1. ''For all things proof is found / and also a reason to support everything / and there is no explanation at all because there is so much explanation" (Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz, "Acusa la hidropesía de mucha ciencia, que teme inútil aun para saber y nociva para vivir," in her Obras completas , vol. 1 (Mexico City, 1951), 5-8.

1. For the historical emergence of the concepts of modern and modernity that I use here, see Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht, "A History of the Concept 'Modern,'" in Making Sense in Life and Literature , ed. H. U. Gumbrecht (Minneapolis, 1992), 79-110.

2. Alan Trachtenberg, The Incorporation of America (New York, 1982), 209.

3. José Ortega y Gasset, La rebeli ó n de las masas (Madrid, 1930), 22.

4. RUP 1:338.

5. For notions of commerce within world's fairs, see Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas (Manchester, 1988), 22-23.

6. Helix, "The Industrial Exhibition of 1851," Westminster and Foreign Quarterly Review (April 1850), quoted in ibid., 27.

5. For notions of commerce within world's fairs, see Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas (Manchester, 1988), 22-23.

6. Helix, "The Industrial Exhibition of 1851," Westminster and Foreign Quarterly Review (April 1850), quoted in ibid., 27.

7. "Exposition Universelle Internationale de 1900 à Paris," quoted in Le Livre des expositions universelles, 1851-1889 (Paris, 1983), 105.

8. John Brisben Walker, "What the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Is," The Cosmopolitan , September 1904, 405.

9. Gumbrecht, "History," 94.

10. Charles Baudelaire, "Exposition Universelle 1855: Beaux-Arts," in Oeuvres complètes (Paris, 1968), 361-70.

11. See Tatsushi Narita, "Eliot and the World's Fair of St. Louis: Collateral Evidence of His Fairoutings," Nagoya City University Studies in Social Sciences and Humanities 38 (1984):1-23; and Tatsushi Narita, "Eliot and the World's Fair of St. Louis: His 'Stockholder's Coupon Ticket,'" Nagoya City University Studies in Social Sciences and Hu-

manities 36 (1982):1-24. Both articles were originally written in Japanese, with English abstracts. See Narita's note, "Fiction and Fact in T. S. Eliot's 'The Man Who Was King,'" in Notes and Queries 39 (June 1992):191-92. I thank Peter Stansky for having called my attention to Eliot's relationship with world's fairs.

12. See Fyodor Dostoyevsky, Notes from Underground , trans. Michael R. Katz (New York, 1989), 18.

13. Henry Adams, The Education of Henry Adams (Boston, 1915), 345.

14. J. R. Hawley, "The Value of International Exhibitions," North American Review 149 (September 1889):317.

15. La TypographieFran ç aise , 1 July 1889, quoted by M. Reberioux, "Au tournement des expos: 1889," Le Mouvement Social , no. 149 (1989):6.

16. G. Flaubert, Dictionnaire des idées reçues , ed. Lea Caminite (Paris, 1966), 78.

17. Various studies of nationalism have influenced my historical approach, most especially Eric Hobsbawm, Nation and Nationalism (Cambridge, 1990); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (London, 1983); Roger Bartra, La jaula de la melancolía (Mexico City, 1987); E. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, 1983); Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism (Cambridge, 1992); José Murilo de Carvalho, A formação das almas (São Paulo, 1990); Pierre Nora, ed., Les Lieux de mémoire , 2 vols. (Paris, 1984); David Brading, The Origins of Mexican Nationalism (Cambridge, 1985); Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World (Tokyo, 1986); Kenneth Cmiel, Democratic Eloquence (New York, 1990); and Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism (New York, 1944).

18. For modes of expressions of universal exhibitions, see Pascal Ory, "Étude com-parée du centenaire et du cent-cinquantenaire de la Révolution Française," in Les Images de la Révolution Française , ed. M. Vovelle (New York, 1990), 2177-83.

19. Paul Groussac, Del Plata al Niágara (Buenos Aires, 1925), 324, 346.

20. Virginia Woolf, "Mr. Bennet and Mrs. Brown," in Collected Essays , vol. 1 (London, 1966), 320.

21. Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875-1914 (New York, 1987).

22. William McKinley, President McKinley's Last Speech, Delivered September 5, 1901, President's Day at the Pan-American Exposition, Buffalo (New York, 1901), 5.

23. The 1992 Seville Universal Exposition followed the path of the last universal fair of the twentieth century (Brussels 1958). For the 1992 Seville Universal Exposition seen along the lines proposed by this book, see M. Tenorio, "Sevilla 1992: De la Torre Eiffel al gran nopal," La Jornada Semanal , 27 September 1992, 16-23; and John E. Findling, "Fair Legacies: Expo '92 and Cartuja '93," in Fair Representations , ed. Robert Rydell and Nancy E. Gwinn (Amsterdam, 1994), 180-96. For the year 2000, there are plans for world's fairs in Hannover, Toronto, and Venice. See J. E. Findling, ed., Historical Dictionary of World's Fairs and Expositions, 1851-1988 (New York, 1990), 403-10.

24. See Louis Marin's commentary on Disneyland, in his Utopiques (Paris, 1973), 297-324.

25. El Correo Español , 1 September 1891.

26. J. Michelet, Extraits historiques de J. Michelet , prepared by Ch. Seignobos (Paris, 1907), 7.

27. See the remarkable anarchist geography of the world by Elisée Reclus, L'Homme et la terre , vol. 2 (reprint, Paris, 1990), 403-6.

28. As explained in the preface, the epilogue includes a summary of how historiographical and conceptual notions are used in the book.

1. Bulletin de l'Exposition Universelle de Paris 1889 , 15 October 1888, 3.

2. For an explanation of the different confrontations, see Blenda Nelms, The Third Republic and the Centennial of 1789 (New York, 1987), 13-17.

3. See Richard D. Mandell, Paris 1900 (Toronto, 1967), ix.

4. The nine groups were: Group 1, the arts; Group 2, education; Group 3, furniture; Group 4, textiles; Group 5, raw and manufactured products (the extractive arts); Group 6, mechanical industries and electricity; Group 7, food products; Group 8, agriculture; and Group 9, horticulture. The groups were subdivided into a total of 83 classes. See RUP 1.

5. See Walter Benjamin, "Paris, Capital of the 19th Century," in Reflections , ed. Peter Demetz, trans. E. Jephcott (New York, 1986), 146-58. In interpreting the significance of nineteenth-century world's fairs, three authors have elaborated on Benjamin's concept of "pilgrimage of the commodity fetish." See the translation of the German study by Werner Plum, Exposiciones mundiales en el siglo XIX (Bonn, 1977), 3-9; the Brazilian work by Francisco Foot Hardman, Trem fantasma (São Paulo, 1988), 49-66; and the French study by Philippe Hamon, Expositions (Berkeley, 1992).

6. See Nelms, Third Republic , 11-64.

7. The 1889 Paris fair officially ended on November 6.

8. See François Furet and Mona Ozouf, eds., A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1989), 882-90.

9. See Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas , 27-41.

10. See, for example, Fernando Rosenzweig, "La industria" in HMM, El porfiriato: Vida económica , 465-94; and Stephen Haber, Industry and Underdevelopment (Stanford, 1989).

11. For an example of this encouragement of private exhibitors, see EXP, Box 30, Exp. 23.

12. Tout-d'Union , 1 September 1891.

13. See Nelms, Third Republic , 30-31.

14. For an explanation of the diplomatic causes and consequences of the boycott, see Brigitte Schroeder-Gudehus, "Les Grandes Puissances devant l'Exposition Universelle de 1889," Le Mouvement Social , no. 149 ( 1989): 15-24.

15. Émile Durer, "Edison," Revue Illustrée 8 (June-December, 1889): 174-78.

16. In this regard, see Burton Benedict, "International Exhibitions and National Identity," Anthropology Today 6 (June 1991):7-9; and the analysis by Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas , 82-111.

17. La Revue Diplomatique , August 1886, 5. Meulemans published various articles on Mexico and other Latin American countries in La Revue Diplomatique ; he included some of these articles in a volume published in order to be distributed during the 1889 Paris fair. See Auguste Meulemans, Revue Diplomatique: Chefs d'état, ministres et diplomates (Paris, 1889).

18. See Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas , 3-26, 52-81; and R. Rydell's examination of American imperialism in American world's fairs, All the World's a Fair (Chicago, 1984).

19. See J. L. Phelan, "Pan-Latinism, French Intervention in Mexico (1861-1867) and the Genesis of the Idea of Latin America," in Conciencia y autenticidad históricas .

Escritos en homenaje a Edmundo O'Gorman , ed. J. Ortega y Medina (Mexico City, 1968), 279-98.

20. In this regard, see the transformation of the concept of modern after 1850, in Gumbrecht, "History," 92-101.

21. RUP 7:359-68.

22. Émile Monod, L'Exposition Universelle de 1889 , 4 vols. (Paris, 1890), 591-97, quoted by Hélène Trocmé, "Les États-Unis et l'Exposition Universelle de 1889," Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 37 (April-June 1990):288.

23. Merle Curti, "America at the World Fairs, 1851-1893," American Historical Review 55, 4 (1950):856.

24. Opinion of a traveler in Mexico, Mary Blake, Mexico Picturesque, Political, Progressive (Boston, 1888), 8.

25. Francisco Inacio de Carvalho Moreira, Relat ó rio sobre a Exposição International de 1862 (London, 1863), xv, quoted in French by Marcus Olender, "Le Premier Centenaire de la révolution et la participation brésilienne à l'Exposition Universelle de 1889 à Paris: espaces et mentalités," in L'Image de la Revolution Française , ed. M. Vovelle, vol. 3 (New York, 1990), 2167. See also the collection of photographs that were exhibited by Brazil at international expositions, by Maria Inez Turazzi, "Poses e trejeitos na era do espectáculo: a fotografia e as exposições universais (1839-1889)," reported in Domingo: Jornal do Brasil , 12 July 1992; in particular, for Brazil's presence at the 1976 Philadelphia exhibition, see Sandra Jatahy Pesavento, "Exposições universais: Palcos de exibiçõo do mundo burgues: Em cena, Brasil e Estados Unidos," Siglo XIX , no. 12 (1992):63-87. For the Brazilian presence at the 1889 Paris fair, see ''L'Exposition du Brésil au Champ de Mars à Paris," La Nature 17 (1889):342-43. For an analysis of this presence, see Olender, Les Images ; José Luiz Foresti Werneck da Silva, "La Participation de l'Empire du Brésil à l'Exposition Universelle Internationale de 1889 à Paris: La Section brésilienne aux Champ-de-Mars," Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geografico Brasileiro , no. 364 (1989):417-20; and Foot Hardman, Trem fantasma , 67-96.

26. See Olga Vitali, "1889: La Argentina en la Exposición Mundial de Paris," Todo es Historia , no. 243 (1987):29-37; on Argentina's building, see Marta Dujoune, "La plástica: El realismo y el impresionismo," in J. L. Romero, Buenos Aires: Historia de cuatro siglos , vol. 2 (Buenos Aires, 1983), 131-39.

27. Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen (Stanford, 1976), 3.

28. For Mexican views on the French Third Republic, see Charles Hale, The Transformation of Liberalism in Late Nineteenth-Century Mexico (Princeton, 1989), 38-40. See also Charles Hale, "Fundación de la Modernidad Mexicana," Nexos , no. 170 (1992): 45-54.

29. See Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , 39.

30. El Imparcial , 1 May 1899.

31. El Siglo XIX , 31 August 1891.

32. F. Bulnes, El porvenir de las naciones latinoamericanas ante las recientes conquistas de Europa y Norteamérica (estructura y evolución de un continente ) (Mexico City, 1899), 110-14.

33.

O France! c'est de toi que m'est venu le Livre,
C'est de ton esprit clair que mon esprit s'enivre,
Ma voix de ta voix est l'écho;

Mes fils aiment tes fils; tes fêtes sont mes fêtes
Et c'est pour te chanter qu'aujourd'hui mes poètes
Prennent leur lyre à Mexique.
Leurs accents toucheront ton coeur, car leur génie
Est né sous le soleil de ta glorie infinie
D'un éclair que ton front jeta:
Alarcon et Corneille ont pu marcher ensemble,
Ignace Ramirez à Voltaire ressemble
Comme Juarez à Gambetta.
France, j'ai Jean Peza, mon doux François Coppée;
Guillermo Prieto chante mon épopée
En Béranger de mon drapeau;
Gorostiza, pour moi, c'est Collin d'Harleville;
Sierra c'est Sainte-Beuve et Casasus, Delille,
Altamirano, Mirabeau!

Auguste Genin, France-Mexique (Mexico City, 1910), 3.

34. See, for example, the coverage of Mexico's awards ceremony in Tout-d'Union , 1 September 1891.

35. For an explanation of the mystification of the French Republic in monuments, see Mona Ozouf, "Le Panthéon: L'École normale des morts," in Nora, Les Lieux de mémoire , vol. 1, 139-66; and Charles Rearik, "Festivals in Modern France: The Experience of the Third Republic," Journal of Contemporary History 12 (1977):435-60. On the debate over the commemorative monument for the centennial celebration of the French Revolution, see Nelms, Third Republic , 65-105.

36. See Nelms, Third Republic , 249.

37. See Jean Marie Mayeur and Madeleine Reberioux, The Third Republic from Its Origins to the Great War, 1871-1914 , trans. J. R. Foster (Cambridge, 1984), 42-65. See also Jean-Luc Pinol, Le Monde des villes au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1991), 29-31.

38. Pascal Ory, Les Expositions Universelles de Paris (Paris, 1982).

39. RUP 9:25. It was not until the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1900, for which Picard served as general commissioner, that his concept of social economy was developed through the establishment of a tenth group, on social economy. See André Gueslin, L'Invention de l'économie sociale (Paris, 1987), especially his explanation of the role played by Charles Gide in social economic thought (pp. 157-60). See also Charles Gide, Économie sociale: Rapports du jury international, Exposition Universelle de 1900 (Paris, 1901).

40. For the growth of the so-called Professors' Republic, see Christophe Charle, La République des universitaires, 1870-1940 (Paris, 1994), especially his discussion of the emergence of a "social model of intellectuals" and the role of intellectuals in politics (pp. 291-307).

41. See Gueslin, L'Invention , 4.

42. Letter from Manuel Flores to Carlos Pacheco, March 1888, reproduced in José Francisco Godoy, México en París (Mexico City, 1891), 216-18. In the 1880s there were indeed various asociaciones mutualistas in Mexico, most of them linked to artisan and crafts organizations. In this regard, see David W. Walker, "Porfirian Labor Politics: Working Class Organization in Mexico City and Porfirio Díaz, 1876-1902," The Amer-

icas 37 (1981):257-89; and John M. Hart, Anarchism and the Mexican Working Class, 1860-1931 (Austin, 1987), 43-59.

43. Porfirio Díaz's letter to Vicente Riva Palacio, 25 May 1891, Vicente Riva Palacio's letters, Genaro Garcia Collection, University of Texas at Austin.

44. See RUP 3:337-38.

45. See, for example, Report Serrano-Davis, EXP, Box 84, Exp. 18; reproduced by José Francisco Godoy, La ciudad de Chicago y la Exposición Universal de 1893 (Chicago, 1892), 94-95.

46. See Claude Nicolet, L'Idée républicaine en France (1789-1924 ) (Paris, 1982), 251-67.

47. William Henry Bishop, "A Paris Exposition in Dishabille," in Atlantic Monthly , May 1889, 621. For a similar opinion of the fair as an "electoral device," see William Henry Hulbert, France and the Republic (London, 1890), lxxxix-xcvi.

48. See Mayeur and Reberioux, Third Republic , 55-65.

49. See F. Crouzet, "Essai de construction d'un indice annuel de la production industrielle française au XIXe siècle," Annales 25 (January-February 1970):56-99.

50. Harry W. Paul, "The Debate over the Bankruptcy of Science in 1895," French Historical Studies 5, 3 (1968):300.

51. In 1889 P. Bourget published LeDisciple , challenging the general belief of the second part of the nineteenth century in l'idée scientifique du déterminisme universel . See Antoine Compagnon, La Troisième République des lettres: De Flaubert à Proust (Paris, 1983), 174-90.

52. See Zeev Sternhell, "The Political Culture of Nationalism," in Nationhood and Nationalism in France: From Boulangism to the Great War, 1889-1918 , ed. R. Tombs (London, 1991), 22-24.

53. See Avner Ben-Amos, "Les Funérailles de Victor Hugo: Apothéose de l'événe-ment spectacle," in Nora, Les Lieux de mémoire , vol. 1, 473-522.

54. See Arnold Hauser, The Social History of Art: Naturalism, Impressionism, the Film Age , vol. 4 (New York, 1985), 60-106, 166-225; Jerrold Seigel, Bohemian Paris: Culture, Politics, and the Boundaries of Bourgeois Life, 1830-1930 (New York, 1987), 215-365; and Joshua Taylor, ed., Nineteenth-Century Theories of Art (Berkeley, 1987), 370-83, 415-30.

55. The English translation is quoted in Philippe Jullian, The Triumph of Art Nouveau (London, 1974), 33, and in Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas , 116, and Findling, Historical Dictionary , 33-34.

56. See Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space, 1880-1918 (Cambridge, 1983), 65-88, 314-18. See the discussion of the so-called reactionary modernism in Jeffrey Herf, Reactionary Modernism (Cambridge, 1984).

57. Émile Goudeau, "Une journée d'esposition," Revue Illustrée , no. 92 (1889):244.

1. For a general view of the political and social environment of early-nineteenth-century Mexico, see Michael Costeloe, The Central Republic in Mexico, 1835-1846: Hombres de Bien in the Age of Santa Ana (Cambridge, 1993); and Josefina Vázquez, "El federalismo mexicano, 1823-1847," in Federalismos latinoamericanos: México, Brasil, Argentina , ed. Marcelo Carmagnani (Mexico City, 1993), 15-50.

2. Justo Sierra, Evolución política del pueblo mexicano (Caracas, 1980), 287.

3. Regarding the regional and professional origins of this elite, as well as its political and economic unfolding, see François X. Guerra, México del antíguo régimen a la revolución , trans. Sergio Fernández Bravo, vol. 1 (Mexico City, 1988), 59-181; José C. Valadés, El porfirismo: Historia de un régimen , vol. 1 (Mexico City, 1987), 70-89; A. de Maria y Campos, "Porfirianos prominentes: Orígenes y años de juventud de ocho intelectuales del grupo de los científicos, 1846-1876," Historia Mexicana 34 (1985): 610-51.

4. For insights on the notion of aristocratic culture, see William H. Beezley, Judas at the Jockey Club and Other Episodes of Porfirian Mexico (Lincoln, Nebraska, 1987). See also the account of the nostalgia of the Porfirian belle époque in Carlos Tello Díaz, El exilio: Un relato de familia (Mexico City, 1993).

5. German Foreign Office papers, quoted by Friedrich Katz, "Mexico: Restored Republic and Porfiriato, 1867-1910," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , ed. L. Bethell, vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1986), 57.

6. By 1900, Guerra argues, 82 percent of the Porfirian elite were professionals: 57 percent, lawyers; 15 percent, medical doctors; and 10 percent, engineers. See Guerra, México , vol. 1, 65.

