3. Alan Peshkin, for example, in his study of Riverview High School, a large, ethnically mixed public school in a relatively poor California town, finds that teachers and pupils agree that the school's general purpose is to teach students to be "ordinary Americans." Yet none of the teachers experiences this goal as a "shared mission." Unlike teachers at the small fundamentalist-Christian school Peshkin had studied earlier, who are sustained by a sense of mission that is strongly encouraged by the school's principal, Riverview teachers "are not compelled to articulate the general ends for which their instruction is the means. . . . They readily acknowledge that those purposes they do express are personal: they made them up themselves" (Alan Peshkin, The Color of Strangers, the Color of Friends: The Play of Ethnicity in School and Community [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991], 166, 115, 113).

4. Gerald Grant, "The Character of Education and the Education of Character," Daedalus 110 (Summer 1981): 146. break

5. Immanuel Kant is the most important representative of the universal view of morality; Aristotle, of the particular view. Lawrence Kohlberg and John Rawls are universalists; Alasdair MacIntyre and Bernard Williams, particularists. For a short analysis of the two viewpoints, written by a particularist, see Evan Simpson, Good Lives and Moral Education , Studies in Moral Philosophy 4 (New York: Peter Lang, 1989), 1-37.

6. Alan Wolfe, Whose Keeper? Social Science and Moral Obligation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 225.

7. John P. Hewitt, Dilemmas of the American Self (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 237.

8. For a fascinating description of the mission of a fundamentalist school, see Alan Peshkin, God's Choice: The Total World of a Fundamentalist Christian School (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986).

9. Robert N. Bellah, Richard Madsen, William M. Sullivan, Ann Swidler, and Steven M. Tipton, Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 154.

10. Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory , 2d edition (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984), 222.

11. For summaries of early Quaker history and religious practice, see Margaret Hope Bacon, The Quiet Rebels: The Story of the Quakers in America (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 1985), 9-24, and William Wistar Comfort, Just Among Friends: The Quaker Way of Life (Philadelphia: American Friends Service Committee, 1968), 1-23.

12. There are still a few American Friends who use "plain speech," or "thee" rather than "you," in everyday conversation.

13. Bellah et al., Habits of the Heart , 32-35.

14. Ralph H. Turner, "The Real Self: From Institution to Impulse," American Journal of Sociology 81 (March 1976): 991-95.

15. Joseph Anthony Amato II, Guilt and Gratitude: A Study of the Origins of Contemporary Conscience , Contributions in Philosophy 20 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982), xvi.

16. James Davison Hunter, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (New York: Basic Books, 1991).

17. Carol Gilligan, In a Different Voice: Psychological Theory and Women's Development (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982); Deborah Tannen, You Just Don't Understand: Men and Women in Conversation (New York: Ballantine Books, 1990).

18. Quakerism has been called a feminine religion because its adherents "perceive truth and social harmony as extensions of concrete, personal experience" and "project the personal, affective relationships of everyday existence into the public sphere" (Phyllis Mack, "Feminine Symbolism and continue

Feminine Behavior in Radical Religious Movements: Franciscans, Quakers, and the Followers of Gandhi," in Disciplines of Faith: Studies in Religion, Politics, and Patriarchy , ed. Jim Obelkevich, Lyndal Roper, and Raphael Samuel [London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987], 123). In addition, Friends have always preached (and, up to a point, practiced) the equality of men and women. The macho elements of the military code, perhaps above all its concern with personal and national honor and its use of violence when honor is affronted, are the products of traditional definitions of manliness. For more on this relationship among honor, violence, and manhood see J. G. Peristiany, ed., Honor and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1966), and Bertram Wyatt-Brown, Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982).

19. In their discussion of the dangers of both laissez-faire liberalism and authoritarianism, Michael A. Wallach and Lise Wallach ( Rethinking Goodness [Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990]) use the phrase "ethical minimalism" to identify the tendency to "link . . . tolerance and respect for differences with asking little ethically of others (and of ourselves)" (p. vii). I hesitate to call even the most secular and liberal of Quakers "ethical minimalists," since, even when they ask little ethically of others, they still tend to demand much of themselves. Nevertheless, the Wallachs' liberals and my Quakers have traits in common.

20. MacIntyre, After Virtue , 222-23.

21. Hewitt, Dilemmas of the American Self , 71.

22. MacIntyre, After Virtue , 222.

23. See Mary Haywood Metz, Classrooms and Corridors: The Crisis of Authority in Desegregated Schools (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), for a study of "the twin tasks of pursuing education and maintaining . . . order" in conventional schools (p. ix). Swidler's Organization Without Authority shows how free schools handle the same problem.

24. Wolfe, Whose Keeper? 216.

Chapter One— School Life Through the Lens of Moral Tradition

1. For a description of the traditional college-preparatory boarding-school environment, see Peter W. Cookson, Jr. and Caroline Hodges Persell, Preparing for Power: America's Elite Boarding Schools (New York: Basic Books, 1985), esp. 27-30, 45-48.

2. The schools cost between $8,000 and $13,000 per year in 1987; by 1993 the highest fee was $18,600. break

3. Cookson and Persell, Preparing for Power , 27.

4. Sara Lawrence Lightfoot, The Good High School: Portraits of Character and Culture (New York: Basic Books, 1983), 225.

5. Erving Goffman, Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates (reprint New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday, 1961).

6. Ibid., 116-18.

5. Erving Goffman, Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates (reprint New York: Anchor Books, Doubleday, 1961).

6. Ibid., 116-18.

7. Metz, Classrooms and Corridors , 26-29.

8. The Inner Light "is the central concept of Quakerism. Friends may differ on almost any other issue, but they are united in their belief in the presence of an inward source of inspiration and strength . . . [or] that of God within" (Warren Sylvester Smith, One Explorer's Glossary of Quaker Terms [Philadelphia: Friends General Conference, 1985], 26).

9. These names for different student groups are not unique to Quaker schools. "Punkers" favor heavy-metal music and adolescent nihilism. "Deadheads," whose name is derived from a rock group formed in the 1960s, the Grateful Dead, adopt a hippie style of dress and speech and may use hallucinogenic drugs. The epithet "mall rats" refers to giggly freshman and sophomore girls (and some boys) who like to spend their leisure time together at shopping malls.

10. In order to facilitate comparisons, I call the heads of all six schools headmaster , whether they supervise a staff of thirty or three hundred, and the person directly under the headmaster, academic dean .

11. Smith, One Explorer's Glossary , 8.

12. Each of these three quotes is from a different admissions handbook: respectively, Fox, Dyer, Mott.

Chapter Two— The Quaker and Military Moral Traditions Compared

1. Military professionals are men and women who make a career of the army, navy, marine corps, or coast guard. In the army, they are either noncommissioned officers (NCOs), warrant officers, or commissioned officers. A sergeant major, for example, is an NCO, while a major is a commissioned officer. Similar distinctions exist in the other branches of the service.

2. Sydney V. James, A People Among Peoples: Quaker Benevolence in Eighteenth-Century America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), 263-85.

3. Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1957), 14-15, 156-57. break

4. Friends were exhorted by George Fox to "be patterns, be examples in all countries . . . that your carriage and life may preach among all sorts of people, and to them" (quoted in Howard H. Brinton, Friends for 300 Years: The History and Beliefs of the Society of Friends Since George Fox Started the Quaker Movement [Wallingford, Penn.: Pendle Hill Publications, 1952], 29). Morris Janowitz found that "professional officers think of themselves as bearers of the positive values of American society and as subject to higher standards of behavior than civilians" ( The Professional Soldier: A Social and Political Portrait , 2d edition [New York: Free Press, 1971], xxxix).

5. Because the purpose of this chapter is to present Quaker and military values in their ideal forms, I have drawn almost exclusively on the writings of Friends and those with experience in the military (primarily the army). Seeking more personal information about the impact of the two traditions on members today, I also interviewed fifteen Quakers, two Vietnam veterans with Quaker sympathies, and nine army officers.

6. Ralph H. Turner, "The Role and the Person," American Journal of Sociology 84 (July 1978): 1.

7. Roger C. Wilson, Authority, Leadership, and Concern: A Study in Motive and Administration in Quaker Relief Work (London: Friends Home Service Committee, [1949] 1970), 9-10.

8. On the army as a religious order, see Huntington, Soldier and the State , 465; Richard A. Gabriel, To Serve with Honor: A Treatise on Military Ethics and the Way of the Soldier (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1982), 147. On hazing, see Edward Tabor Linenthal, Changing Images of the Warrior Hero in America: A History of Popular Symbolism , Studies in American Religion 6 (New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 1982), xiii-xv. And on the battlefield as a sacred world, see J. Glenn Gray, The Warriors: Reflections on Men in Battle , 2d edition (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), 47.