7. See Esther Acevedo, Catálogo del retrato del siglo XIX en el Museo Nacional de Historia (Mexico City, 1982); Enrique Krauze, Místico de la autoridad: Porfirio Díaz (Mexico City, 1987); and Alan Knight's comments on Diaz seen by foreigners as "probably all white" (Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution , vol. 1 [Cambridge, 1986], 3-4).

8. For the emergence and significance of this group within the Mexican liberal tradition, see Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , 3-13, 20-24, and chap. 2.

9. Justo Sierra, Evolución política del pueblo mexicano (Caracas, 1980), 265.

10. See Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , 3-8, 25-36.

11. Knight, Mexican Revolution , vol. 1, 15.

12. DO, 15 May 1889, 1.

13. On the concept of atomization, see Guerra, México , vol. 1, 46.

14. Compare Guerra's characterization of social actors in the Porfirian regime and the two types of solidarities—modern and traditional (ibid., 127-80).

13. On the concept of atomization, see Guerra, México , vol. 1, 46.

14. Compare Guerra's characterization of social actors in the Porfirian regime and the two types of solidarities—modern and traditional (ibid., 127-80).

15. Regarding the belief in Mexico's beauty and natural wealth, see Moisés González Navarro, HMM, El porfiriato: Vida social , 135-48. See also Cosío Villegas's explanation of the liberal consensus in the prosperity of Mexican lands: Daniel Cosío Villegas, "La riqueza legendaria de México," in Extremos de América , ed. Daniel Cosío Villegas (Mexico City, 1949), 82-111. For an analysis of the influence of this belief on the creation of a national literature, see Jorge Rueda de la Serna, Los orígenes de la visión paradisiáca de la naturaleza mexicana (Mexico City, 1987), 65-89.

16. See Leopoldo Zea's classic account of Mexican positivism: El positivismo en Méx-ico (Mexico City, 1968), originally published in 1943. A different perspective is in William D. Raat, El positivismo durante el porfiriato, 1876-1910 (Mexico City, 1975). For a deeper understanding of positivism vis-à-vis Darwinism and sciences in Mexico, see Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , chap. 7; Roberto Moreno, La polémica del darwinismo en México, siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1989); and M. González Navarro, Historia y sociología (Mexico City, 1970).

17. David Brading has examined lucidly the notion of criollo patriotism. See David

Brading, The Origins of Mexican Nationalism (Cambridge, 1985); and David Brading, Prophecy and Myth in Mexican History (Cambridge, 1984), esp. 37-53.

18. This is an important point that is often overlooked. For Mexico, see Hale's discussion of the influence of Emilio Castelar and the concept of an "age of eloquence" in Transformation of Liberalism , 40-43; and Hale, "Political and Social Ideas in Latin America, 1870-1930," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , ed. L. Bethell, vol. 4 (Cambridge, 1986), 367-441, 637-643. For analyses of these aspects in other Latin American historiographical traditions, see A. Woll, Functional Past: The Uses of History in Nineteenth-Century Chile (Baton Rouge, 1982); and Germán Colmenares, Las convenciones contra la cultura (Bogotá, 1987). See also Hugh Cunningham, "The Language of Patriotism, 1750-1914,'' History Workshop , no. 12 (1981): 1-32; and Josep M. Fradera, Cultura nacional en una societat dividida (Barcelona, 1992), 127-234.

19. Luis González, La ronda de las generaciones (Mexico City, 1984), 32.

20. Lucas Ayarragaray, "Porfirio Díaz," Revista de Derecho, Historia y Letras 10 (1901):428.

21. See Eugène-Melchior de Vogüé's passionate discussion of the pavilions of war and social economy in "Á travers l'Exposition. VII. La Guerre.-La Paix sociale," Revue des Deux Mondes 95 (October 1889):677-93.

22. As in many other realms, the history of the Mexican economy has put a strong emphasis on the Revolution of 1910 as a watershed. New histories are beginning to break this historiographic-political belief. In this regard, see John Womack, "The Mexican Economy during the Revolution, 1910-1920: Historiography and Analysis," Marxist Perspective 1 (1978):80-123; and Stephen Haber, "The Industrialization of Mexico: Historiography and Analysis" (1992), manuscript.

23. See Stephen Haber, "Assessing the Obstacles to Industrialization: The Mexican Economy, 1830-1940" (1991), manuscript, 1-2.

24. For an account of the economic difficulties and of the political consequences of these difficulties in the aftermath of the González era, see Don M. Coerver, The Porfirian Interregnum: The Presidency of Manuel Gonzalez of Mexico, 1880-1884 (Fort Worth, 1979), 187-230, 243-70.

25. In this regard, see the interesting analysis of the Porfirian elite management of both American and British interests (in economic, financial, and diplomatic terms) in Paolo Riguzzi, "México, Estados Unidos y Gran Bretaña, 1867-1910: Una difícil relación triangular," Historia Mexicana 41 (1992):365-436.

26. See Hilda Sánchez Martínez, "El sistema monetario y financiero mexicano bajo una perspectiva histórica: el porfiriato," in La banca, pasado y presente: Problemas financieros mexicanos , ed. José Miguel Quijano (Mexico City, 1983), 21. The growth of the textile industry in the 1890s was especially impressive, as Stephen Haber observed in "Industrialization of Mexico," 18, and in "Industrial Concentration and the Capital Markets: A Comparative Study of Brazil, Mexico, and the United States, 1830-1930," Journal of Economic History 51 (1991):575.

27. For the generational, professional, and political structure of the Porfirian elite, see Guerra, México , vol. 1, 58-125, appendix.

28. Rafael de Zayas Enríquez, Les États-Unis Mexicains (Mexico City, 1891), 231.

29. See, for instance, the Annuaire de l'Économie Politique et de la Statistique (Paris, 1889-1901); the American almanac Appletons' Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Im-

portant Events . . . 1889 (New York, 1890), 556-57; and the British one The Annual Register: A Review of Public Events at Home and Abroad, 1888 (London, 1889), 546.

30. See Riguzzi, "México, Estados Unidos y Gran Bretaña," 385-97, 420-27.

31. Archibald Dunn, Mexico and Her Resources (London, 1890), 3-4. For another example, see E. J. Howell, Mexico: Its Progress and Commercial Possibilities (London, 1892). For Howell's recommendations to British investors, see pp. 163-68.

32. HMM, El porfiriato: Vida política interior 1:690. See also José Luis Ceceña, Mé- xico en la órbita imperial (Mexico City, 1970), 49-101.

33. It was also influential in the agricultural sector, especially on sugar and rubber in Veracruz. See Sánchez Martínez, "El sistema monetario y financiero mexicano," 16-17. In 1938 Chávez Orozco estimated French investment in the oil and mining industries at 10,000 pesos for 1910, far below the 499,000 pesos invested by the United States and the 87,200,000 pesos invested by Great Britain. See Luis Chávez Orozco, Historia económica y social de México (Mexico City, 1938), 168.

34. L. N. D'Olwer, "X. Las inversiones extranjeras," in HMM, El porfiriato: Vida económica , 1018-23. See also J. Lejeune, Au Mexique (Paris, 1892). The author describes the significance of French people and investment in Mexico's urban life. The so-called almacenes de novedades were monopolized by French merchants: in 1891 they owned 70. French investment and imports, as well as Mexico's exports to France, presented a decreasing tendency throughout the Porfirian period. See A. Genin, Les Français au Mexique (Mexico City, 1910); and Rosenzweig, in HMM, El porfiriato: Vida económica , 635-720.

35. F. Bianconi, Le Mexique a la portée des industriels, des capitalistes, des négotiants, importateurs et exportateurs et des travailleurs avec une carte du Mexique commerciale, boutiére, miniére et agricole (Paris, 1989), 7-10.

36. See Haber, "Industrialization of Mexico," 10-11.

37. See Ricardo de Maria y Campos, Datos Mercantiles, compilados por Ricardo de Maria y Campos (Mexico City, 1889). De Maria y Campos revised this study for the 1900 Paris fair as Renseignements commerciaux sur les États-Unis Mexicains (Mexico City, 1899). The revision was better organized and more comprehensive (see pp. 51-214).

38. See chapter 10; and González Navarro, HMM, 102-33.

39. México, Secretaría de Fomento, Memoria, 1877-1882 , vol. 1; Coerver, Porfirian Interregnum , 210-16; and González Navarro, HMM 4:134-52. For a recent account of the complex role played by land-survey companies, see Robert Holden, Mexico and the Survey of Public Lands: The Management of Modernization, 1876-1911 (DeKalb, Illinois, 1994).

40. In his book for Mexico's display at Paris 1889, García Cubas gave examples of successful colonias . See Antonio García Cubas, Étude géographique statistique descriptive et historique des États-Unis Mexicains (Mexico City, 1889).

41. González Navarro estimated that 48,000 foreigners resided in Mexico in 1895; by 1910 there were 116,527, of which only 9 percent were in the agricultural sector. Hence immigration was never as expected, and it was especially insignificant in Mexico's agricultural development. See González Navarro, HMM 4:184.

42. See, as an example, Zayas Enríquez, Les États-Unis Mexicains .

43. García Cubas, Etude géographique , 650, an updated version in French of Antonio García Cubas, Cuadro geográfico y estadístico, descriptivo e histórico de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos (Mexico City, 1884), which was prepared for the 1884 New Orleans

fair. See also the favorable opinion of Mexico's condition for investment in Dreyfus's article on Mexico and Chile in Paris 1889 in L'Économiste Français , 23 August 1890.

44. Clement Bertier-Marriot, Un parisien au Mexique (Paris, 1886), 59-61. The author was the envoy of LeFigaro at the inauguration of the railroad line between Mexico City and New York City. The book included some presumed salaries offered in Mexico for workers: for example, 7 francs for a carpenter, and 2.50 francs for a female dressmaker.

45. Dunn, Mexico and Her Resources .

46. See, for example, Eugenio Martuscelli, Apunti sul Messico (Naples, 1892). See also E. Chabrand, De Barcelonette au Mexique (Paris, 1892), in which the author glorifies Mexico's progress in only a few years; and A Gringo, Through the Land of the Aztecs or Life and Travel in Mexico (n.p., 1892).

47. See Justo Sierra's commentary on the proposal made by Zayas Enríquez for a Memoria , EXP, Box 18, Exp. 8. In it, Sierra stated that Mexico's display ought to show that Mexico had come to " el fin de nuestra primera gran etapa en el camino del progreso positivo. "

48. See González Navarro, HMM 4:134-84.

49. Francisco Pimentel, "La colonización negra," in Obras completas , vol. 5 (Mexico City, 1904), 511, 513.

50. See Moisés González Navarro, "Las ideas raciales de los científicos, 1890-1910," Historia Mexicana 37, 4 (1988):575.

51. See the study by José Maria Romero, Dictamen del vocal ingeniero . . . encargado de estudiar la influencia social y económica de la inmigración asiática en México (Mexico City, 1911). In 1889 a Tratado de amistad, navegación y comercio was signed with China, and more immigration was allowed. Chinese immigration increased, and in 1904 a commission assigned to study it, headed by José Covarrubias, concluded that Chinese immigrants would never assimilate into the Mexican nationality. Overall, there was a consensus on the inferiority of the Chinese race. See González Navarro, HMM 4:166-68; and González Navarro, "Las ideas raciales," 576.

52. See the pamphlet, Argentina, République Argentine: La Vie sociale et la vie légale des étrangers (Paris, 1889). This book was for sale in the Argentine pavilion.

53. For Vasconcelos, Argentina and the United States were more successful than Mexico was in attracting immigrants, largely because of their more democratic regimes. See José Vasconcelos, Breve historia de Mexico (Mexico City, 1937), 501-19.

1. This motto was inscribed on the medals awarded at the 1851 London exhibition.

2. México, Secretaría de Fomento, Anales de la Secretaría de Fomento 1 (1877-1882):413-14.

3. See Paolo Riguzzi, "Míxico próspero: Las dimensiones de la imagen nacional en el porfiriato," Historias , no. 20 (1988):137-60; G. Yeager, "Porfirian Commercial Propaganda: Mexico in the World Industrial Expositions," The Americas 34 (October 1977):230-43; and María de la Concepción de la Fuente Salceda, ''La participación de México en la Exposición Universal de Filadelfia 1876" (Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Iberoamericana, 1984).

4. These two long letters can be found in manuscript form (annotated and in

full) in EXP, Box 79, Exp. 1, 10-100. Also, they were published, with several corrections, as Gabriel Mancera, Informes que el C. Gabriel Mancera comisionado especial de la junta de exposiciones en los Estados Unidos de Norte-América y miembro de ella rinde sobre el desempeño de su cargo (Mexico City, 1875).

5. El Siglo XIX , 1 January 1875.

6. Translated from The Athenian of New York, published by El Proteccionista , 13 July 1876, and reproduced in de la Fuente Salceda, "La participación de México," 298 (my translation).

7. Translated from The Standard of London by El Federalista , 25 August 1876 and reproduced in ibid., 302 (my translation).

8. For a description of the particular space occupied by Mexico, see ibid., 37-38, 56-58. In addition to the Mexican exhibit in the main building of the Philadelphia fair, Mexico displayed some photographs—attributed to the Mexican photographers Cruces and Campa at the Art Gallery (ibid., 61).

9. According to de la Fuente Salceda (ibid., 92), 90,000 pesos had been spent on the building that had been constructed for the National Exposition of 1875. These figures are not reliable, for 300,000 pesos seems to be an inflated figure vis-à-vis the dimensions and size of Mexico's display at Philadelphia.

10. El Eco de Ambos Mundos , 14 January 1875, quoted in ibid., 77.

6. Translated from The Athenian of New York, published by El Proteccionista , 13 July 1876, and reproduced in de la Fuente Salceda, "La participación de México," 298 (my translation).

7. Translated from The Standard of London by El Federalista , 25 August 1876 and reproduced in ibid., 302 (my translation).

8. For a description of the particular space occupied by Mexico, see ibid., 37-38, 56-58. In addition to the Mexican exhibit in the main building of the Philadelphia fair, Mexico displayed some photographs—attributed to the Mexican photographers Cruces and Campa at the Art Gallery (ibid., 61).

9. According to de la Fuente Salceda (ibid., 92), 90,000 pesos had been spent on the building that had been constructed for the National Exposition of 1875. These figures are not reliable, for 300,000 pesos seems to be an inflated figure vis-à-vis the dimensions and size of Mexico's display at Philadelphia.

10. El Eco de Ambos Mundos , 14 January 1875, quoted in ibid., 77.

6. Translated from The Athenian of New York, published by El Proteccionista , 13 July 1876, and reproduced in de la Fuente Salceda, "La participación de México," 298 (my translation).

7. Translated from The Standard of London by El Federalista , 25 August 1876 and reproduced in ibid., 302 (my translation).

8. For a description of the particular space occupied by Mexico, see ibid., 37-38, 56-58. In addition to the Mexican exhibit in the main building of the Philadelphia fair, Mexico displayed some photographs—attributed to the Mexican photographers Cruces and Campa at the Art Gallery (ibid., 61).

9. According to de la Fuente Salceda (ibid., 92), 90,000 pesos had been spent on the building that had been constructed for the National Exposition of 1875. These figures are not reliable, for 300,000 pesos seems to be an inflated figure vis-à-vis the dimensions and size of Mexico's display at Philadelphia.

10. El Eco de Ambos Mundos , 14 January 1875, quoted in ibid., 77.

6. Translated from The Athenian of New York, published by El Proteccionista , 13 July 1876, and reproduced in de la Fuente Salceda, "La participación de México," 298 (my translation).

7. Translated from The Standard of London by El Federalista , 25 August 1876 and reproduced in ibid., 302 (my translation).

8. For a description of the particular space occupied by Mexico, see ibid., 37-38, 56-58. In addition to the Mexican exhibit in the main building of the Philadelphia fair, Mexico displayed some photographs—attributed to the Mexican photographers Cruces and Campa at the Art Gallery (ibid., 61).

9. According to de la Fuente Salceda (ibid., 92), 90,000 pesos had been spent on the building that had been constructed for the National Exposition of 1875. These figures are not reliable, for 300,000 pesos seems to be an inflated figure vis-à-vis the dimensions and size of Mexico's display at Philadelphia.

10. El Eco de Ambos Mundos , 14 January 1875, quoted in ibid., 77.

6. Translated from The Athenian of New York, published by El Proteccionista , 13 July 1876, and reproduced in de la Fuente Salceda, "La participación de México," 298 (my translation).

7. Translated from The Standard of London by El Federalista , 25 August 1876 and reproduced in ibid., 302 (my translation).

8. For a description of the particular space occupied by Mexico, see ibid., 37-38, 56-58. In addition to the Mexican exhibit in the main building of the Philadelphia fair, Mexico displayed some photographs—attributed to the Mexican photographers Cruces and Campa at the Art Gallery (ibid., 61).

9. According to de la Fuente Salceda (ibid., 92), 90,000 pesos had been spent on the building that had been constructed for the National Exposition of 1875. These figures are not reliable, for 300,000 pesos seems to be an inflated figure vis-à-vis the dimensions and size of Mexico's display at Philadelphia.

10. El Eco de Ambos Mundos , 14 January 1875, quoted in ibid., 77.

11. "Mexico at the Centennial," NYT, 1 April 1876, quoted in Paul A. Tenkotte, "Kaleidoscopes of the World: International Exhibitions and the Concept of Cultural Space, 1851-1915," American Studies 28, 1 (1987):5.

12. In 1885 another fair, in which Mexico also participated, took place in New Orleans, organized by railroad companies. It was known as the North, Central, and South American Exposition.

13. John Allwood, The Great Exhibitions (London, 1977), 74. See also Findling, Historical Dictionary , 86-90.

14. Sebastián B. de Mier, México en la Exposición Universal Internacional de París—1900 (Mexico City, 1901), 6.

15. Godoy (1851-1930) wrote semiofficial laudatory books on Mexico for several universal exhibitions, as well as biographies and directories of great men. He was a writer for the Two Republics and La Patria . He participated in various world's fairs as part of Mexican commissions and wrote several books for the Mexican government in both Spanish and English, including a Spanish and English biography of Porfirio Díaz: José Francisco Godoy, Porfirio Dîaz, President of Mexico (San Francisco, 1910). Among his books on fairs are México en Parí; México en Sevilla (Mexico City, 1928); and La ciudad de Chicago y la Exposición Universal de 1893 . In addition, he participated in the preparation of Mexico, Comisión de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos para la Exposición Pan-Americana de Buffalo, Nueva York, A Few Facts about Mexico (Mexico City, 1901). See also José Francisco Godoy, Enciclopedia biográfica de contemporáneos (Washington, 1898). In 1929 Godoy was still an active journalist, writing efemérides in Mexico City's newspaper Excélsior .

16. Santiago Ramírez, Noticia histórica de la riqueza minera de México y de su actual estado de explotación . . . (Mexico City, 1884). The first pages stated that it was a "special report on the occasion of the New Orleans Industrial and Cotton Exhibition, 1884-1885."

17. Rydell, All the World's a Fair , 90-94.

18. BEMP 2 (1888):149. For Mexican expenditures at the New Orleans fair, see EXP, Box 78, Exp. 3, 9; Box 71, Exp. 1-11, 17-24, 25-33, 34-41; Box 72, Exp. 1-23, 24, 25-28, 29-30 ( cuentas ); Box 73 ( cuentas ), Exp. 5-7, 1-4.

19. See, for example, how the French-speaking media praised Mexico for its state-sponsored policies of industrial development: L'Abbeille , March 1885, included in a report sent by Lancaster, EXP, Box 79, Exp. 1, 139-142.

20. This building was later dismantled and reerected on the central Alameda of Mexico City. Later, the monument to Benito Juárez was put on the same site. There were plans to locate the Juárez monument facing the Palacio Nacional. Thanks to Limantour's influential opposition, it was finally placed on Avenida Juárez. Ibarrola's building was moved to the Alameda of the suburb of Santa María la Ribera, where it is still visible today. See Fausto Ramírez, "Vertientes nacionalistas en el modernismo," in El nacionalismo en el arte mexicano (IX Coloquio de Historia del Arte ) (Mexico City, 1986), 111-67; see also EXP, Box 79, Exp. l, 152-53.

21. For the influence of the Philadelphia architectural style in Latin American countries, especially Brazil, see Pesavento, "Exposições universais," 63-87.

22. A copy of the contract is in EXP, Box 78, Exp. 2.

23. Findling, Historical Dictionary , 89.

24. This was a steamship, owned by the Compañía Mexicana de Navegación (EXP, Box 71, Exp. 11).

25. For the Mexican exhibitors in New Orleans, see EXP, Box 74, Exp. 1-13, 14-33, 34-54; Box 75, Exp. 36-41, 1-20, 21-35, 43-59 ( envíos ), 60 ( contingente from Chihuahua).

26. For the works and organization of the New Orleans fair, see the minutes of the commission's meetings in Libro de Juntas Exposición Universal de Nueva Orleans 1884-1885 , meetings from 15 March 1884 to 18 November 1884, EXP, Box 73, Exp. 8-9. For a complete list of prizes, see DO, 25 November 1886, 2-4. The awards were distributed by Porfirio Díaz on 5 February 1887, in Mexico City, together with the prizes obtained by Mexicans at the Buenos Aires Continental Exhibition (EXP, Box 78, Exp. 10).

27. According to Escandón, Mexico had 50 square meters at the 1851 London fair (Pedro de Escandón, La industria y las bellas artes en la Exposición Universal de 1855 [Paris, 1856], 12).

28. Bullock had established the famous Egyptian Hall of London, in which numerous exhibitions, panoramas, and exotic products were presented to the European public. He traveled to Mexico in 1822 and brought a cast of the Calendar Stone, carvings, models of tombs, manuscripts, codices, life-size reproductions of Mexican fruits and vegetables, thousands of specimens of birds and fishes, and minerals. See William Bullock, A Description of the Unique Exhibition, Called Ancient Mexico (London, 1824); and William Bullock, Six Months' Residence and Travels in Mexico (London, 1824). For some data and pictures of these exhibitions, see Hugh Honour, The New Golden Land (New York, 1975), 183-85; and Richard D. Altick, The Shows of London (Cambridge, 1978), 246-48.

29. Escandón, La industria y las bellas artes , 12.

30. Ibid., 8-11.

31. Escandón, La industria y las bellas artes , 14. Adorno managed to publish in Paris

a pamphlet related to his musical machine: Mela g raphie, ou nouvelle notation musicale par Juan N. Adorno (Paris, 1855).

32. See the various entries for Adorno in the Patentes y Marcas; his Resumen ordenado de las discusiones pronunciadas por el ciudadano Juan Nepomuceno Adorno ante los ciudadanos redactores y editores de la prensa periódica (Mexico City, 1873); and his Acerca de la hidrografía, meteorología, seguridad hidrogénica y salubridad higiénica del valle y en especial de la Capital de México (Mexico City, 1865). See also Ramón Sánchez Flores, Historia de la tecnología y la invención en México (Mexico City, 1980), 259 ff.; Pablo Gonzalez Casanova, Una utopia de América (Mexico City, 1953), 31-59; and the comments on and catalogue of Patentes y Marcas by Jorge A. Sobernis, "Catálogo de patentes de invención en México durante el siglo XIX (1840-1900)" (Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1989), 109-12.

33. Escandón, La industria y las bellas artes , 11-25.

34. EXP, Box 102, Exp. 9 contains an inventory that must have been prepared some time after Mexico's attendance at the 1900 Paris fair and was very likely ordered by Sebastián B. de Mier in the course of writing his own report on Mexico's participation. (Hereafter I refer to this document as Inventario.) The Inventario includes some evidence of Mexico's participation in various European and American fairs, but the actual documents are lost.

35. See Honour, New Golden Land , 183-85; and Daniel Schálvelzon, "El pabellón Xochicalco en la exposición internacional de París de 1867," in La polémica del arte nacional en México, 1850-1910 , ed. Daniel Schálvelzon (Mexico City, 1988), 1657-70. Schálvelzon considers the 1867 Xochicalco replica as the direct precursor of the Mexican Aztec palace in Paris 1889. But in fact the French models of the Xochicalco building (made by the French engineer Leon Mehédin) were not even considered to picture Mexico at the 1889 world's fair, though they were proposed by Ramón Fernández (SRE leg. 1103). In this regard, see minutes of 2 June 1888, reproduced in Godoy, México en París , 75. For Leon Meh í din's models of Xochicalco, see BEMP 1 (1888): 228-32.

36. F. Ducuing, "Exposition Universelle de 1867 Illustrée" (Paris, n.d.), 46; quoted in Le Livre des expositions universelles, 1851-1989 , 46.

37. HMM 2:639.

38. According to Yeager, Mexico did take part in the 1878 Paris fair. However, there is no evidence that Mexico had an official presence there. UIA-Díaz 29:132 contains some evidence regarding an article in the New York Herald which argued that in 1876 Mexico had been informed of but not officially invited to the Paris fair of 1878. Nevertheless, some Mexican private exhibitors may have attended the fair (Yeager, "Porfirian Commercial Propaganda," 230-43).

39. See Yeager, "Porfirian Commercial Propaganda," 234-35. Mexico also joined the International Electricity Congress in Paris in 1881. See Anales de la Secretaría de Fomento 1 (1877-1882):416-17. For the Berlin fair, see also SRE 19-22-14.

40. Evidence of temporary and permanent fairs can be found in SRE, as follows: permanent exhibition of Mexican products in Austria-Hungary, 187?, 19-20-72; Museo de Productos Mexicanos en el Consulado de México en 1900, 19-22-53; Museo de Productos Mexicanos en Guatemala, 1902, 19-22-66; project to establish various Mexican exhibits in numerous European cities, 1882, 19-22-48; project to

celebrate the fourth centennial of Columbus's arrival with an International Exhibition in Mexico, 1892, 15-2-18; permanent coffee exhibit in New York, 1882, 19-22-16; and report on the exhibition of Mexican products in Liverpool, 1902-1903, 20-23-31.

41. EXP, Box 11, Exp. 12.

42. SRE 19-22-58.

43. See Zamacona, Carta reservada , 29 May 1879, SRE 19-22-58. In this regard, see Cosío Villegas's consideration of Zamacona's "lobbying" for the Diaz regime in the United States in Daniel Cosío Villegas, Estados Unidos contra Porfirio Díaz (Mexico City, 1956), 211.

44. EXP, Box 99, Exp. 1, p. 5 and charts.

45. El Faro , 19 March 1889. Reprinted as Antonio de Medina y Ormaechea, Ini-ciativa para celebrar el Primer Centenario de la Independencia de México con una Exposición Universal (Mexico City, 1893), 15-19, 25-51. Medina y Ormaechea continued to push for the celebration of such a world's fair in Mexico City and printed the pamphlet La Exposición Universal del Primer Centenario Mexicano (Mexico City, 1894).

46. Medina y Ormaechea, Iniciativa, 16. By 1900 El Diario del Hogar was advocating Medina's idea, but on 5 May it announced his death.

47. Gran Exposición Internacional de México que se abrirá el día 15 de septiembre de 1895 y que se clausurará el día 3 de abril de 1896 (Mexico City, 1894), 3-10. See also Agreement Made between Mr. John R. Dos Passos, as Legal Representative of the Mexican National Exposition and Land Company, and Vicomte R. de Cornely, in San Francisco, México , 22 April 1896, in EXP, Box 99, Exp. 1; and México, Secretaría de Fomento, Anales de la Secretaría de Fomento, 1897-1900 (Mexico City, 1908).

48. In fact, Bolivia was promoting the creation of such a union for the 1889 event. See the Guatemalan communication: Carta confidencial sobre la próxima Exposición Internacional de París , Legación de Guatemala en París, El Guatemalteco. Diario Oficial , no. 56 (1889):445.

49. Le Temps , 29 January 1887, reproduced France's official invitation to Mexico.

50. For responses to invitations by various Mexican states, see BEMP 1 (1888):27-41.

51. Lucia Robina, Reconciliación de México y Francia (1870-1880 ) (Mexico City, 1963); HMM 2:639-714.

52. Acuerdo Presidencial , 20 January 1888.

53. From 1887 to the beginning of 1889, the various states responded to the Secretaría de Fomento. For an account of products promised by the states, see Godoy, México en París , 39-41.

1. For an analysis of the confrontation of modern and traditional solidarities and links, see Guerra, México , vol. 1, 58-245; and Fernando Escalante, Ciudadanos imaginarios (Mexico City, 1993), 21-53.

2. In January 1888 a commission, consisting of Carlos R. Ruiz, Luis Salazar, and José Ramírez, was appointed to prepare a budget (EXP, Box 4, Exp. 1). For the analysis of the personnel of the Mexican exhibit at the 1889 Paris fair, I am depending on archival evidence. However, both Godoy ( México en París ) and the BEMP reproduced

various documents. I compared the BEMP's and Godoy's evidence with my own findings in order to present the best possible information.

3. EXP, Box 1, Exp. 7.

4. EXP, Box 2, Exp. 12.

5. DO, 9 February 1888.

6. EXP, Box 4, Exp. 1, pp. 1-5.

7. This is close to the figures reproduced in México, Tesorería General de la Federación, Contaduría de la Federación: Cuenta Pública (Mexico City, 1889-1890), under the name Cuenta de egresos Número 102, Gastos para la exposición de París . According to this cuenta , the expenses were 328,024.74 pesos and the budget approved was 450,000.00 pesos.

8. The intermediary agent between Mexico and the Mexican Commission in France was Eduardo Santos y Cía. For cuentas and expenses see EXP, Box 13, Exps. 1, 2; Box 14, Exps. 1, 4; Box 17, Exp. 3; Box 18, Exps. 1, 3, 6; Box 12, Exp. 1; Box 16, Exp. 3.

9. Argentina was second, with 3.2 million francs, and the United States was third, with 1.125 million francs (RUP 9:360).

10. EXP, Box 2, Exp. 6.

11. Among them, Francisco Diaz Covarrubias (Mexican consul in Paris), Gustavo Baz (first secretary of the Mexican embassy in Paris), Antonio Mier y Celis, José Yves Limantour, Julio Limantour (attaché of the Mexican diplomatic mission in Paris), and Rafael de Zayas Enríquez. See Díaz Mimiaga's report, EXP, Box 12, Exp. 6, pp. 15a-16.

12. In fact, Santiago Rebull, a distinguished painter of classical subjects during the second half of the nineteenth century, was originally appointed chief in 1888, but he declined the offer, claiming bad health. See BEMP 1 (1888):282. See also Carta a Fomento , 21 January 1889, EXP, Box 2, Exp. 7.

13. EXP, Box 7, Exp. 9.

14. EXP, Box 5, Exp. 20.

15. EXP, Box 4, Exp. 26.

16. For instance, see C. Romero Rubio's lobbying in favor of publicist Salvador Quevedo y Zubieta in EXP, Box 3, Exp. 6.

17. EXP, Box 5, Exp. 19.

18. Others personalities that were part of the team were Dr. José D. Morales and inventor Maximino Río de la Loza (EXP, Box 6, Exp. 12).

19. His family ran a well-known candy business in Mexico. He published books, such as Estudio sobre las razas mexicanas (1885), Po è mes aztèques (1890), and Notes sur le Mexique (1910); he translated the works of Antonio Peñafiel and Rafael de Zayas En-ríquez for the 1889 exposition; and he was the editor of the Boletín de la Exposición Mexicana en París (1888-1891). In addition, he was a wealthy entrepreneur and a merchant, involved in the Cámara Francesa de Comercio de México, the Bank of London and Mexico, the Compañía Cigarrera Mexicana, the Cervecería Moctezuma, the Compaõía de las Fábricas de Papel San Rafael y Anexas, and, as agent, El Palacio de Hierro. See Alberto Maréa Carreño, "Augusto Genin: In Memoriam," in Semblanzas , vol. 2 (Mexico City, n.d.), 252-69; and Luis Everaert Dubernard, México 1900 (Mexico City, 1994), which includes some data taken from Genin's personal papers.

20. EXP, Box 6, Exp. 12.

21. México, Secretaréa de Fomento, Reglamento económico (Mexico City, 1989), 4.

22. EXP, Box 5, Exp. 24.

23. DO, 27 June 1888, Jalisco's exhibition. See also Presidential Address to the 14th Congress, DO, 17 September 1888; and DO, 25 October 1888, Morelos's exhibition.

24. DO, 13 September 1888.

25. Article 12 of the Mexican Reglamento económico . Originally, it was also established that each group had to write a report on its activities.

26. The principal receivers of Mexican material were the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris and the British Library of the British Museum in London. Special collections of medical, chemical, biological, and ethnographic material were sent to the Pasteur Institute, the University of London, the Austrian Museum, and the Trocadero Museum in Paris. The University of Texas at Austin and the University of California at Berkeley (especially the Bancroft Library) also contain numerous examples of these materials.

27. See the annotated circular signed by Gilberto Crespo, Ferrari Pérez, and Manuel Flores in March 1888. In the notes at the margins, it is possible to observe the way in which the work of producing the image of the modern nation was divided (EXP, Box 1, Exp. 18, pp. 8-9).

28. DO, 21 September 1888.

29. See, for instance, the letter to Pacheco by the community of Cuautempan, Puebla in EXP, Box 8, Exp. 17.

30. García Cubas, Étude , v.

31. Annotated circular in EXP, Box 1, Exp. 18, pp. 8-9.

32. Annotated circular in ibid.

33. Ibid.

34. Bodo von Glümer, Cuadro estadístico de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos: Formado con datos oficiales y par disposición de la Secretaría de Estado y del Despacho de Hacienda y Crédito Público (Mexico City, 1882).

35. EXP, Box 1, Exp. 18, pp. 68-81.

36. See DO, 21 March 1889; documents reproduced in Godoy, México en París , 184-90.

37. For instance, there is evidence of the shipment of at least 744 samples of Maria y Campos's book in the steamship Ville Marseille (EXP, Box 8, Exp. 29).

38. Mexico published its own catalogue in French and Spanish. See France, Ministère du Commerce et de 1'Industrie, Exposition Universelle Internationale de 1889. Direction Générale de l'Exposition. Adjudication du Catalogue Général (Paris, 1888); and Mé-xico, Exposition Universelle International de Paris 1889, Catalogue officiel de l'Exposition de la République Mexicaine (Paris, 1889).

39. Velasco won a prize at the 1876 Philadelphia exhibit. At the 1878 Paris exposition he also displayed his paintings (at the Spanish section, since Mexico did not join that fair). See Fausto Ramírez, "Acotaciones iconográficas a la evolución de episodios y localidades en los paisajes de José María Velasco," in José María Velasco: Homenaje , ed. Fausto Ramírez (Mexico City, 1989), 43. See also chapter 7.

40. Notwithstanding, Pedro Calvo, Johann Moritz Rugendas, and Daniel Thomas Egerton preceded Velasco in landscape painting in Mexico. See Xavier Moyssén, "El dibujo de José María Velasco," in ibid., 8.

39. Velasco won a prize at the 1876 Philadelphia exhibit. At the 1878 Paris exposition he also displayed his paintings (at the Spanish section, since Mexico did not join that fair). See Fausto Ramírez, "Acotaciones iconográficas a la evolución de episodios y localidades en los paisajes de José María Velasco," in José María Velasco: Homenaje , ed. Fausto Ramírez (Mexico City, 1989), 43. See also chapter 7.

40. Notwithstanding, Pedro Calvo, Johann Moritz Rugendas, and Daniel Thomas Egerton preceded Velasco in landscape painting in Mexico. See Xavier Moyssén, "El dibujo de José María Velasco," in ibid., 8.

41. See Luis Islas García, Velasco: Pintor Cristiano (Mexico City, 1932); and the various essays on Velasco in Ramírez, Josí María Velasco: Homenaje . While I was revising this manuscript, Mexico City's Museo Nacional de Arte published a handsome two-volume catalogue of a national homage to Velasco. These volumes include important data on Velasco's life and significance in Mexican art. See México, Museo Nacional de Arte, Homenaje nacional a José María Velasco (1840-1912 ), 2 vols. (Mexico City, 1993).

42. EXP, Box 2, Exp. 14.

43. EXP, Box 6, Exp. 12.

44. See Acta de sesión , 18 May 1889, EXP, Box 12, Exp. 3.

45. Velasco exhibited paintings in both the railroad section and the industry section. See México, Catalogue officiel de l'Exposition de la République Mexicaine . See also two long reports on the Mexican exhibition: one by Léon Cahun in Le Phare de la Loire , "L'Exposition Universelle. Le Mexique" (20 June 1889); and the article in La Presse Industrielle , 4 July 1889, reproduced in Godoy, México en París , 270-75. In January 1889 the DO announced that Mexico City's delegation sent Alberto Herrera's canvas of the Cuauhtémoc monument (DO, 25 January 1889); Gabriel Guerra proposed to send a replica of Cuauhtémoc. See BEMP 1 (1888):154-55; and, for the contract to make this replica for 950 pesos in January 1888, see BEMP 1 (1888):212-14. Another sculptor, Gabriel Guerra, also exhibited a bust of Porfirio Díaz.

46. DO, 17 April 1888.

47. DO, 17 April 1888.

48. See Sierra's allusion to his 1900 visit to the world's fair, in his 1910 welcome speech for the participants in the Congress of Americanists, held in Mexico City (Sierra, Obras completas [Mexico City, 1948], vol. 5, 253-56). For a description of Sierra's fascination with the 1900 Paris fair, see Claude Dumas, Justo Sierra y el México de su tiempo, 1848-1912 , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1986), 20, 34-35.