9. Brinton, Friends for 300 Years , 35.

10. The first sentence of the army's basic field manual emphasizes that the army's primary function is to deter war and to fight only when deterrence fails (U.S. Department of the Army, Headquarters [Army], The Army , Field Manual 100-1 [Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1991], i, 3). This perception is shared by most professional soldiers. "The military man . . . wants to prepare for war. But he is never ready to fight a war. . . . It is the people and the politicians . . . who start wars" (Huntington, Soldier and the State , 69-70).

11. Thomas S. Brown, When Friends Attend to Business (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends [PYM], 1986), n.p. break

12. Anthony E. Hartle, Moral Issues in Military Decision Making (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1989), 37.

13. Bacon, Quiet Rebels , 123.

14. Brinton, Friends for 300 Years , 131.

15. Thomas R. Kelly, Eyes on the Border (Philadelphia: American Friends Service Committee, 1985), 8.

16. Quoted in PYM, Faith and Practice: A Book of Christian Discipline (Philadelphia: PYM, 1972), 16.

17. Michael J. Sheeran, Beyond Majority Rule: Voteless Decisions in the Religious Society of Friends (Philadelphia: PYM, 1983), 6.

18. Thomas R. Kelly, The Gathered Meeting (Philadelphia: The Tract Association of Friends, n.d.), n.p.

19. James, People Among Peoples , 316-34.

20. For example, see PYM, Faith and Practice , 192.

21. Comfort, Just Among Friends , 54.

22. These descriptions of simplicity come from PYM, Faith and Practice , 19; Gray Cox, Bearing Witness: Quaker Process and a Culture of Peace , Pamphlet 262 (Wallingford, Penn.: Pendle Hill Publications, 1985), 12-13; and Frances Irene Taber, "Finding the Taproot of Simplicity: The Movement Between Inner Knowledge and Outer Action," in Friends Face the World: Continuing and Current Quaker Concerns , ed. Leonard S. Kenworthy (Philadelphia: Friends General Conference, 1987), 63.

23. Thomas Kelly, A Testament of Devotion , quoted in Taber, "Finding the Taproot," 70.

24. Quoted in Bacon, Quiet Rebels , 18-19.

25. Quoted in Bacon, Quiet Rebels , xi.

26. Cox, Bearing Witness , 17-21.

27. On soldiers' reasons for fighting, see S. L. A. Marshall, Men Against Fire: The Problem of Battle Command in Future War (New York: William Morrow, 1947). The quotation is from Studs Terkel, "The Good War": An Oral History of World War Two (New York: Ballantine Books, 1984), 57.

28. Gray, Warriors , 44.

29. Terkel, " Good War ," 159.

30. Richard A. Gabriel, "Modernism versus Pre-modernism: The Need to Rethink the Basis of Military Organizational Forms," in Military Ethics and Professionalism: A Collection of Essays , ed. James Brown and Michael J. Collins (Washington, D.C.: National Defense University Press, 1981), 71.

31. Martin E. Dempsey, "Repose: A Forgotten Factor in Leadership Development," Military Review 68 (November 1988): 30.

32. The oath goes as follows: "I will not lie, cheat, or steal, nor tolerate those who do." West Point cadets who are caught violating this honor code continue

are tried by a court of their peers and, if found guilty, are usually expelled from the academy. Most military colleges and high schools in the United States share this code.

33. D. M. Malone, "The Trailwatcher," in U.S. Military Academy, Department of Military Instruction, Professional Notebook 1986 (West Point: U.S. Military Academy, 1986), T-13.

34. Lewis S. Sorley, "Competence as Ethical Imperative: Issues of Professionalism," in Military Ethics and Professionalism , ed. Brown and Collins, 39, 52.

35. John P. Lovell, Neither Athens nor Sparta? The American Service Academies in Transition (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1979), 246.

36. Army, The Army , 16.

37. Terkel, " Good War ," 304.

38. Gray, Warriors , 125.

39. Quoted in Linenthal, Changing Images , 37, 234.

40. Army, Values: A Handbook for Soldiers , Pamphlet 600-71 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1987). This pamphlet, which is based on the fourth chapter of the army's basic Field Manual 100-1, was distributed to all soldiers in honor of the army's "year of values," 1987.