49. See, for example, "Chronique de l'Exposition," Le Temps , 24 August 1889.

50. DO, 17 April 1888.

51. Zárate, in a document reproduced in Godoy, México en París , 104.

52. For an analysis of the role played by statistics in the general modern image, see chapter 8.

53. Reproduced in Godoy, Míxico en París , 103-6.

54. See RUP 6 (Groups 5 and 7).

55. See UIA-Díaz 842, Box 18, L. 40, Catálogo de la colección mineral del General Porfirio Díaz .

56. According to Argentine reports of mining exhibits, Mexico's mining display was especially impressive and included gold, copper, silver, and onyx. See Argentina, Exposition Universelle, 1889, Argentine Republic: Colección de informes reunidos , vol. 1 (Paris, 1890), 130-31. This report also included Mexican companies per state, with value of production (p. 131).

57. Ignacio Mariscal's letter to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, reproduced in México, Secretaría de Fomento, Documentos relativos a la venta de tabacos mexicanos en la Exposición Internacional de París, en 1889 (Mexico City, 1889), 14.

58. DO, 4 February 1890.

59. Mexico was second only to France in the total of products exhibited: France had 27,201; Mexico, 3,206.

60. See Gibbs's study of Porfirian propaganda in the United States between 1877 and 1878: William E. Gibbs, "Díaz' Executive Agents and United States Foreign Policy," Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 20, 2 (1978):165-89.

61. In this regard, see Paolo Riguzzi, "México próspero: Las dimensiones de la imagen nacional en el porfiriato," Histarias , no. 20 (1988):137-57.

62. EXP, Box 8, Exp. 19. About Godoy's propaganda books on Mexico's presence at world's fairs, see chapter 3.

63. About this book, see also EXP, Box 11, Exp. 7, in which Godoy requested economic support for its project. See Godoy, México en París .

64. EXP, Box 8, Exp. 19; Ireneo Paz, Los hombres prominentes de México , 4 vols. (Mexico City, 1888). A French journalist, J. L. Regagnón, was paid to write the French part, and José Francisco Godoy prepared the English part.

65. Paz invited Riva Palacio to add his name by paying a "subscription" of 50 pesos. See Paz's letter to Vicente Riva Palacio, 1 September 1887, Vicente Riva Palacio's letters, Genaro García Collection, University of Texas at Austin. For data about Paz's book, see Juan Bautista Iguiniz, Bibliografía biográfica mexicana (Mexico City, 1969). For the prize awarded to Paz's book, see México, Secretaría de Fomento, Lista de los premios y recompensas obtenidos por México en la Exposición de París de 1889 (Mexico City, 1891).

66. EXP, Box 8, Exp. 19. See Manuel de Olaguibel, Memoria para una bibliografía científica de México en el siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1889).

67. Some 10,000 copies of each issue were published, at a cost of 600 francs per issue. See Actas de sesión , 15 July 1889, EXP, Box 12, Exp. 3.

68. The book, which appeared in 1889, was published in Paris by Imprimerie et Librairie Centrales. Bianconi was financed by the Mexican government, though I have not been able to determine the total amount of money he received. For specific payments to Bianconi, see Sesión , 11 May 1889, EXP, Box 12, Exp. 3; BEMP 3 (1889):794-96; and BEMP 5 (1889):476.

69. BEMP 1 (1888):182-85.

70. E. Levasseur, ed., Le Mexique au début du XXe siècle , 2 vols. (Paris, 1904).

71. See Reclus, L'Homme et la terre .

72. There are few bibliographical data about this character, who played a role in various Mexican international displays. He seems to have been extremely well connected in international propaganda circles. Justo Sierra refers to him as El Barón and as " enfant du pavé flâneur, " who authored humorous texts. He argued that Gostkowski went from bohemian to entrepreneur. See the article in El Federalista , 20 June 1874, reproduced in Justo Sierra, Obras completas , vol. 3, ed. Agustín Yáñez (Mexico City, 1948), 177-80.

73. EXP, Box 12, Exp. 2.

74. See EXP, Box 15, Exp. 2, for various clippings. He received 1,561 francs.

75. Gustave Gostkowski, Au Mexique (Paris, 1900).

76. Ramón Fernández wrote to Porfirio Díaz that Díaz Mimiaga did not handle the propaganda well. He believed that the money disbursed in this regard was " mal-gastado. " See UIA-Díaz, L. 14, C. 25, 12492-505.

77. See Diaz Mimiaga's report in EXP, Box 12, Exp. 6.

78. Ibid.

79. EXP, Box 9, Exp. 10.

80. See Paz, Los hombres prominentes de México . It has not been easy to find bibliographical data on Diaz Mimiaga. See José C. Valadés, El Porfirismo , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1987), 157; and Luis G. Zorrilla, Relaciones de México con la República de Centro América y con Guatemala (Mexico City, 1984), 495. All of these authors point out Diaz Mimiaga's difficult personality.

81. Díaz Mimiaga, 1849-1891, according to Manuel Mestre Ghigliazza, Efemérides biográficas (Mexico City, 1945).

82. EXP, Box 6, Exp. 8.

83. See Acta de sesión , 8 May 1889. Díaz Mimiaga complained that Bablot sent the minutes without his signature and censorship (EXP, Box 12, Exp. 3). See also Acta de sesión , 3 June 1889, EXP, Box 12, Exp. 3.

84. See Bablot's full report, copy to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, in which he explained his motivations for arranging a scientific meeting with Latin American specialists: Letter, 19 August 1889, SRE Le. 1104, pp. 276-88.

85. See Informe detallado por orden de fechas, relativo a diversas trabajos, principalmente de escultura y fundición artística, y que rinde el que subscribe . . . ," Ramón Fernández, 21 November 1889, IPBA, Box 5, Exp. 18. In this regard, see also Fausto Ramírez, "Dioses, héroes y reyes mexicanos en Paris 1889," in Historia, leyendas y mitos de México (Mexico City, 1988), 215.

86. For Contreras's plans with French engineer Colibert, and his petition for 220,000 francs, see BEMP 1 (1888):188-94.

87. EXP, Box 13, Exp. 4, PP. 8-101. All of the quotations concerning the conflict were taken from this document.

88. Manuel Gutiérrez Najera, "Alfredo Bablot," in Obras críticas y literarias , vol. 1 (Mexico City, 1959), 468-69. This was a panegyric for Bablot, who died in 1894.

89. See Justo Sierra's account of his travels, Viajes en Tierra Yankee, en la Europa Latina , in Justo Sierra, Obras completas , vol. 6, ed. José Luis Martinez (Mexico City, 1948), 15-61.

1. José Martí, La edad de oro (Río Piedras, 1971), 111-12. In 1889 José Martí wrote a children's magazine, La Edad de Oro , which used the 1889 Paris fair as a way to explain the modern world to Latin American children. It is not clear whether Martí learned about the Paris fair through books and periodicals or visited the fair. His descriptions are rich in detail. I thank José Prieto for having referred me to Martí.

2. DO, 15 June 1888. About this building, and from a knowledgeable, artistic point of view, Fausto Ramirez has written two indispensable essays: "Vertientes nacionalistas en el modernismo"; and "Dioses, héroes y reyes mexicanos en París, 1889." Daniel Schávelzon reprinted some of the documents that dealt directly with the debate about the Mexican Aztec Palace in Paris. See "La polémica de la 'Arquitectura nacional' y el Pabellón de México en París," in La polémica del arte nacional , ed. Daniel Schável-zon (Mexico City, 1988), 137-64. In addition, Díaz y de Ovando's article contains some interesting reprints of the media coverage of the Mexican exhibit in Paris: Clementina Díaz y de Ovando, ''México en la Exposición Universal de 1889," Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas , no. 61 (1990): 109-71. As I was revising this man-

uscript, I gained access to María Auxiliadora Fernández, "The Representation of National Identity in Mexican Architecture: Two Case Studies (1680 and 1889)" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), which deals with the Aztec Palace and with Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora's Triumphal Arch—"Teatro de Virtudes Políticas." Fernán-dez's insightful analysis incorporates postcolonial and representational theory into art history. Unfortunately, although she devotes more than 200 pages to an examination of Góngora's arch, she gives fewer than 30 pages to the Aztec Palace.

3. For orientalism at universal expositions, see Timothy Mitchell, "The World as Exhibition," Comparative Studies of Society and History 31, 2 (1989): 217-37; Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Cambridge, 1988), 1-33; Sylviane Leprun, Le Théâtre des colonies (Paris, 1986), 130-48; Zeynep (Çelik, Displaying the Orient (Berkeley, 1992); and Raymond Corbey, "Ethnographic Showcases, 1870-1930," Cultural Anthropology , 8 (1993):338-69.

4. Regarding the characteristics of nineteenth-century Latin American patriotic history, see Colmenares, Las convenciones contra la cultura .

5. I use the term as explained by David Brading, "Creole Patriotism," in his The Origins of Mexican Nationalism (Cambridge, 1985), 3-23. The main aspects of this patriotism were the "exaltation of the Aztec past, the denigration of the Conquest, the xenophobic resentment against the gachupines , and the devotion to Our Lady Guadalupe" (p. 3). See also Enrique Florescano, Memoria mexicana (Mexico City, 1987), 300-308.

6. For this radical indigenism, see David Brading, The First America (Cambridge, 1991), 583-602; Brading, Origins of Mexican Nationalism , 81-88; and Luis Villoro, Los grandes momentos del indigenismo en México (Mexico City, 1950, 1984), 137-44.

7. See Lucas Alamán, Historia de Méjico desde los primeros movimientos que prepararon su independencia en el año de 1808 hasta la época presente , 5 vols. (Mexico City, 1849-1852).

8. For instance, consider José Vasconcelos's hispanism that recalls that of don Lucas. See chapter 12.

9. Quoted in (Çelik, Displaying the Orient , 11.

10. See Manuel Payno, Compendio de la historia de México para uso de los establecimientos de instrucción pública en la República Mexicana (Mexico City, 1870); and Josefina Vázquez, "La historiografía romántica en México," Historia Mexicana 10, 1 (1960): 1-13.

11. Compare Valadés's argument. He believed that it was during the Porfiriato that official history started (Valadés, El porfirismo , vol. 2, xxv).

12. Concern that the lack of an objective national history was an obstacle in the consolidation of the nation was shared by conservatives and even by monarchists. In this regard, see Josefina Vázquez, Nacionalismo y educación en México (Mexico City, 1970), 66-67.

13. Because, as Josefina Vázquez has shown, the first two textbooks about independent Mexico had not assimilated the Mexican past, leaving aside or misrepresenting such events as the war with the United States. See Josefina Vázquez, "Síntesis de la historia de México de historiadores mexicanos," in Investigaciones contemporáneas sobre historia de México (Mexico City, 1971 ), 213-27; and Vázquez, Nacionalismo y Educación , 44-132.

14. In addition to Riva Palacio's book, Ballesca published the next general and major history of Mexico, Justo Sierra's México, su evolución social , 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1900-1902). On Ballesca's relationship with Riva Palacio, see Victoriano Salado

álvarez, Memorias de Victoriano Salado álvarez , vol. 1, Tiempo Viejo (Mexico City, 1946), 324-27; and Ballesca's correspondence with Riva Palacio, 1 September 1887, Vicente Riva Palacio's letters, Genaro Garcia Collection, University of Texas at Austin.

15. Justo Sierra argued that he was invited by Riva Palacio to participate and that the idea for the book emerged within the intellectual discussions of the Altamirano group. See Justo Sierra, "México a través de los siglos," Revista nacional de letras y ciencias , no. 2 (1889):120-21. In turn, historian Daniel Cosío Villegas argued that the book had originated as a study of the war of intervention which was requested of Riva Palacio by President González (HMM 8:660-66). Valadés observed that México a través de los siglos had begun as a reaction to José María Roa Bárcena's "Recuerdos de la invasión norteamericana," published in El Siglo XIX . See Valadés, El porfirismo , vol. 1, 413-14. Gargallo di Castel Lentini believes that after Juárez's reforms, a small group of intellectuals realized that it was necessary to create a national literature based on the reinterpretation of national history. México a través de los siglos was part of this reinterpretation. See Francesca Gargallo di Castel Lentini, "Vicente Riva Palacio: Uno storico liberale," Revista di Storia della Storiografia 3, 2-3 (1982):123-30. See also Clementina Díaz y de Ovando, Vicente Riva Palacio y la identidad nacional (Mexico City, 1985).

16. "Proyecto de historia general de México," 3, preserved in Vicente Riva Palacio's papers, Genaro García Collection, University of Texas at Austin.

17. His novels and short stories were often inspired by colonial times. In fact, he held the records of the Inquisition and wrote novels about this topic, such as Monja casada, vírgen y mártir , and Martin Garatuza . See González Navarro, HMM, 689.

18. Riva Palacio, México a través de los siglos , vol. 2, 471.

19. See Brading, The Origins of Mexican Nationalism (Cambridge, 1985).

20. As both Moreno and Hale observe, late-nineteenth-century liberals read Darwin in French and thus absorbed the French interpretation of evolutionism as transgresisme . Riva Palacio's footnotes referred to French translations of Darwin's works, especially to Ch. Darwin, La Descendance de l'homme , 2d ed., 2 vols. (Paris, 1873-1874). See Riva Palacio, México a través de los siglos , vol. 2, 474-81; Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , 206-10; Moreno, La polémica del darwinismo ; and Roberto Moreno, "Mexico," in The Comparative Reception of Darwinism , ed. Thomas F. Glick (Chicago, 1988), 346-74.

21. See Riva Palacio, México a través de los siglos , vol. 2,472-73.

22. For examples of the contemporary endurance of this view, see Díaz y de Ovando, Vicente Riva Palacio , 38; and Agustín E Basave Benítez, México mestizo: Análi-sis del nacionalismo mexicano en torno a la mestizofilia de Andrés Molina Enríquz (Mexico City, 1992), 13-41,121-24.

23. In this regard, see Victor Rico González, Hacia un concepto de la conquista de México (Mexico City, 1953), 205.

24. Compare Chavero, Xochitl and Quetzalcóatl , and the criticisms by Vicente Riva Palacio, which were made under the pseudonym of Cero: Los Ceros (Mexico City, 1882). Chavero, as mentioned in previous chapters, participated in the 1904 Saint Louis Fair. See Chavero, Discurso pronunciado el 24 de septiembre de 1904 en el Congreso de artes y ciencias de la Exposición Universal de San Luis Missouri (Mexico City, 1905).

25. Riva Palacio satirized Chavero's archaeological concerns and his private interests in public positions (Cero, Los Ceros , 156-57).

26. Ibid., 154.

27. For an explanation of the origins of the neoclassical discourse in Mexico, see David Brading, "Héroes republicanos y tiranos populares," Cuadernos Americanos , Nueva época 5, 11 (1988):9-26. See also Hale's concept of the era of eloquence, in "Political and Social Ideas in Latin America," 367-441.

28. Chavero, México a través de los siglos , vol. 1, 67.

29. Ibid., 80.

30. Santiago Ballesca's letter to Riva Palacio, 23 April 1889, Vicente Riva Palacio's letters, Genaro Garcia Collection, University of Texas at Austin.

31. "Proyecto de historia general de México," 4.

32. R. Canto was a Catalan designer of theater stages and a devoted admirer of representational capabilities of expositions. See Justino Fernández, El arte del siglo XIX en México (Mexico City, 1967), 396. In 1888, for Barcelona's universal exposition, Canto published his Dedicatoria d'un pagés de montanya à la Universal Exposiciò de Barcelona (Barcelona, 1888). See Elías A. de Molins, Diccionario biográfico y bibliográ-rico de escritores y artistas catalanes del siglo XIX , 2 vols. (New York, 1972); and Canto's letter to Riva Palacio (in which Canto seems to have been a sort of benevolent critic of Riva Palacio's amateur paintings), Vicente Riva Palacio's letters, Genaro Garcia Collection, University of Texas at Austin.

33. Especially the descriptions by Desiré de Charnay, who was given permission in 1880 to do archaeological research and to keep a good portion of what he discovered (to be shipped to France). See Justo Sierra's support of this permission in México, Cámara de Diputados, Diario de los Debates 1 (1880):532, 536. The various volumes of México a través de los siglos also included paintings by José María Velasco, among others.

34. By the late 1880s technology not only had made books more accessible but also had produced new ways of enriching the expressive capabilities of books. In this regard, the study of the relationship between romanticism and technology is linked to the analysis of media, nationalism, and modes of representation. Compare Walter J. Ong, Rhetoric, Romance, and Technology (Ithaca, 1971); and Lee Fontanella, La imprenta y las letras en la España romántica (Frankfurt, 1982).

35. Ch. Baudelaire, "L'Exposition Universelle de 1855: Beaux-Arts," in his Oeuvres complètes , préface, présentation et notes de Marcel A. Ruff (Paris, 1968), 345.

36. Edward King Kingsborough, Antiquities of Mexico , 9 vols. (London, 1831-1848), reprinted as Antigüedades de México, basado en la recopilación de Lord Kingsborough , study and interpretation by José Corona Nuñez (Mexico City, 1964-1967).

37. See Jean Fréderic de Waldeck, Voyages pittoresque et archéologique dans la province d'Yucatan (Amérique Central), pendant les années 1834 et 1836 (Paris, 1838) and Jean Fréderic de Waldeck and E. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Monuments anciens du Mexique: Palenque et autres ruines (Paris, 1866).

38. See Guillerme Dupaix, Antiquitiés mexicaines: Relation des trois expeditions du Capitaine Dupaix , 3 vols. (Paris, 1824); and Desiré de Charnay, Les Anciennes Villes du Nouveau Monde: Voyages d'explorations au Mexique et dans l'Amérique Centrale (Paris, 1885).

39. Alfredo Chavero, Historia antigua y de la conquista , in Riva Palacio, México a través de los siglos , vol. 1 (Barcelona, 1888).

40. Ramírez, "Dioses," 220.

41. Letter from Salazar to Pacheco, 26 May 1988, EXP, Box 1, Exp. 7. Lithographs and plans of the building are missing from the archive. They can be found, together with a partial reproduction of Salazar's letter to Pacheco, in Godoy, México en París , 69-73.

42. El Monitor Republicano , 9 June 1888, reproduced in Godoy, México en París , 65-68. For a final version, see the official description of the Mexican pavilion by Antonio Perñfiel, Explication de l'édifice mexicaine à l'Exposition Internationale de Paris en 1889 (Barcelona, 1889).

43. Antonio Peñafiel, Monumentos del arte mexicano antiguo: Ornamentación, mitología, tributos y monumentos (Berlin, 1890). Peñafiel acknowledged that several mythological characters for the Mexican pavilion were based on Sahagún's designs which in turn were included in the original of Sahagús Historia de la Nueva España , a book that was furnished to Peñafiel by Eduard Seler, who had found it in Florence (Letter to Pacheco, 12 May 1988), reproduced in Godoy, México en París , 65-68. Fausto Ramirez adds that Peñafiel also used Diego Durán's Historia de las indias de la Nueva España e islas de tierra firme , published in 1867 by José Fernández and in 1880 by Gumersindo Mendoza. In the second volume of this last book, Peñafiel found the useful description and depiction of Indian rites and gods ( Libro de los ritos y ceremonias en las fiestas de los dioses y celebración de ellas ). He also utilized Manuel Orozco y Berra, Historia antigua de la conquista de México (Mexico City, 1880). See Ramirez, "Dioses," 221.

44. Peñafiel, Explication de l'édifice mexicaine .

45. Ibid., 1. See also Peñafiel, Monumentos del arte mexicano antiguo . This book was written at the specific request of the Mexican Ministry of Economic Development and contained texts in Spanish, French, and English.

46. Peñafiel, Explication de l'édifice mexicaine , 1.

47. Ibid., 10.

48. Ibid., 3.

49. Ibid., 4.

50. Ibid., 56.

51. Ibid., 66.

52. Ibid., 72.

53. Acta de la sesión del 12 de mayo de 1888 , in part reproduced in Godoy, México en París , 73-75. Chavero headed the commission in charge of evaluating Salazar's design. See BEMP 1 (1888):787.

54. Bablot, declaring himself unable to judge either project, did not vote.

55. In this regard, see "Instrucciones alas que deben sujetarse la comisión encargada de contratar las obras para el edificio de la exposición mexicana en París," signed by Pacheco, 7 June 1888, EXP, Box l, Exp. 7, 10-11. About the contract with Santos y Cía., see BEMP 2 (1888):239.

56. See Díaz Mimiaga's request for a new location in EXP, Box l, Exp. 8.

57. Mexican engineers had to deal with an old railroad track that crossed the Mexican lot in Paris. Salazar requested that the rails be removed by French authorities. See EXP, Box l, Exp. 7. See also Diaz Mimiaga's final report, EXP, Box 12, Exp. 6, p. 4; Letter, Diaz Mimiaga to Fomento, EXP, Box 8, Exp. 14; and BEMP 1 (1888):48-51.

58. EXP, Box 8, Exp. 14, Spanish version of the contract "Antiguo Establecimiento

Cail. Pabellón de México en la Exposición Universal Internacional de 1889 en París. Contrato."

59. Díaz Mimiaga's final report—and Fausto Ramirez following it—claimed that the works of Zinc were produced by the house of Gillardin and designed by Julio Miltgen. The bronze works were done in the workshop of Thiebault Brothers (see Ramirez, "Dioses").

60. For copies of the contract, see EXP, Box 8, Exp. 14, pp. 2-15, and partial reproduction (without the specific prices of each part) in Godoy, México en París , 235-42. See also DO, 26 November 1888.

61. For all the works of cement, carpentry, plumbing, zinc, and so forth, see the description of each realm, in EXP, Box 8, Exp. 13.

62. Godoy reproduced some views of the interior of the building. Other images can be found in Bulletin de l'Exposition Universelle de Paris 1889 , no. 52 (1889):92; and no. 32 (1889):252.

63. La Lanteinier , 24 June 1889. See also Exposition Universelle. 1889. Pavillon du Mexique. Musique militaire-orchestre. Programmé du 22 juin , SRE Le. 1104. Mexico spent more than 10,000 francs on the inauguration (Díaz Mimiaga's estimate, EXP, Box 12, Exp. 6, p. 24a).

64. Le Petit Journal , 24 June 1889.

65. L'événement , 24 June 1889.

66. Emilia Pardo Bazán, "Al pie de la torre Eiffel," in her Obras Completas , vol. 19 (Madrid, n.d.), 246-47.

67. Vicente Riva Palacio, Mis versos (Madrid, 1893), 61.

1. Eugéne-Melchior de Vogüé, "À travers l'Exposition. VI. Les Exotiques.-Les Colonies," Revue des Deux Mondes 95 (September 1889):65.

2. See Martí's explanation of the 1889 fair in Ismaelillo , 81-91.

3. See France, Paris, Exposition Universelle de 1889, Congrès International des Traditions Populaires. Première session. Compte rendu (Paris, 1891). Although nothing Mexican was discussed in this congress, Mexico was represented by Eduardo Zárate and Rafael de Zayas Enríquez.

4. Stocking elaborates on Thomas Hardy's idea of universal exhibitions as precipices of time. See George Stocking, Victorian Anthropology (New York, 1987), 3-5.

5. World's fairs as a whole were main events for European and American orientalism. However, colonial expositions—within and outside universal exhibitions— were more emblematic examples of this orientalism. See Leprun, Le Théâtre des colonies , 17-23; for English fairs, Altick, Shows of London , 268-301; for American fairs, Rydell, All the World's a Fair ; Corbey, "Ethnographic Showcases"; and Tankotte, "Kaleidoscopes of the World," 5-29.

6. Quoted in Mandell, Paris 1900 , 21-22.

7. See Mitchell, Colonising Egypt , 1-33. See also Vogüé's account of the exhibit of the history of labor and anthropology: Eugéne-Melchior de Vogüé, "À travers l'Exposition. IV. Les Arts libéraux.-L'Histoire du travail," Revue des Deux Mondes 94 (August 1889):929-44.

8. For further elaboration on the concepts of inside and outside, see Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel and Transculturation (New York, 1992), 6-9.

9. C. de Varigny, "L'Amérique à l'Exposition Universelle," Revue des Deux Mondes 95 (September-October 1889):837.

10. A copy of this pamphlet can be found at the Paris National Library, and in EXP, Box 12, Exp. 2, Ch. Possonnier, L'Exposition mexicaine (n.p., n.d.).

11. La presse Industrielle , 4 July 1889, translated in Godoy, México en Paris , 271.

12. Leopoldo Batres, Monografías de arqueología mexicana: Teotihuacán; o, la ciudad sagrada de los toltecas (Mexico City, 1889).

13. See Peñafiel, Monumentos del arte mexicano ; and Peñafiel, Explication de l'édifice mexicaine .

14. Çelik, Displaying the Orient , 2.

15. Charles Garnier and A. Ammann, L'Habitation humaine (Paris, 1892), ill-iv, quoted in ibid., 71-73.

14. Çelik, Displaying the Orient , 2.

15. Charles Garnier and A. Ammann, L'Habitation humaine (Paris, 1892), ill-iv, quoted in ibid., 71-73.

16. Martí, La edad de oro , 63.

17. EXP, Box 8, Exp. 12.

18. See the lively descriptions and designs in Eugene-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, "Les Nahuas, les toltòques," in his Histoire de l'habitation (Paris, 1875), 278-92; and his long prologue in Desiré de Charnay, Cités et ruines americaines (Paris, 1863), 10-103. Here he suggested that pre-Hispanic architecture resembled that of the Aryan people.

19. See Garnier and Ammann, L'Habitation humaine ; and Argentina's report made by the French architect Alberto Ballu, "La arquitectura en la Exposición Universal de Paris 1889." Informe argentino, found in the world's fairs collection of the Smithsonian Institution.

20. In this regard, see Burton Benedict, "The Anthropology of World's Fairs," in The Anthropology of World's Fairs: San Francisco Panama Pacific International Exposition of 1915 (Berkeley, 1984), 43-52; and Corbey, "Ethnographic Showcases," 341-45.

21. This exhibition was organized by the private McGrave Company. See Alfredo Barrón's report in SRE 19-22-25. The American photographer C. B. Waite, hired by the Mexican government, attended this fair and took photographs of the "street of Mexico" and its native people. See F. Ballesteros Montellano, "C. B. Waite, profesional fotógrafo" (Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Mé-xico, 1989).

22. Rydell, All the World's a Fair , 94, 147-48. Regarding Mexico's presence at the 1894 Atlanta fair, see Anales de la Secretaría de Fomento (1897), 59-60, 282-89. See also Justo Sierra's commentaries in Justo Sierra, Viajes en tierra yankee , in his Obras completas , vol. 6, 46-49.

23. The Aztec Lilliputians were a male three feet four inches tall, and a female two inches shorter. See Altick, Shows of London , 284-87.

24. See the report of the Mexican commissioner at the 1895 Atlanta fair, Gregorio E. González, in México, Secretaría de Comercio, Memoria de la Secretaría de Comercio, 1892-1896 (Mexico City, 1898), 59, 282-89. See also chapter 11.

25. See the account of this exhibit by Alfred Charles Collineau, L'Anthropologie à l'Exposition Universelle de 1889 (Paris, 1890); and France, Paris, Exposition Universelle de 1889, La Société, l'école et le laboratoire d'anthropologie de Paris à l'Exposition Universelle de 1889 (Paris, 1889).

26. France, Ministère du Commerce et de l'Industrie, Exposition Universelle Inter-

nationale de 1889 à Paris: Monographie, palais-jardins-constructions diverses-installations générales (Paris, 1892-1895).

27. France, Exposition Universelle Internationale de 1889 à Paris, Catalogue général officiel: Exposition Rétrospective du travail et des sciences anthropologiques, Section 1, anthropologie, ethnographie (Lille, 1889), 26, 28-29.

28. Ibid., 10.

29. See ibid., 655; and Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (New York, 1981), 75-77.

30. García Cubas, étude , 17-20.

31. Nicolás León argued that the origins of Mexico's scientific anthropology date back to 1864, when the French Scientific Commission of Mexico, sent by Napoleon III, arrived. See Memorias de la Sociedad Antonio Alzate 14 ( 1899-1900):63. See also his later history of Mexican physical anthropology, Nicolás León, "Historia de la antropología física en México," American Journal of physical Anthropology 2, 3 (1919):229-49.

32. According to José María Velasco, this agency gained great recognition in the 1889 International Congress of Conservation and Protection of Artistic Works ( Memoria grupo primero , December 1889, EXP, Box 18, Exp. 12). See also Salomón Nahmad, "Las ideas sociales del positivismo en el indigenismo de la época pre-revolucionaria en México," América Indígena 33, 4 (1973):1172.

33. See Jesús Galindo y Villa, "Discurso de sesión solemne conmemorativa del primer centenario de la muerte de Antonio de Alzate," Memorias de la Sociedad Antonio Alzate 13 (1899): 15.

34. See León, "Historia de la antropología física," 235.

35. "La antropología actual y el estado de las razas," La Naturaleza 6 (1882-1884):126.

36. This is argued by M. S. Stabb, "Indigenism and Racism in Mexican Thought: 1857-1911," Journal of Inter-American Studies 1 (1959):406.

37. On degeneration, see J. Edward Chamberlain and Sander L. Gilman, eds., Degeneration: The Dark Side of Progress (New York, 1985). For some insights on the growth of these ideas in Latin America (Mexico, Argentina, and Brazil), see Nancy Leys Stepan, The Hour of Eugenics (Ithaca, 1991), 21-26.

38. For a lucid and complete discussion of this process in French anthropology, see Yvette Conry, L'Introduction du darwinisme en France au XIXe siècle (Paris, 1974), 51-89. See also Angèle Kremer-Marietti, "L'Anthropologie physique et morale en France et ses implications ideologiques," in Histoire de l'anthropologie (XVIe-XIXe siècles ), ed. Britta Rupp-Eisenreich (Paris, 1984), 319-51.

39. Stocking, Victorian Anthropology , 76.

40. Daniel Brinton, "The Nation as an Element in Anthropology," in Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology , ed. C. Staniland Wake (Chicago, 1894), 20; and Daniel Brinton, Races and Peoples: Lectures on the Science of Ethnography (New York, 1890), 40.

41. E. T. Hamy, "La Science française au Mexique," reprinted in his Décades Améri-canae: Mémoires d'archéologie et d'ethnographie américaines (Paris, 1884), 116. Hamy refers to various travel accounts published by Baradére. See also Anne-Christine Taylor, "L'Américanisme tropical: Une frontière fossile de l'ethnologie," in Histoire de l'anthropologie (XVIe-XIXe siècles ), ed. Britta Rupp-Eisenreich (Paris, 1984), 213-32; and Raoul d'Harcourt, L'Américanisme et la France (Paris, 1928).

42. G. d'Eichthal, études sur les origines bouddhiques de la civilization américaine , extract from Revue Archéologique (Paris, 1864).

43. See France, Ministère de l'Instruction Publique, Archives de la Commission Scientifique du Mexique (Paris, 1865). In "La Science française au Mexique" Hamy mentioned various other French studies on Mexico.

44. Congreso Internacional de Americanisms, Actas de la 11 reunión. Mexico 1895 (Mexico City, 1897), 29.

45. In this regard, see Stocking's explanation of the difference between the English (that is, "not a major center of physical anthropology") and French (that is, anatomical) anthropological traditions in the 1860s (Stocking, Victorian Anthropology , 67).

46. For a brief but lucid account of this debate, see Claude Blanckaert, "Monogénisme et polygénisme en France de Buffon à, Paul Broca (1749-1880)" (Ph.D. diss., University of Paris, 1981); and Claude Blanckaert, "On the Origins of French Ethnology: William Edward and the Doctrine of Race," in Bones, Bodies, Behavior: Essays on Biological Anthropology , ed. George W. Stocking (Madison, 1988), 18-55.

47. Nahmad found in García Granados and his essay of 1910 a transitional position between pure positivism and culturalism, within the Porfirian regime. See Ricardo García Granados, El concepto científico de la historia (Mexico City, 1910), also published in the Revista Positiva ; and Nahmad, "Las ideas sociales."

48. In fact, in this regard the Anglo-Saxon tradition was more appealing to Mexican intellectuals. Hence, in Spencer and Darwin, both studied in French, Mexicans found, as historian Charles Hale has argued, a version of social Darwinism that allowed them to "put attention on the peculiarities of their society within the universal scheme of evolution" (Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , 213-20). See also Ricardo Godoy, "Franz Boas and His Plans for an International School of American Archaeology and Ethnology in Mexico," Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 14 (1977):228-42; and Luis Vázquez, "Historia y constitución profesional de la arqueología mexicana (1884-1940)," in II Coloquio Pedro Bosch Gimpera (Mexico City, 1993), 30-77.

49. Nicolás León, "Anomalías y mutilaciones étnicas del sistema dentario entre los tarascos pre-colombinos," Anales del Museo Michoacano 3 (1890): 168-73, reprinted in Moreno, La polémica del darwinismo , 257-61. For biographical and bibliographical data about Nicolás León, see the essay "Nicolás León" by Germán Somolinos D'Ardois in his Historia y medicina: Figuras y hechos de la historiografía médica mexicana (Mexico City 1957), 129-60. In this regard, see also Alfonso Herrera's rejection of Riva Palacio's conclusion, in Alfonso L. Herrera, "Nota relativa alas causas que producen atrofia de los pelos. Refutación a un argumento de M. de Quatrefages," Anales del Museo Nacional de México , 1st series, 4-5 (1891):216-24, reprinted in Moreno, La polémica del darwinismo , 262-72.

50. This was published in Diario del Hogar , 13 January 1889, as a result of a request to Batres for the Mexican anthropological exhibition at the 1889 Paris fair.

51. Leopoldo Batres, "Antropología mexicana: Clasificación del tipo antropológico de las principales tribus aborígenes de México," Revista Nacional de Letras y Ciencias 1 (1889): 191-96.

52. Peñafiel published an article about his Monumentos mexicanos in the 8th ses-

sion of the International Congress of Americanists, "Archéologie mexicaine," in Congrès International des Américanistes, Compte Rendu de la Huitième Session (Paris, 1890), 519-21. See also his description of the Mexican pavilion in "L'Edifice mexicaine," Revue d'Ethnologie 8 (1889):192-200.

53. This is argued by Herzfeld in his analysis of ancient Greek archaeology: M. Herzfeld, Anthropology through the Looking-Glass: Critical Ethnography in the Margins of Europe (Cambridge, 1987), 7.

1. See Ramírez, "Dioses," 201-53; Ramírez, "Acotaciones iconográficas," 15-85; and Ramirez, "Vertientes nacionalistas." See also Fernández, El arte del siglo XIX .

2. José María Velasco, "Memoria grupo primero," manuscript, 28 December 1889, EXP, Box 18, Exp. 12.

3. For an example of parallel phenomena in India, see Tapati Guha-Thakurta, The Making of a New "Indian" Art: Artists, Aesthetics and Nationalism in Bengal 1850-1920 (Cambridge, 1992).

4. For a description of the interior of the Argentine building, see RUP 2:213-14. See also Vitali, "1889," 29-37.

5. RUP 2:213-32.

6. Mier, México en la Exposición Universal , 220. For the 1900 Paris fair, see chapter 11.

7. For shifts in European taste, see Raymond Rudorff, Belle Epoque: Paris in the Nineties (London, 1972), chap. 3; and Debora L. Silverman, Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siècle France: Politics, Psychology, and Style (Berkeley, 1989), 1-11.

8. Ignacio Manuel Altamirano, "La pintura histórica en México," El Artista 1 (1874):8, reprinted in Ida Rodríguez Prampolini, La crítica de arte en el siglo XIX , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1964).

9. Luis Miguel Aguilar, La democracia de los muertos (Mexico City, 1988), 106.

10. For an itemized description of the various styles, see Israel Katzman, Arquitectura del siglo XIX en México (Mexico City, 1973), 63-219.

11. In this regard, see Çelik's analysis of Oriental pavilions at world's fairs: Çelik, Displaying the Orient , 135-37. See also chapter 11.

12. For an analysis of the arquitectura de la ingeniería , see Renato de Fusco, Historia de la arquitectura contemporánea (Madrid, 1992), 30-63.

13. Çelik, Displaying the Orient , 136.

14. Garnier's dislike is referred to by Katzman ( Arquitectura del siglo IX en Mé-xico , 256) and by Tepozcaconetzin Calquetzani, the pseudonym used by the opponent of Luis Salazar's pro-pre-Hispanic article, "Bellas Artes: Arquitectura, arqueología y arquitectura mexicana," El Arte y La Ciencia 1 (December 1899), reprinted in Rodriguez Prampolini, La crítica , vol. 2, 379-80.

15. See Ballu, "La arquitectura en la Exposición Universal," 370-71 on Mexico, 377 on Argentina.

16. Minutes, session of the Mexican commission, 1 June 1889, EXP, Box 12, Exp. 3.

17. El Nacional , 11 September 1890, 7 November 1890, reprinted in Rodriguez Prampolini, La crítica , vol. 3, 254.

18. Manuel Francisco álvarez, Las ruinas de Mitla y la arquitectura (Mexico City, 1900), 258.

19. See Fusco, Historia de la arquitectura contemporánea , 59-63.

20. In this regard, see F. Seitz, ''Architects et engénieurs: L'Exposition de 1889," Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine 39 (July-September 1992):483-92.

21. Encyclopaedia Britannica , 11th ed., vol. 2, 441.

22. César Daly, "Discours prononcé au nom des anciens é1èves de Félix Duban" (1871) ," quoted in (Çelik, Displaying the Orient , 136.

23. Eugene-Melchior de Vogüé, "À travers l'Exposition. II. L'Architecture.-Les Feux et les eaux.-Le Globe," Revue des Deux Mondes 94 (July-August 1889):441.

24. See Çelik, Displaying the Orient , 115-16.

25. For a discussion of this appeal, see Álvarez, Las ruinas de Mitla , 257-59. Álvarez was for many years the director of the Escuela de Artes y Oficios, and as such he traveled to the 1900 Paris fair to attend the congresses related to architecture. For information about him, see the introductory study to a re-edition of some of his articles, Elisa Garcia Barragán, "Manuel F. Álvarez," in Manuel F. Álvarez: Algunos escritos , selection by Elisa Garcia Barragán (Mexico City, 1981-1982), 8-16.

26. For typical view in this regard, see E. Barberot, Histoire des styles d'architecture dans tousles pays despuis les temps anciens jusqu'à nos jours , 2 vols. (Paris, 1891).