41. Gray, Warriors , 45.

42. Army, Values , 1-3.

43. Quoted in Lovell, Neither Athens nor Sparta? 248.

44. Army, The Bedrock of Our Profession , Pamphlet 600-68, White Paper (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1986), 9-10.

45. Cited in Francis B. Galligan, Military Professionalism and Ethics (Newport, R.I.: Naval War College Center for Advanced Research, 1979), 89-91.

46. Linenthal, Changing Images , 35.

47. Lawrence B. Radine, The Taming of the Troops: Social Control in the United States Army , Contributions in Sociology 22 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1977), 55.

48. Janowitz, Professional Soldier , 129.

49. Hugh A. Kelley, "A Proposal for the United States Army Ethic," microfiche of a U.S. Army War College study project, Carlisle Barracks, Penn., 1984, 21.

50. Lovell, Neither Athens nor Sparta? 264.

51. Pat Conroy, The Lords of Discipline (New York: Bantam Books, 1980), 129.

52. Terkel, " Good War ," 172.

53. For a extended discussion of this military dilemma, see Hartle, Moral Issues . break

54. Richard Bauman, Let Your Words Be Few: Symbolism of Speaking and Silence Among Seventeenth-Century Quakers , Cambridge Studies in Oral and Literate Culture 8 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 120-36.

55. Quoted in Leonard S. Kenworthy, Quaker Quotations on Faith and Practice (Philadelphia: Friends General Conference, 1983), 57.

56. From a 1888 speech by Haverford President Isaac Sharpless, quoted in Douglas H. Heath, The Peculiar Mission of a Quaker School , Pamphlet 225 (Wallingford, Penn.: Pendle Hill Publications, 1979), 29.

57. Jack Kirk, "Creaturely Activities or Spiritually Based Concerns?" in Friends Face the World , ed. Kenworthy, 14.

58. Wilson, Authority, Leadership, and Concern , 63.

59. Cox, Bearing Witness , 15.

60. Quoted in Howard H. Brinton, Quaker Journals: Varieties of Religious Experience Among Friends (Wallingford, Penn: Pendle Hill Publications, 1972), 86.

61. Sheeran, Beyond Majority Rule , 89.

62. Ibid., 81, 87.

61. Sheeran, Beyond Majority Rule , 89.

62. Ibid., 81, 87.

63. George A. Selleck, quoted in Leonard S. Kenworthy, Quakerism: A Study Guide on the Religious Society of Friends (Kennett Square, Penn.: Quaker Publications, 1981), 82.

64. Heath, Peculiar Mission , 9.

65. Harold D. Yow, "The Ethical Bases for Leadership," Military Review 40 (September 1960): 51.

66. The major is referring to the events that led to the My Lai massacre in Vietnam, which was carried out under the direct orders of Lieutenant William L. Calley.

67. See Sorley, "Competence," 41-46; Thomas E. Kelly III, "Ethics in the Military Profession: The Continuing Tension," in Military Ethics and Professionalism , ed. Brown and Collins, 27-33; Galligan, Military Professionalism , 50-56.

68. Sorley, "Competence," 43.

69. Anna M. Young, "Points of Honor," microfiche of a U.S. Army War College study project, Carlisle Barracks, Penn., 1986, 3.

70. Maxwell Taylor, "A Professional Ethic for the Military?" reprinted in Ethics and the Military Profession (August 1978): 8.

71. Quoted in Galligan, Military Professionalism , 50.

72. Sorley, "Competence," 42.

73. Marshall, Men Against Fire , 41-42.

74. Robert E. Potts, "Professional Military Ethics: Are We on the Right Track?" microfiche of a U.S. Army War College study project, Carlisle Barracks, Penn., 1986, 35. break

75. Charles W. Ricks, "The Non-Toleration Clause: A Chance for Misperception," Ethics and the Military Profession (April 1982): 3-4.

76. Hewitt, Dilemmas of the American Self , viii.

77. Ibid., 85-86.

76. Hewitt, Dilemmas of the American Self , viii.

77. Ibid., 85-86.

78. Stanley Hauerwas, A Community of Character: Toward a Constructive Christian Social Ethic (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1981), 115.

Chapter Three— Virtue As a Source of Order

1. This kind of easy give-and-take also existed between adolescents and adults at alternative high schools in the 1970s. See Swidler, Organization Without Authority , 23-24, and Robert B. Everhart, Practical Ideology and Symbolic Community: An Ethnography of Schools of Choice (New York: Falmer Press, 1988), 85-87.