27. See Eugène-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc, "Les Nahuas, les Toltèques," in his Histoire de l'habitation , 278-92. See also his long prologue in Desiré de Charnay's Cités e ruines americaines (Paris, 1863), 10-103. On Viollet-le-Duc in Mexico, see Vicente Martin Hernandez, Arquitectura doméstica de la ciudad de México (Mexico City, 1981), 256-57.

28. See the entry "Style," in Eugene-Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc's Dictionnaire raisonné , as reprinted in The Foundations of Architecture: Selections from the Dictionnaire raisonné , introduction by Barry Bergdoll, trans. K. D. Whitehead (New York, 1990), 231-63.

29. See Jesús T. Acevedo, "Apariencias arquitectónicas," a lecture delivered in the last years of the Porfirian period at the Sociedad de Conferencias, included in Jesús T. Acevedo, Disertaciones de un arquitecto (Mexico City, 1967), 35-54.

30. See Jaime Genaro Francisco Javier Cuadriello Aguilar, "La arquitectura en México (ca. 1857-1920): Ensayo para el estudio de sus tipos y programas" (Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Iberoamericana, 1983); and Katzman's explanation for the decline of classicism in Mexico ( Arquitectura del siglo XIX en México , 69).

31. See Katzman, Arquitectura del siglo XIX en México , 313; and Nicolás Mariscal, La enseñanza de la arquitectura en México (Mexico City, 1902), 13-16. See also M. Bazant, "La enseñanza y la práctica de la ingeniería durante el porfiriato," in La educación en la historia de México: Lecturas de historia mexicana (Mexico City, 1992), 167-210.

32. See letter from E. Bonaffe to Jean-Camille Formigé, Gazette des Beaux-Arts 2 (1889): 167-73. See also Seitz, "Architects et engénieurs."

33. He constructed the Mexican pavilions for both the 1889 and the 1900 Paris fairs. In addition, he finished the penitentiary in Mexico City. See Katzman, Arqui-tectura del siglo XIX en México , 266.

34. See J. F. Godoy, Enciclopedia de contemporáneos (Washington, 1898), 48-49. Two other architects, Vicente Reyes and José María Alva, participated in the design of Salazar's project. See Katzman, Arquitectura del siglo XIX en México , 291.

35. On the relationship between technology and style, see Cuadriello Aguilar, "La arquitectura en México," 24; regarding construction, see Katzman, Arquitectura del siglo XIX en México , 63-220.

36. See Robert Goldwater, Primitivism in Modern Art (Cambridge, 1986); and Jullian, Triumph of Art Nouveau .

37. Fausto Ramirez also points out the generational aspect as an important role in the consolidation of a new aesthetic vision that eventually concluded in modernism. See Ramirez, "Vertientes nacionalistas," 114-15.

38. Nicolas Mariscal, "Bellas Artes: Arquitectura," El Arte y la Ciencia 1 (April 1899):49.

39. See Luis Salazar, "La arqueología y la arquitectura," in Actas del XI Congreso Internacional de Americanistas (Mexico City, 1895), 137-49. In 1898 he published the same essay as a pamphlet, and in 1899 he presented the last version of the paper in El Arte y la Ciencia 1 (1899):1-3; 2 (1899): 113-14; 3 (1899): 129-30.

40. Salazar, "La arqueología y la arquitectura," El Arte y la Ciencia 1 (1899): 130. The three parts of this article are reprinted in Rodriguez Prampolini, La crítica , vol. 3, 367-77, quotation on p. 376.

41. Of course, the revival of the past in architecture was only a part of the general construction of a nationalistic ideology. In Mexico, Salazar's attempts were paralleled by various efforts to reconstruct Hispanic architecture. See Tepoztecaconetzin Calquetzani, "Bellas artes, arquitectura, arqueología, y arquitectura mexicana," El Arte y la Ciencia 1, 11-12 (1899), reprinted in Rodriguez Prampolini, La crítica , vol. 3, 377-80. Fausto Ramirez has interpreted this debate in his lucid essay on nationalism (Ramírez, "Vertientes nacionalistas," 111-67).

42. Fausto Ramirez has pointed this out, although he supports the idea of a clear and definite distinction between nationalists and cosmopolitans. See Ramírez, "Vertientes nacionalistas," 114-15.

43. See Simmel's concept of architecture as a battle between spirit and nature, always won by nature in George Simmel, "Las ruinas," Revista de Occidente 2 (June 1924):304-7.

44. For an example of this consciousness, see Nicolás Mariscal, El desarrollo de la arquitectura en México (Mexico City, 1901); Álvarez, Las ruinas de Mitla , 257-59; and El Nacional , 11 September-7 November 1890, reprinted in Rodríguez Prampolini, La crítica , vol. 3, 252-75.

45. Lecture delivered in the 1910s and included in Acevedo, Disertaciones de un arquitecto , 53.

46. Federico E. Mariscal, La patria y la arquitectura nacional (Mexico City, 1915), 10.

47. I have benefited from Fausto Ramírez's lucid analysis of the inherent problems that originated in Peñafiel's historic-nationalist project and in Contreras's aesthetically cosmopolitan concepts. See Ramirez, "Dioses."

48. See Cecilio A. Robelo, Diccionario de mitología nahuatl (Mexico City, 1951), 344-45.

49. Robelo argues that in the Códice Tetleriano , Centeotl is pictured as a man married to Xochiquetzalli; in the Vatican Codice, this deity is represented as a woman. See Robelo, Diccionario , 54.

50. Clendinnen believes that Chalchiutlicue was represented as a woman at the lake, as a sort of natural "visible presence personified for easy intelligibility": Inga

Clendinnen, Aztecs: An Interpretation (Cambridge, 1991), 251. According to Ramírez, these images were taken by Peñafiel from Durán's book. See Fray Diego Durán, Historia de las Indias de la Nueva España , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1951), which includes, as an appendix, Alfredo Chavero, Explicación del Códice geroglífico de M. Aubin (Mexico City, 1951).

51. Peñafiel, Explication de l'édifice , 7.

52. Robelo, Diccionario , 474.

53. Ibid., 47.

54. Clendinnen, Aztecs , 164, 168.

55. Ramírez, "Dioses," 227.

56. Peñafiel, Explication de l'édifice , 9.

57. Orozco y Berra, Historia antigua .

58. For a detailed description of the aesthetic aspects of this combination, see Ramirez, "Dioses," 233-41.

59. EXP, Box 1, Exp. 7. In his report to Gustavo Baz, Minister of Justice, Contreras told of his studies in Spain and France in the workshops of Gagbot and the House of Allard Hodot, in which he obtained his Placa de Obrero de Primera. See also DO, November 1889, 1-2; Justino Fernández, El arte moderno en México: Breve Historia — Siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1937), 192-98; and Patricia Pérez Walters, "Jesús Contreras (1866-19o2): Imágenes escultóricas y personalidad artística" (Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad Iberoamericana, 1989); and the summary of this thesis in the text prepared for an exhibit of Contreras's works (México, Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, Jesús Contreras, 1866-1902: Escultor finisecular [Mexico City, 1990].

60. This was true for all nations. For instance, leading American sculptors, such as Augustus Saint-Gaudens and Daniel Chester French, were in France in the 1880s. See Kathryn Greenthal, "Late Nineteenth Century American Sculpture in Its International Context," in La scultura nel XIX secolo , edited by Horst W. Janson (Bologna, 1981), 241-47.

61. See BEMP 1 (1888):188-94.

62. In the UIA-Díaz are letters from Diaz Mimiaga to Porfirio Díaz and from Contreras to Porfirio Díaz. Despite differences with Porfirio Díaz (in the beginning of 1889), Contreras was personally recommended by Diaz Mimiaga to Díaz. Contreras visited Diaz in January 1890 with a letter of introduction by Diaz Mimiaga. See UIA-Díaz, Leg. 15, Box 6, Doc. 2501; Leg. 15, Box 3, Doc. 1278; and Leg. 15, Box 6, Docs. 2610-12.

63. El Diario del Hogar , 3 January 1892, quoted in Pérez Walters, Jesús F. Contreras , 23. Contreras also was involved in real estate and in the urban transformation of Mexico City.

64. Contreras did not break completely with classicism, although he introduced romantic and eclectic tendencies. For analyses of the French sculpture of the era, see William Hauptman, "'La Mélancolie' in French Romantic Sculpture," in Saloni, gallerie, musei e loro influenza sullo sviluppo dell'arte dei secoli XIX e XX , ed. F. Haskell (Bologna, 1981), 111-15; Ruth Butler, "Nationalism, a New Seriousness, and Rodin: Some Thoughts about French Sculpture in the 1870s," in Haskell, Saloni , 67.

65. See the discussion of liberal aesthetics and the explanation of romanticism in Mexican sculpture in Mario Monteforte Toledo, Las piedras vivas: Escultura y sociedad en México (Mexico City, 1965). See also Fernández, El arte del siglo XIX , 196-97;

and Salvador Moreno, "Un siglo perdido de la escultura mexicana: El siglo XIX," Artes de México , no. 133 ( 1970) :5-93.

66. Léon Cahun, "L'Exposition Universelle. VII. Le Mexique (ier article)," La Phare de la Loire , 20 June 1889. Part of this article was reproduced in El Mundo of Mexico City (15 August 1889), but the name of the author was changed to León Satin. A portion of the article was reproduced in Rodriguez Prampolini, La crítica , vol. 3, 235-36.

67. See Ramirez, "Acotaciones iconográficas."

68. For an elaboration of Velasco's type of realism, see Juan de la Encina, El paisajista José Mafia Velasco (1840-1912 ) (Mexico City, 1943), 87-97.

69. See ibid., 97. On landscape painting as naturalistic exercise, see Yi-Fu Tuan, Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values (Englewood Cliffs, 1974); and Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1850 (Berkeley, 1986).

68. For an elaboration of Velasco's type of realism, see Juan de la Encina, El paisajista José Mafia Velasco (1840-1912 ) (Mexico City, 1943), 87-97.

69. See ibid., 97. On landscape painting as naturalistic exercise, see Yi-Fu Tuan, Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes, and Values (Englewood Cliffs, 1974); and Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1850 (Berkeley, 1986).

70. See Angela Miller, "Everywhere and Nowhere: The Making of the National Landscape," American Literary History 4 (1992):208.

71. Cahun, "L'Exposition Universelle."

72. For Velasco's archeological paintings, see Carlos Martinez Marín, "Jesús Velasco y el dibujo arqueológico," in Ramirez, José María Velasco , 203-32. For Velasco's scientific paintings, see Elias Trabulse, "Aspectos de la obra científica de José María Velasco," in Ramírez, José María Velasco , 123-80; and Elías Trabulse, José María Velasco: Un paisaje de la ciencia en México (Toluca, 1992).

73. See Ramirez, "Acotaciones iconográficas."

74. México, Catalogue officiel de l'Exposition de la République Mexicaine .

75. Claude Debroise, "José María Velasco y el paisaje fotográfico decimonónico (apuntes para un paralelismo)," in Ramírez, José María Velasco , 103-21.

76. Peter Hales, William Henry Jackson and the Transformation of the American Landscape (Philadelphia, 1988), 173-75. According to Hales, these pictures are in the U.S. Library of Congress, in the Detroit Company Collection. José Antonio Rodriguez argues that 600 of these pictures were published in the Album of Documentary Views of México , 4 vols., 1884-1885. See José Antonio Rodriguez, " Vues mexicaines , el libro perdido de A. Briquet," Dominical: El Nacional (17 November 1991):4-8; and W. Jones, "William Henry Jackson in México," American West 14, 4 (1977): 10-21.

77. See Debroise, "José María Velasco," 115. See also Claude Debroise, "Plein soleil: Le Cas mexicain," Photographies , no. 6 (1984):32-38.

78. Alan Trachtenberg, Reading American Photography: Images as History: Mathew Brady to Walker Evans (New York, 1989), 288.

79. See Rosa Casanova and Olivier Debroise, Sobre la superficie bruñida de un espejo: La fotografía en México en el siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1989), 12. See also Michel Poivert, "La Photographie artistique à l'Exposition Universelle de 1900," Histoire de l'Art , no. 13-14 (1991):60-66.

80. Velasco seems to have been fascinated by photography. During his sojourn in Paris in 1889, he became very interested in the development of photography. See Debroise, "José María Velasco," 120; and Islas García, Velasco .

81. See Patricia Massé, "Ilusiones compartidas entre la albúmina y el óleo: Las tarjetas de visita de Cruces y Campa," Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas , no. 63 (1992):125-36. On Romualdo Garcia and Valleto, see Enrique Fernández

Ledesma, La gracia de los retratos antiguos (Mexico City, 1950), which includes a catalogue of nineteenth-century photographers.

82. See Casanova and Debroise, Sobre la superficie ; Claudia Canales, Romualdo Gar-cía: Un fotógrafo, una ciudad, una época (Guanajuato, 1980); and Olivier Debroise, Fuga Mexicana (Mexico City, 1994), 54-76. See also Olivier Debroise, "Plein Soleil."

83. See Ian Jeffrey, Photography — A Concise History (London, 1981). He observes that this phrase was the title of the first photography book ever published.

84. Fernández, El arte del siglo XIX , 137.

85. In New Orleans, he exhibited "Ariadna abandonada." See El Siglo XIX , 5 November 1884. See also Fernández, El arte del siglo XIX , 109-10.

86. For the discussion of pre-Hispanic motifs in painting, see Stacie G. Widdifield, "National Art and Identity in Mexico, 1869-1881" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1986); Stacie G. Widdifield, "Dispossession, Assimilation, and the Image of the Indian in Late-Nineteenth-Century Mexican Painting," Art Journal 49 (Summer 1990):225-32; Eloísa Uribe, "Más allá de lo que el ojo ve: Sobre el relieve de Fray Bartolomé de las Casas (1864) por Miguel Noreña,'' Memoria , Museo Nacional de Arte, no. 3 (1991):5-25; Ramírez, "Vertientes nacionalistas."

87. El Siglo XIX , 21 October 1895. Other paintings with pre-Hispanic themes at the Academia de San Carlos were: El tormento de Cuauhtémoc , by Leandro Izaguirre; La prisión de Cuauhtémoc , by Joaquín Ramírez; Visita de Cortés a Moctezuma , by Juan Ortega; and Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, protector de los indios and Episodios de la conquista , both by Felix Parra (included in Rodriguez Prampolini, La crítica , vol. 3, 330).

88. See Robelo, Diccionario , 467.

89. See Ignacio Manuel Altamirano's section on arts in Primer almanaque histórico, artístico y monumental de la República Mexicana , ed. Manuel Caballero (New York, 1883-1884). The full text is included in Rodriguez Prampolini, La crítica , vol. 3, 156.

90. See the following examples, which I have located in the medical press: Ernesto Ulrich, "Consideraciones respecto a la acción del pulque sobre la economía," Gaceta Médica de México , 3d ser., 4 (1909):624-27; "Dictamen del Jurado calificador de la Academia sobre la memoria 'El hígado reasumiendo la historia del alcoholismo en la economía, constituye también respecto del pulque el punto objetivo de sus efectos patológicos,'" Gaceta Médica de México 20 (1885):420-52; and the study by a member of the exhibition team, José Segura, Dictamen sobre el pulque (Mexico City, 1901). There were also some studies that, based on the economic advantages of the maguey industry, defended pulque. See, for example, El maguey y sus productos (Mexico City, 1901); and Antonio Carbajal, Estudio sobre el pulque considerado principalmente desde el punto de vista zinotécnico (Mexico City, 1901).

91. See José G. Lobato, Estudio químico-industrial de los varios productos del maguey mexicano (Mexico City, 1884).

92. On the issue of gender in this painting, see Widdifield, "National Art and Identity"; and "Dispossession."

93. See México, Catalogue officiel de l'Exposition de la République Mexicaine ; and Is-las García, Velasco .

94. See México, Catalogue officiel de l'Exposition de la République Mexicaine .

95. See Goldwater, Primitivism in Modern Art , xv-xviii.

96. Velasco, "Memoria grupo primero."

97. Ibid.

98. See France, Paris, Exposition Universelle de 1889, Catalogue officiel illustré de l'Exposition Centennale de l'Arte Français, 1800 à 1889 , ed. Ludovic Bachet, reprinted by Garland (Paris, 1981).

99. On Velasco's dislike of impressionism, see Encina, El paisajista .

100. Among them, works by Puvis de Chavannes, Léon Bonnat, Carolus-Duran, William A. Bouguereau, Jules Lefebre, J. Felix Barrias, Benjamin Constant, Gaston Saintpierre, Aime Morot, and Alfred Roll.

101. In this regard, see the interesting opinion of the English critic Alfred Had-don, Evolution in Art (London, 1895).

102. Sala was a well-known British critic who wrote extensively on art in the late nineteenth century; he was also an illustrator for Dickens's writings. Pierre Fritel was a French painter known for his historical canvases, such as L'Enfance de Jeanne d'Arc . Guillon was a distinguished late-nineteenth-century French landscape painter.

103. Velasco, "Memoria grupo primero."

104. It seems that he disliked traveling, as shown by his impressions of his trip to Paris and, later, of his trip to the 1893 Chicago world's fair. Only two canvases resulted from his trip to Paris: one of Havana Bay; the other a view of the sea (see Is-las García, Velasco ; and Velasco, "Memoria grupo primero"). See also M. Payno's letter to Riva Palacio, 5 November 1889, Vicente Riva Palacio's letters, Genaro García Collection, University of Texas at Austin.

105. Velasco, "Memoria grupo primero."

1. Condorcet, Fragment on the New Atlantis, or Combined Efforts of the Human Species for the Advancement of Science , reprinted in Condorcet: Selected Writings , ed. K. M. Baker (Indianapolis, 1976), 300.

2. In this regard, see Kuhn's use of what he calls the Merton thesis to explain the "geographical patterns" in science: Thomas Kuhn, "Mathematical versus Experimental Traditions in the Development of Physical Science," in his The Essential Tension (Chicago, 1977), 58-59.

3. Claude Nicolet, L'Idée républicaine , 310.

4. Gabino Barreda's educational reform in 1867 was the bedrock on which the scientific turn of the late nineteenth century was based. See Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , 141.

5. José Yves Limantour, Discurso pronunciado por el Sr. Lic. José Ives Limantour (Mexico City, 1901), 1.

6. México, Secretaría de Fomento, Reglamento económico de la Junta y personas auxiliares de la Comisión mexicana en la Exposición Universal de París EXP, Box 18, Exp. 8, p. 10.

7. Annotated circular, EXP, Box l, Exp. 18, p. 8. See also article 25 of Reglamento , EXP, Box 18, Exp. 8, p. 10. The article asked the directors of each of the nine groups of products to keep themselves up-to-date in their respective areas of production, scientific expertise, or artistic concerns.

8. I examined the symbolic aspects in chapters 5, 6, and 7.

9. In this regard, see K. Rose's review essay, "Governing by Numbers: Figuring out Democracy," Accounting, Organizations and Society 16 (1991):673-92; and Ian Hacking's books on the history of statistics and probability: The Emergence of Probability (Cambridge, 1975) and The Taming of Chance (Cambridge, 1990).

10. For instance, in 1851 the comparative tables on moral statistics of the French statistician A. M. Guerry won recognition during the Crystal Palace meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science: A. M. Guerry, Essai sur la statistique morale de la France (Paris, 1833). See Hacking, Taming of Chance , 77.

11. See RUP 9.

12. See Stuart Woolf, "Contribution à l'histoire des origines de la statistique: France, 1789-1815," in école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales, La Statistique en France à l'époque napoléonienne (Brussels, 1980), 45-126; and Hacking, Taming of Chance , 28-34.

13. See the detailed account of the technical development of statistics in Stephen M. Stigler, The History of Statistics (Cambridge, 1986), 159-220. For the opposition to Quetelet's use of statistics in the 1830s and 1840s, see Gerd Gigerenzer et al., The Empire of Chance (Cambridge, 1989), 45-48.

14. See La Grande Encyclopédie (Paris, 1886-1902), vol. 30, 448.

15. Jesús Hermosa, Manual de geografía y estadística de la República Mejicana (Paris, 1857), vi. See also one of the first Mexican manuals for the making of statistics, José María Pérez Hernández, Curso elemental de estadística (Mexico City, 1874). Also in this regard, see Ramón Manterola, Ensayo sobre una clasificación de las ciencias (Mexico City, 1884), which developed the concept of probability in science.

16. Emiliano Busto, Estadística de la República Mexicana (Mexico City, 1880), iii.

17. Agustín Aragón, "La estadística," Revista Positiva , no. 23 (1902):484-93.

18. Antonio Peñafiel, "La estadística en la República Mexicana," Boletín de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística , 4th epoch, 4 (1897):512-13.

19. Regarding this institution, see Enrique de Olivarría y Ferrari, La Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística (Mexico City, 1901).

20. See Carlos Díaz Dufoo, México, 1876-1892 (Mexico City, 1893).

21. Quetelet established the concept of the "average man" in society and thus the idea of deviation. For my analysis of the creation of a modern nation, it is important to bear in mind that Quetelet was not only a great statistician but also, as Hacking characterizes him, "the greatest of international propagandists for the value of statistics." Small wonder that, as many did in England and Germany, in Mexico Peñafiel referred to him to justify the importance of statistics. See Hacking, Taming of Chance , 74; and Peñafiel, "La estadística.''

22. See Antonio Garcia Cubas, Importancia de la estadística (Mexico City, 1871).

23. Juan de D. Bojorquez, Orientaciones de la estadística en México: Conferencia sustentada en la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística, el 14 de Mayo de 1929 (Mexico City, 1929); and Francisco Barrera Lavalle, Apuntes para la historia de la estadística en México, 1821-1910: Concurso Científico y Artístico del Centenario (Mexico City, 1911).

24. See annotated circular, EXP, Box l, Exp. 18, pp. 8-9.

25. See Godoy, México en París , 214-16, 221-22; and for the tables described here, see EXP, Box 51, Exp. 8-15; Box 52, Exp. 1-10; and Box 53, Exp. 1-11.

26. For instance, in 1888 the president of the Sociedad Agrícola Mexicana was asked about data on haciendas in Mexico City. He replied that such information was

completely unavailable (EXP, Box 8, Exp. 20). The general agricultural statistics prepared for the 1900 Paris fair included Mexico Gity, (EXP, Box 52, Exp. 2).

27. Argentina, Comisión, Exposición de Paris 1889, L'Agriculture et l'élevage dans la République Argentine d'après le recensement de la premiere quinzaine d'octobre de 1888 . . . ouvrage publié sous la direction de F. Latzina (Paris, 1889). The province of Buenos Aires produced Comisión Auxiliar Provincial, Exposición Universal de Paris 1889, Censo agrícola-pecuario de la provincia de Buenos Aires . . . para contribuir a la representación de la República Argentina en la Exposición Universal de Paris (Buenos Aires, 1889), which included information on the nationalities of people working on ranches. Previously, Argentina had prepared a statistical study for the 1867 Paris fair: Argentina, La Confederation Argentine a l'Exposition Universelle de 1867 à Paris, Notice statistique générale et catalogue (Paris, 1867).

28. See E. Levasseur, Le Brésil , 2d ed. (Paris, 1889). This collection of statistical and geographical data was also published as part of the Brazil entry in the Grande Encyclopédie .

29. See Rafael Reyes, Apuntamientos estadísticos sobre la república del Salvador (San Salvador, 1888).

30. Before the mathematical development of probability, the rule of large numbers was constantly invoked. See Gigerenzer et al., Empire of Chance , 39-40.

31. Hacking, Taming of Chance , 77.

32. E Galton, Natural Inheritance (London, 1889).

33. Manuel Orozco y Berra, Apuntes para la historia de la geografía en México (Mexico City, 1881), 428. See also Bernardo Garcia Martínez, "La Comisión Geográfico-Exploradora," Historia Mexicana 24, 4 (1975):485-555.

34. Document reproduced in Godoy, México en París , 220-21. See the particular catalogue of this commission by Díaz: Agustín Díaz, Catalogue des objets composant le contigent de la Commission, précédé de quelques notes sur son organisation et ses travaux (Paris, 1889).

35. DO, 28 March 1888.

36. See the report on the 1889 map: México, Secretaría de Fomento, Memoria para la carta general geográfica de la República Mexicana: Año de 1889 (Mexico City, 1890); and Garcia Martinez, "La Comisión Geográfico-Exploradora," 492-93

37. Indeed, before any lobbying of the wizards of progress, this display was awarded two grand prizes by the French jury. See México, Commission Géographique Exploratrice de la République Mexicaine, Catalogue (Mexico City, 1889), 26 and 52; and México, Secretaría de Fomento, Lista de los premios y recompensas obtenidos por Mé-xico en la Exposición Internacional de Paris de 1889 (Mexico City, 1891), 7.

38. About him, see Miguel A. Sánchez Lamego, "Agustín Díaz, ilustre cartógrafo mexicano," Historia Mexicana 24 (1975):556-65.

39. Díaz, Catalogue des objets , 4-5. See also Sánchez Lamego, "Agustín Díaz," 563; and Orozco y Berra, Apuntes , 429.

40. See EXP, Box 4, Exp. 28. Here García Cubas was appointed to write a geographical and statistical study of the country.

41. Based on this book, Antonio Garcia Cubas wrote Mexico: Its Trade, Industries and Resources (Mexico City, 1893) for Mexico's display in Chicago. For a history of Garcia Cubas's original maps and the development of his works until 1880, see Orozco y Berra, Apuntes , 421-34. See also Garcia Cubas's archive at the Sociedad Mexicana de Geografía y Estadística.

42. Castillo and Aguilera created the Instituto Geológico. As a result of Aguilera's initiative the institute was granted the building it possessed in Santa María, Mexico City. See Alberto María Carreño, "Un insigne geólogo mexicano: Ing. José G. Aguilera," in his Semblanzas , vol. 2 (Mexico City, n.d.), 5-22. See also Mexico, Secretaría de Fomento, Bosquejo de una carta geológica de la República Mexicana , 1:300,000,000 (Mexico City, 1889).

43. In this regard, see Gabriel Gohau, A History of Geology , trans. Albert and Marguerite Carozzi (New Brunswick, 1990), 99-110, 125-37.

44. See Catálogo de los trabajos de la comisión especial para la formación del Bosquejo de una Carta Geológica de la República , 22 April 1889, signed by Antonio del Castillo, EXP, Box l, Exp. 16, pp. 114-114bis.

45. EXP, Box 3, Exp. 12.

46. Ibid.; and EXP, Box 1, Exp. 16, p. 71. See also Teodoro Flores, "Panorama de la geología en México (1551-1951)," in Memoria del Congreso Científico Mexicano 3 (1953), 23-61.

47. Castillo's report in EXP, Box 1, Exp. 16. See also Antonio del Castillo's study: Catalogue descriptif des météorites (Paris, 1889).

48. EXP, Box 1, Exp. 15. See also the "Catálogo descriptivo de los meteoritos de México," La Naturaleza , 2d series, 1 (1887-1890):328.

49. Regarding this unification of science and technology, see Thomas Kuhn, "The Relation between History and the History of Science," in his Essential Tension , 127-61.

50. See Alfred Chandler, Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, 1990), 47-89; and David S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1750 to the Present (Cambridge, 1969), 196-201.

51. To Juan Andrés Velarade, for a new way to amalgamate metals. From the AGN Gobernación Leg. 132, quoted in Sánchez Flores, Historia de la tecnología y la invención , 291. According to Mexican patent laws, the president had to sign the patent and a fee of 50 to 150 pesos had to be paid. See Patent and Trade-Mark Laws of America , Bulletin 3 (Washington, 1891).

52. Previously, there were other regulations (the law of 7 May 1832 and the reglamento of 12 July 1852). See Juan de la Torre, Legislación de patentes y marcas (Mexico City, 1903); and Elf as Trabulse, Las patentes de invención durante el siglo XIX en Mé-xico , Boletín del Archivo General de la Nación, 3d series, no. 34 (Mexico City, 1988). See also the catalogue and research by Soberanis, "Catálogo de patentes de invención en México."

53. For instance, for the 1901 Buffalo world's fair, Mexican officials produced the following pamphlets (in English): Patent Law of the United States of Mexico; Law for the Promotion of New Industries in the United States of Mexico ; and Trade Mark Law of the United States of Mexico , both mentioned in Albino R. Nuncio, "Informe relativo a la participación de México y a los trabajos de la Comisión Mexicana, en la Exposición Pan-Americana celebrada en Buffalo N.Y. en 1901," in México, Secretaría de Fomento, Memoria presentada al Congreso de la Unión per el Secretario de Estado y del Despacho de Fomento, Ing. Leandro Fernández, 1 de enero 1901-31 de diciembre de 1904 (Mexico City, 1909), 181-203. See also México, Comisión Nacional de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos para la Exposición Pan-Americana de Buffalo, Nueva York, Official Catalogue of the Mexican Exhibit at the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo (Buffalo, 1901).

54. In the Patentes y Marcas I have been able to find the registration of only three inventions: Maximino Río de la Loza's device to avoid railroad accidents, Pugibet's machine to fabricate cigarettes, and a machine to process vegetable fibers (henequen).

55. See French requirements and rules for exhibitors in RUP 1.

56. EXP, Box 8, Exp. 24.

57. The products exhibited in the industry group are listed in México, Catalogue officiel de l'Exposition de la République Mexicaine .

58. These machines were important to the economy of Yucatán. In fact, during the 1860s a dispute took place regarding the patent of the first scraping machines. By the 1880s the debate was over and new technology was imported from the United States. In this regard, see Narcisa Trujillo, "Las primeras máquinas desfibradoras de henequén," in Enciclopedia Yucatanense , ed. C. Echánove Trujillo, vol. 3 (Mérida, Mexico, 1946), 627-56; and Cámara Zavala, "Historia de la industria henequenera hasta 1919," in Enciclopedia Yucatanense , vol. 3, 657-725.

59. Inventory of boxes in the steamship Chateau Margaux , EXP, Box 8, Exp. 27.

60. EXP, Box 3, Exp. 11.

61. EXP, Box 8, Exp. 26.

62. See the numerous entries of his name in Patentes y Marcas.

63. Jules Verne, "Five Weeks in a Balloon," translation quoted in René Dubos, Reason Awake: Science for Man (New York, 1970), 56.

64. See Jochen Hoock, "économie politique, statistique et réforme administrative en France et en Allemagne dans la deuxième moitié du 18e siècle," in Formation et transformation du savoir administratif en France et en Allemagne (18e/19e s. ), ed. Guido Melis et al. (Baden-Baden, 1989), 34-35.

65. For an insightful analysis of the origins of rational politics in France during the attempt to reconstruct a "government culture" after the revolution and during the first decade of the nineteenth century, see Pierre Rosanvallon, Le Moment Guizot (Paris, 1985), 21-25.

66. As such, administration acquired a certain independence from politicians, but not from government. In this regard, and to explain the different traditions of administrative knowledge (that is, French, English, and American), see Rosamund Thomas, The British Philosophy of Administration (London, 1978).

67. Regarding public administration in France, see Guy Thuillier, Bureaucratie et bureaucrates en France au XIXe siècle (Geneva, 1980), 220-42, 479-98; and Guy Thuillier, La Bureaucratie en France aux XIXe e XXe siècles (Paris, 1987), 663-88. For the way in which scientific politics supported the origins of the French Third Republic, see Rosanvallon, Le Moment Guizot , 58-71.

68. See Nicolet, L'Idée républicaine , 287.

69. See Pierre Legendre, Histoire de l'administration de 1750 à nos jours (Paris, 1968) 87-90.

70. Box l, Exp. 18.

71. About him and his work, see C. Javier Guillén, "Emiliano Busto y su aportación a la investigación social en México" (Tesis Licenciatura, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1977).

72. A contract was signed with the French editor R. Dupont for 10,453 francs for the publication of 2,000 copies of the book. See EXP, Box 1, Exp. 19.

73. Emiliano Busto, La administración pública en Méjico (Paris, 1889).

74. See Busto's reports to Díaz in UIA-Díaz, L. 14, c. 23, d. 11382, 11383; L. 14, c. 26, d. 12911, 12913; and L. 14, c. 14, d. 6700, 6701.

75. EXP, Box 1, Exp. 18.

76. News of this study was published in such media as Le Temps and Le Figaro . See EXP, Box l, Exp. 18.

77. Jules Josat, Le Ministère de Finances (Paris, 1883). This is exactly the same definition that Josat presented on p. 1.

78. Busto, La administración pública en Méjico , 117-18.

79. The book that Busto followed was Josat, Le Ministère de Finances . In 1894 Josat published Recueil de rédactions sur des sujets d'économie politique et sur des questions financières et administratives (Paris 1894). In 1883 he lamented the general lack of scientific manuals of administration in France, as did Busto in Mexico. But, as historian Omar Guerrero observed, Busto did not include Mexico's history of administrative thought, which included such authors as de la Rosa, Madrazo, Castillo Velasco, and Alamán. See Omar Guerrero, Introducción a la administración pública (Mexico City, 1985), 230-31.

80. Josat, Le Ministère de Finances , 1.

81. Busto transcribed Josat's tableau récapitulatif (graphic summary) for each French ministry and used the same format to develop the cuadros sinópticos for the Mexican ministries.

82. Busto, La administración pública en Méjico , 119.

83. For a list of previous studies on public administration in Mexico, see Guerrero, Introducción a la administración pública , 209-11.

84. Hale, Transformation of Liberalism , 21.

85. Studies by bureaucrats pointed out the need to control corruption, clientelism, and favoritism. Lorenzo de Zavala (1820s), Lucas Alamán (1830s), José María Luis Mora (1830s), Luis de la Rosa (1850s), Julio Jiménez (1880s), and others pointed out the problem of empleomanía (large bureaucracy) and corruption. See Guerrero, Introducción a la administración pública , 218-40.

86. See Gilles J. Guglielmi, La Notion d'administration publique dans la théorie juridique française (Paris, 1991); and Thomas, British Philosophy of Administration .

1. See Francisco de Asís Flores y Troncoso, Historia de la medicina en México , vol. 3 (Mexico City, 1888). See also Alamán's description of work in natural history and its effect on the concept of a wealthy Mexico: Alamán, Historia de Méjico , vol. l, 114-16, 120-23.

2. See José María Velasco's explanation of the development of natural history in relation to the "new" peace, in La Naturaleza 6 (1882-1884):4-5.

3. EXP, Box 4, Exp. 27. He also wrote a study on pulque that was displayed in Paris.

4. EXP, Box 4, Exp. 27, pp. 6-7, Informe que tiene la honra de rendir el que suscribe al jefe del 5to. Grupo de Exposición . Mexico's exhibits at world's fairs disclosed the existence of a quiet but fecund and serious dedication of Mexican scientists to natural

history. Altamirano's botanical studies became an indispensable part of Mexico's presence at various world's fairs. See, for example, the English version of his study prepared for the 1904 Saint Louis fair: Francisco Altamirano, Materia Médica Mexicana (Saint Louis, 1904).

5. Among the material that was lost were: 28,625 samples of dried vegetables, 14,604 samples of insects, 908 birds, 165 reptiles, 47 mammals, 1,580 mollusks, 2,000 mineral rocks, 12,000 fossils, 293 kinds of wood, and 230 fruits. See Carlos Pacheco, Memoria presentada al Congreso de la Unión por el Secretario de Estado y del Despacho de Fomento, Colonización, Industria y Comercio, corresponde a los años transcurridos de enero de 1883 a junio de 1885 , vol. 1 (Mexico City, 1887), 108.

6. The exhibition comprised 2,000 samples of fossils, 5,500 samples of plants, 30,445 samples of diverse insects, 15 samples of stuffed reptiles, 50 samples of reptiles in alcohol, 1,254 samples of stuffed birds, 6,631 of birds in skin, 50 samples of stuffed mammals, 112 samples of mammals in skin, and 3 skeletons. See México, Commission Géographique Exploratrice de la République Mexicaine, Catalogue , 59.

7. This was argued by Agustín Díaz, director of the commission, in the catalogue of the commission's exhibit in Paris. See ibid., 41.

6. The exhibition comprised 2,000 samples of fossils, 5,500 samples of plants, 30,445 samples of diverse insects, 15 samples of stuffed reptiles, 50 samples of reptiles in alcohol, 1,254 samples of stuffed birds, 6,631 of birds in skin, 50 samples of stuffed mammals, 112 samples of mammals in skin, and 3 skeletons. See México, Commission Géographique Exploratrice de la République Mexicaine, Catalogue , 59.

7. This was argued by Agustín Díaz, director of the commission, in the catalogue of the commission's exhibit in Paris. See ibid., 41.

8. This was the case with other countries; see, for example, the Chilean study by Adolfo Murillo, Plantes médicinales du Chile (Paris, 1889).

9. See Eli de Gortari, La ciencia en la historia México (Mexico City, 1965), 189-95; and Elías Trabulse, La ciencia en México (Mexico City, 1983), vol. 1, 46-49.

10. Mexico, Commission Géographique Exploratrice, Catalogue , 25. The collections exhibited were: Distrito Federal, Collection de mille plantes . . ., a French edition of Alfonso Herrera's Nouvelle pharmacopée mexicaine ; state of Morelos, 100 samples of indigenous medicinal plants; state of Puebla, 216 samples of indigenous medicinal plants; state of Michoacán, 29 samples of indigenous medicinal plants; and state of Veracruz, 3 samples of indigenous medicinal plants. Previously, these types of collections had been sent to Philadelphia and New Orleans (see "Catálogo de la colección de productos naturales indígenas remitidos por la Sociedad de Historia Natural," La Naturaleza 3 [1876], 382).

11. See Godoy, Enciclopedia biográfica de contemporáneos , 107-8.

12. See Mexico, Commission Géographique Exploratrice, Catalogue , 30 and 123.

13. EXP, Box 6, Exp. 9. He was also appointed the Mexican representative at the International Congress of Chemistry in Paris.