2. An emphasis on equality does not prevent Mott from assigning students with different academic abilities to different scholastic tracks.

3. Smith, One Explorer's Glossary , 51.

4. Rolf E. Muuss, Theories of Adolescence , 5th edition (New York: Random House, 1988), 91-92.

5. Quakers distinguish between "convinced Friends," or converts, and "birthright Friends," who are born into Quaker families.

6. It is important to take into account that when the speaker was mistreated by her former classmates she was in junior high school, whereas now she is a senior and has attended Mott for four years. Cliques, rigid categories, and intolerance toward peers who are different tend to be much more prominent in the middle-school years--grades six through eight or nine--than in high school (Muuss, Theories of Adolescence , 71; Penelope Eckert, Jocks and Burnouts: Social Categories and Identity in the High School [New York: Teachers College Press, 1989], 95-96; David A. Kinney, "From 'Dweeb' to 'Normal': Identity Change During Adolescence," paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, 1989), and Mott begins in the ninth grade. However, since even students who had come to Mott from another high school agreed that people were exceptionally nice to one another, Mott's reputation for kindness does seem to be more than just an artifact of students' ages.

7. Pershing, Jackson, and Sherman are permitted to nominate four candidates each to the service academies, but the academic standards at the academies are high and competition for entry is fierce. At Jackson, for example, out of the twenty-nine students graduating in 1987, one went on to continue

the United States Military Academy, one to the United States Naval Academy, one to The Citadel, and one to North Georgia Military College.

8. Hazing is not simply a military-school phenomenon; accounts of English and American boarding-school life are filled with descriptions of cruel pranks and beatings. For example, see Louis Auchincloss, The Rector of Justin (Boston: Hill and Company, 1964), 239-47; David Nobbs, Second from Last in the Sack Race (London: Methuen, 1983), 139-84; and Roald Dahl, Boy: Tales of Childhood (London: Penguin Books, 1984), 141-43, 154-59.

9. This is a reference to a 1985 movie about five teenagers from different high-school cliques who come to accept one another after a spending a day in Saturday detention together.

10. Bellah et al., Habits of the Heart , 333-34. Such language was also common in the alternative schools of the 1970s. In Practical Ideology , Everhart focuses on what he calls "the ethos of openness," which dominated beliefs and behavior in the alternative schools he studied and eventually became so firmly entrenched that it prevented critical analysis of the education teenagers received. Similarly, students at Midwest Seminary were socialized to use "the rhetoric of community" (Sherryl Kleinman, Equals Before God: Seminarians as Humanistic Professionals [Chicago: University of Chilcago Press, 1984], 11-12, 63-84, 102).

11. Fox and Dyer also held regular meetings to discuss problem students, but those I observed were not as well organized or as goal-oriented.

12. The flexible boundaries between student groups described here present a contrast to the rigid distinctions between "Jocks" and "Burnouts" observed by Penelope Eckert ( Jocks and Burnouts ) in a Michigan public high school. One reason for this difference is size: Eckert's Belten High has four times more students than Mott. A more important reason is class: at Belten, the Jock/Burnout distinction echoes and reinforces the students' middle- and working-class backgrounds, while at Mott, students overwhelmingly belong to the same class. In addition to these structural factors, I believe the Quaker virtues of equality and community play an important role in Mott students' apparent rejection of rigid categories.

13. This stoicism is heightened by the military system, but it is prominent in other male subcultures as well. Foley considers it an important part of male socialization through high-school sports ( Learning Capitalist Culture , 54-55), and Gary Alan Fine describes in detail how Little Leaguers learn to show toughness, control their emotions, and endure pain ( With the Boys: Little League Baseball and Preadolescent Culture [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987], 79-89). At all three military academies, these typically male values are also shared by many of the girls, even those who are not cadets. break

14. On the difference between real self and role self and the emphasis on the former at Midwest Seminary, see Kleinman, Equals Before God , 24-48.

15. Rosabeth Moss Kanter, Community and Commitment: Communes and Utopias in Sociological Perspective (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972), 74.

Chapter Four— Conflict As a Source of Strength

1. A case could be made for classifying Fox as a utopian community until it began to admit non-Quaker children in the 1940s. This is one of the reasons that older members of the staff and Yearly Meeting are loath to treat Fox as a business that has to attract customers if it is to survive.

2. Kanter, Community and Commitment , 32-57.

3. Ibid., 71.

4. Ibid., 84.

5. Ibid., 174-75.

2. Kanter, Community and Commitment , 32-57.

3. Ibid., 71.

4. Ibid., 84.

5. Ibid., 174-75.

2. Kanter, Community and Commitment , 32-57.

3. Ibid., 71.

4. Ibid., 84.

5. Ibid., 174-75.

2. Kanter, Community and Commitment , 32-57.

3. Ibid., 71.

4. Ibid., 84.

5. Ibid., 174-75.

6. Education as crusade is a dominant theme at the Christian fundamentalist school described by Peshkin. Although its students are ''lambs" and "babes in Christ" who must be sheltered from the world, they are also "warriors" whose duty it is to defy the world's temptations and "present . . . the path of salvation to the unsaved" ( God's Choice , 54). A crusader spirit is also present, although to a lesser extent, among teachers and students at the two alternative high schools studied by Swidler ( Organization Without Authority , 100).

7. Georg Simmel, Conflict , trans. Kurt H. Wolff (New York: Free Press, 1955), 18.

8. Hewitt, Dilemmas of the American Self , 195.

9. Ibid., 11, 71.

8. Hewitt, Dilemmas of the American Self , 195.

9. Ibid., 11, 71.

10. On April 14, 1986, U.S. warplanes bombed Tripoli and Benghazi, officially in retaliation for the Libyan bombing of a West Berlin discotheque.

11. Hewitt, Dilemmas of the American Self , 17-18.

12. Boys were treated for each of these injuries during my visit to Jackson. I did not hear of girl plebes being beaten up or hung out of windows; their superiors apparently punish by yelling, assigning push-ups and cleaning tasks, and giving demerits. Girls do get into fights, however. At Jackson, one girl attacked several dorm mates with a broomstick; at Sherman, I was told of girls cutting off hunks of another girl's hair and destroying one another's property.

13. Students at Quaker schools, like most adolescents, also tend not to tell on their peers. There are two factors, however, that keep the no-narcing code from causing as much conflict at Quaker schools as it does at military academies. First, more adults are willing to listen to students' confidences without continue

taking disciplinary action, so students can talk to teachers without being labeled narcs. Second, most Quaker-school adults don't expect kids to tell on their peers and only ask them to do so in cases of threatened suicide, severe drug or alcohol usage, and major thefts.

14. I quote what the headmaster told me he said in the assembly, which was held weeks before my stay at Pershing.

15. There may well be racial or ethnic prejudice at Mott and Pershing, but nothing that I observed or was told in an interview provided evidence of it. However, the fact that the Pershing student body is less than 5 percent African-American suggests that the school does not actively recruit black students. As for sexism at the Quaker schools, although incidents occur the problem is not integral to the moral tradition, as it is at the academies. In fact, the Quaker tradition is, in theory, one of equality between men and women, and Quaker history is filled with activist women.

16. Army, The Army , 17.

17. David D. Gilmore, Manhood in the Making: Cultural Concepts of Masculinity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 11.

18. Although a distorted sense of military pride exacerbates prejudice at Jackson and Sherman, it doesn't cause it. Bigotry at the two schools is simply a part of life. Words like nigger, hebe, gook, spic , and camel jockey are common, particularly at Sherman. There I heard a white girl say to a black classmate, in a hostile voice, "Hey, nigger, why don't you go wash some of that black off with soap?" and no one reacted; a black cadet told me of tactical officers using racial slurs. Yet at Sherman there were also black and white cadets who were best friends, and at Jackson, mixed-race cadet couples--a reminder of what a complicated phenomenon racism is. As Alan Peshkin discovered at Riverview High School, people's statements and behavior regarding racial and ethnic differences are often paradoxical, resisting "all-or-none type labels. . . . We lack a vocabulary that would allow easy summation, and it may be just as well that we do" ( Color of Strangers , 234-35).

19. Peshkin found that both blacks and whites at Riverview made a distinction between blacks with middle-class values and "niggers," who were "thugs" with "no hopes, no dreams, no aspirations." He also found that the word ''nigger," even when used by whites, Mexicans, or Asians, was largely "defanged" ( The Color of Strangers , 47, 239-42). When whites at Jackson used the word, however, the hostility was palpable.