14. EXP, Box 6, Exp. 9.

15. DO, 16-18 October 1890. He analyzed the teaching and research qualities of laboratories, their architecture, and their location (EXP, Box 6, Exp. 9). Regarding the history of this first modern laboratory in Mexico, see José Joaquín Izquierdo, Balance cuatricentenario de la fisiología en México (Mexico City, 1934), 245-46.

16. See El Estudio , no. 2 (1889).

17. "A L'Exposition. Le Palais Mexicain. L'édifice et ses dimensions.-Une des plus curieuses expositions du Nouveau-Monde.-Le Pays des Aztéques.-Textiles et oiseauxmouches," La Lanteinier , n.d.

18. See Ory, Les Expositions Universelles de Paris , 9-27; and Ann-Louise Shapiro, Housing the Poor of Paris, 1850-1902 (Madison, 1985), 87. Regarding social economy at the 1889 exhibition, see X. Ryckelynck, "L'économie sociale dans le rapport d'Alfred Picard sur l'Exposition Universelle de 1889," Le Revue de l'économie Sociale (1990):97-

107; and Laure Godineau, "L'économie sociale à l'Exposition Universelle de 1889," Le Mouvement Social , no. 149 (1989):71-87. For the 1900 exposition, see Marc Pénin, "L'économie sociale à travers le rapport de Charles Gide sur l'Exposition Universelle de 1900," Le Revue de l'économie Sociale (1990):137-157; and France, Paris, Exposition Universelle de 1889, Congrès International d'Assistance, tenu du 28 juillet au 4 août 1889 , 2 vols. (Paris, 1889). For an analysis of the transformation of the concept of public assistance, see Jean-Baptiste Martin, Le Fin des mauvais pauvres: De l'assistance à l'assurance (Seyssel, 1985).

19. See Gide, économie sociale . For the origins of the concern with public assistance, see William Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease (Madison, 1982), 24-33; Catherine Jean Kudlick, "Disease, Public Health and Urban Social Relations: Perceptions of Cholera and the Paris Environment, 1830-1850" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1988), 18-97; and Gueslin, L'Invention de l'économie sociale , 151-60.

20. See Ann E Le Berge, Mission and Method: The Early Nineteenth-Century French Public Health Movement (Cambridge, 1992). For public health in the French Third Republic, see Martha L. Hildreth, Doctors, Bureaucrats, and Public Health in France, 1888-1902 (New York, 1987); the controversial interpretation by Bruno Latour, The Pasteurization of France (Cambridge, 1987); Jacques Léonard, La Médicine entre les savoirs et les pouvoirs (Paris, 1981), 149-85, 241-327; and Kudlick, "Disease," 18-34.

21. Regarding this issue, see Hildreth, Doctors , 1-35, 107-63; and kudlick, "Disease," 62-84.

22. See Léonard, La Médicine , 317.

23. See Jules Rochard, "L'Hygiéne en 1889," Le Revue des Deux Mondes 96 (November-December, 1889):54-85.

24. RUP 2:139-41.

25 See, for example, the opinions of three historians of French hygiene. Le Berge ( Mission and Method, 2 ) argues that within scientism, "public hygiene was one of those areas that had to be transformed into a scientific discipline. . .. If the hygienists' method was scientific, their mission was hygienism, a kind of medical imperialism incorporating both the medicalization and moralization of society." Shapiro ( Housing the Poor , 134) believes that during the second half of the century "hygienists abandoned their earlier romanticist aspirations to become therapeutic clergy administering to a regenerated population. Instead they were more likely to address problems of sanitary engineering and the control of contagious diseases." Finally, the controversial historian Bruno Latour maintains that not until the Pasteurian revolution, and not before 1895, did hygiene acquire a clear scientific and political status (Bruno Latour, "Le Théâtre de la preuve," in Pasteur et la révolution pastorienne , ed. Claire Salomon-Bayet, [Paris, 1986]), 341).

26. See Kudlick, "Disease," 79-81.

27. For a short analysis of the different forms of professionalization, see Jan Goldstein, Console and Classify: The French Psychiatric Profession in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1987), 8-40; and Charle, La République des universitaires , 168-85. See also Hildreth, Doctors , 107.

28. Especially after the 1883-1884 cholera epidemic.

29. In this regard, see Andrew Aisenberg, "The enquête ," in his "Contagious Disease and the Government of Paris in the Age of Pasteur" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1993).

30. By 1889, however, Pasteur was already a national hero. He was received at the Congress of Hygiene in the Hotel de Ville of Paris with "Le Marseillaise." France, Paris, Exposition Universelle de 1889, Congrès International d'Higiène et de Démographie, 1889. Compte rendu (Paris, 1890). In this regard see also J. Léonard, "Comment peuton être pasteurien?," in Salomon-Bayet, Pasteur , 151-52.

31. The literature on this topic is vast. See the classical study by Erwin Ackerknecht, "Anticontagionism between 1821-1867," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 22 (1948): 562-93; and Le Berge, Mission and Method , 1-6.

32. It could be argued that the legacy of the early health movements was not completely overcome by the 1880s. See Le Berge, Mission and Method , 96.

33. This is argued in Shapiro, Housing the Poor , 154. Hildreth ( Doctors , 19) observed that "the anxieties over population resulted [in the 1880s] from the comparison of France, Germany, and Britain."

34. See Rochard, "L'Hygiène en 1889"; and Latour, "Le Thèâtre," 353.

35. Among the duties of this council was to certify doctors' diplomas. See Mé-xico, Secretaría de Gobernación, La salubridad e higiene pública en los Estados Unidos Mexicanos , lxxvii.

36. From 1877 to 1879 the role of the council was briefly devaluated when it was incorporated into the Junta Directiva de la Benefiencia Pública (ibid., lxxvii-lxix).

35. Among the duties of this council was to certify doctors' diplomas. See Mé-xico, Secretaría de Gobernación, La salubridad e higiene pública en los Estados Unidos Mexicanos , lxxvii.

36. From 1877 to 1879 the role of the council was briefly devaluated when it was incorporated into the Junta Directiva de la Benefiencia Pública (ibid., lxxvii-lxix).

37. México, Consejo Central de Salubridad, Memoria leída por el Secretario del Consejo Central de Salubridad el día 17 de enero de 1867 (Mexico City, 1867), 1.

38. See France, Congrès International d'Higiène et de Démographie, 1889 . Dr. Gaviño presented this code at the congress.

39. See "Proyecto de Código Sanitario de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, sometido a la Secretaría de Gobernación, 30 de Junio 1889," reprinted in Gutiérrez et al., Historia de la salubridad y la asistencia en México , vol. 3 (Mexico City, 1960), 327-29.

40. Gayol was named general engineer of Mexico City in 1884, and he traveled abroad to study sanitary systems. See Eduardo Liceaga, "Progresos alcanzados por la higiene de 1810 a la fecha," in SSA, Box 9, Exp. 9.

41. See Miguel Angel de Quevedo, Memoria sobre el Valle de México (Mexico City, 1889).

42. See México, Catalogue officiel de l'Exposition de la République Mexicaine , 141-42.

43. For a detailed account of the pamphlets and books published by the institute for the year 1889, see Francisco Fernández del Castillo, Historia bibliográfica del Instituto Médico Nacional de México (1888-1915 ) (Mexico City, 1961), 32-33.

44. As Mexican envoys to the Public Assistance Congress, the archival material only mentions Alfredo Bablot, but the reports of the congress mentioned Pedro García and Angel Gaviño and reproduced Gaviño's speech. See France, Paris, Exposition Universelle de 1889, Congrès International d'Assistance, tenu du 28 juillet au 4 août 1889 , vol. 1 (Paris, 1889), xxi-xxii. Regarding Angel Gaviño, see Rafael Heliodoro Valle, La drugía mexicana del siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1942), 250. See also France, Paris, Exposition Universelle de 1889, Congrüs International de Dermatologie et de Syphiligraphie, 1889 (Paris, 1890). According to Mexican sources, Pedro García, Manuel Flores, and José Ramirez attended the second congress, but no official Mexican envoy is mentioned in the French report of it.

45. They were joined by Angel Treviño. See France, Paris, Exposition Universelle de 1889, Congrñs International de Medicine Mentale tenu à Paris 2-20 août 1889 (Pads, 1890); and France, Congrès International d'Higiène et de Démographie, 1889 .

46. See SSA, Box 7, f. 37, report by Alvarado that included the translation of sanitary codes from the states of Maine, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and New York.

47. See Manuel María Carmona y Valle, Leçons sur l'étiologie et la prophylaxie de la fièvre jaune (Mexico City, 1885). For the history of the disease, see Folke Henschen, The History and Geography of Diseases , trans. Joan Tate (New York, 1966), 36-39.

48. In this regard, see the analysis of Carmona y Valle's role in the international fight against yellow fever in François Delaporte, The History of Yellow Fever , trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge, 1991), 68-74. See Porfirio Parra, "Discurso pronunciado en la solemne inauguración del IV Congreso Médico Nacional Mexicano, por su presidente, Dr. Porfirio Parra," in México, Secretaría de Instrucciín Pública, Fiestas del centenario de la independencia, organizadas por la Secretaría de Instrucción Pública (Mexico City, 1910), 154-60.

49. See Rafael Lucio, Opúsculo sobre el mal de San Lázaro o elefantiásis de los griegos (Mexico City, 1889).

50. See El Estudio 1 (1889); and the translation of articles collected in one volume after the exhibition, México, Ministerio de Agricultura de México, Instituto Médico Nacional, Travaux publiés par El Estudio (Paris, 1892). Distinguished physicians and hygienists, among them José Ramirez, Francisco Altamirano, Francisco Rio de la Loza, Eduardo Armendariz, Domingo Orvañanos, and Secundino Sosa, were involved in El Estudio .

51. Francisco de Asís Flores y Troncoso, El himen en México (Mexico City, 1885), 22.

52. See Florencio Flores, Ligeros apuntes de pelvimetría comparada (Cuernavaca, 1881), 9-11, 55-56.

53. See A lain Corbin, Women for Hire , trans. Alan Sheridan (Cambridge, 1990), 3-29.

54. See Gaceta Médica de México 25 (1890):8-15; 25, 2 (1890):27-39; 25, 3 (1890): 47-58; 25, 4 (1890):76-77; 25, 5 (1890):90; 25, 6 (1890):108; 25, 8 (1890):148-60; and 25, 9 (1890): 173-79. See also Manuel Acuña, Obras: Poesías, teatro, artículos y cartas , ed. José Luis Martínez (Mexico City, 1965), 20.

55. Regarding this congress and the interesting debate, see SSA, Box l, Exp. 2, 4.

56. In this regard, the story of Matilde Montoya is revealing. After many attempts and difficulties (which included having to work alone with corpses because it was improper for a woman to see naked bodies in the presence of a man), Montoya obtained her degree in 1887. She was the first woman doctor in Mexico, and for a long time the only one. See Laureana Wright de Kleinhans, Biografías de mujeres notables mexicanas de la época prehispáinica, la colonia y el siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1910), 541.

57. EXP, Box 6, Exp. 15.

58. See Domingo Ovañanos, Ensayo de geografía médica y climatología de la República Mexicana , 2 vols. (Mexico City, 1889).

59. El Estudio 1 (1889), 398.

60. Some of these letters and questionnaires were published by the BEMP. See, for example, BEMP 3:34-38, 72-75, 198-204, 271-76, 289-304, 432-51.

61. The treatment of climates was based on Orvañanos's previous work, "Apuntes para el estudio del clima en México," Gaceta Médica de México 14, 3 (1879):302.

62. Liceaga did not agree with this figure. He believed that it was actually higher than that, but he did not furnish an estimate. See Alberto Correa, Geografía de Mé-xico: Obra adoptada como texto en los escuelas públicas del Distrito y territorios federales (Mexico City, 1889).

63. The population comprised 5 million mestizos, 4 million Indians, 2 million Europeans, and 250,000 Blacks ( Geografía Médica , 14).

64. See, for example, D. Jourdanet, Du Mexique au point de vue de son influence sur la vie de l'homme (Paris, 1861), which deals with the relationship between altitude and diseases.

65. As quoted in Puebla: Su higiene, sus enfermedades (Mexico City, 1888).

66. Indeed, the results of this study were first presented to the Academia Nacional de Medicina de México ( Gaceta Médica de México 24, 8 [1889]:281-87).

67. The microbe Mycibacterium Leprae causes leprosy, but the disease is transmitted by vermin, fleas, and lice. See Henschen, History and Geography of Diseases , 117-18.

68. His data were supported by the analysis of the Massachusetts State Board of Health and by émile Poincaré's Prophilaxie et géographie médicale des principales maladies tributaires de l'hygiène (Paris, 1884).

69. Ibid., 60.

70. Ibid., 83.

71. See Delaporte, History of Yellow Fever , 83-101.

72. For a complete list of hygienists in Mexico, see the list prepared for the Fourth Panamerican Medical Congress, Panama, 1904, in SSA, Box 6, Exp. 7.

73. See, for instance, Fernando Malanco, "Intereses profesionales, males y remedios," Gaceta Médica de México 24, 12 (December 15, 1889):465-80.

74. See Liceaga's memoirs Mis recuerdos de otros tiempos , ed. Francisco Fernández del Castillo (Mexico City, 1949); his speech in the Hygienic Exposition during the centennial celebration of Mexico's independence in 1910, "Progresos alcanzados por la higiene de 1810 a la fecha," in SSA, Box 9, Exp. 9; and the speech he delivered at the Sociedad Pedro Escobedo in 1911, "Algunas consideraciones acerca de la higiene social en México," SSA, Box 10, Exp. 3, also published with the same title (Mexico City, 1911). On how the vaccine against rabies was brought to Mexico, see Congreso Médico Panamericano , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1896), 899-905. On the way in which the vaccine was developed in Mexico, see N. Ramirez de Arrellano, "Higiene. Profilaxis de la rabia," Gaceta Médica de México 24, 6 (1889):206-9.

75. See, for example, Liceaga's command of the situation in SSA, Box 4, Exp. 21. Liceaga sent José Ramírez to the International Sanitary Conference in Washington in 1902, then to work on controlling bubonic plague in Mazatlán, and then, in 1903, to Brussels to the International Sanitary and Demographic Congress, where he fell ill and died. For Liceaga's success in fighting yellow fever, see SSA, Box 8, Exp. 4 (1907).

76. See, for example, Diario del Hogar , 2 January 1900 (editorial). Liceaga was active in the Porfirian reelectionist campaigns.

77. France, Congrès International d'Higiène et de Démographie, 1889 , 336.

78. SSA, Box 4, Exp. 24.

79. Liceaga, as a doctor, appeared on the board of directors of various insurance companies and also lobbied on behalf of insurance companies with President Diaz (see UIA-Díaz, L. 14, Box 13, 6035-36, in which Liceaga requests appointments for the directors of the insurance company La Mutua). Liceaga was the personal physician of Porfirio Díaz's wife.

80. SSA, Box 8, Exp. 1.

81. México, Dictáimenes y resultados del Congreso Nacional de Higiene (Mexico City, 1884), 3.

82. SSA, Box 4, Exp. 24.

83. SSA, vol. 18, Edición especial documentos e informes presentados en la 20 reunión anual de la Asociación Americana de Salubridad Pública, Ciudad de Mé-xico, November 29-December 2, 1892, Concord, N.H., Republican Press Association, 1894.

84. Alberto. J. Pani, La higiene en México (Mexico City, 1916).

85. El Estudio l, 1 (1889):2.

86. See, for example, Perla Chinchilla Pawling, ''Introduction," in Trabulse, La ciencia en México , vol. 4, 9-25. She argues that between 1870 and 1914 Mexican science had its best chance to catch up with international modern science.

1. For Baudelaire's views, see Charles Baudelaire, "Exposition Universelle 1855: Beaux-Arts," in his Oeuvres complètes: Préface, présentation et notes de Marcel A. Ruff (Paris, 1968), 361-70. For Henry Adams's, see his beautiful account of the Chicago Columbian exhibition in his The Education of Henry Adams (New York, 1918), 331-45.

2. In this regard, see Hale, Transformation of Liberalism ; Guerra, México , vol. 1 (Mexico City, 1988); and Alicia Perales Ojeda, Asociaciones literarias mexicanas: Siglo XIX (Mexico City, 1957). For an insightful parallel regarding the mutual creation of a particular polity and a public opinion, see Keith Baker, "Public Opinion as Political Invention," in his The Invention of the French Revolution (Cambridge, 1990), 167-99.

3. The Porfirian regime was active in repressing the press, but it was even more successful in "sponsoring" newspapers and journalists. According to Bulnes, by the end of the Porfirian period 70 percent of the intellectuals and journalists were on the government's payroll. Nonetheless, between 1889 and 1900 active opposition could be found in newspapers such as El Hijo del Ahuizote, El Diario del Hogar, El Monitor del Pueblo (1885-1893), El Popular (beginning in 1897), to a certain extent The Mexican Herald (beginning in 1895), and El Siglo XIX (until 1896). See González Navarro, HMM, 388; José Bravo Ugarte, Periodistas y periódicos mexicanos hasta 1935 (Mexico City, 1966); Florence Toussaint Alcaraz, Escenario de la prensa en el porfiriato (Mexico City, 1989); Henry Lepidus, The History of Mexican Journalism (Columbia, 1928), 47-80; and Maria del Carmen Ruiz Castañeda, "La prensa durante el por-firiato," in El periodismo en México: 450 años de historia , ed. María del Carmen Ruiz Castañeda (Mexico City, 1974), 209-64.

4. El Hijo del Ahuizote , 15 February 1989, 6. "Schnetz and Company" is a reference to E. Schnetz, a former member of the French tobacco company in Paris and Havana and an entrepreneur in Mexico who promoted French investment in manufacturing and in land-demarcation companies.

5. Ibid.

6. Ibid., 6.

7. El Diario del Hogar , 13 April 1888. For criticism of Pacheco's colonization policies, see El Diario del Hogar , 25 September 1889; 6, 8, 11, 12, and 26 October 1889; and 13 November 1889. In those editorials El Diario del Hogar analyzed the failure of colonization and the problems with Americans, French, Dutch, Germans, Italians, Chinese, Spaniards, and Blacks from Africa.

8. Ibid., 14 April 1888.

9. Ibid. The same newspaper complained on 15 February 1889 that Pacheco was negligent in his colonizing polices.

10. In Spanish, exponer can mean to exhibit, but it can also mean to expose, to show, to disclose, to put at risk, to uncover. Curiously, the French art and literary critic Philippe Hamon has written a book, Expositions , about literature and architecture in nineteenth-century France, taking as his point of departure the ambivalence of the word exposition and of the verb exposer in French.

11. Época Ilustrado , 23 November 1884.

12. El Hijo del Ahuizote , 29 January 1899, 65.

13. Ibid., 17 March 1889, 1.

14. Ibid., 4 June 1899, 160-61.

15. Ibid., 3 February 1889, 1.

16. Ibid., 20 January 1889, 1.

17. Ibid., 7 July 1889, 3.

18. Letters between Díaz Mimiaga and Porfirio Díaz, UIA-Díaz, Box 5, Leg. 15, Doc. 2497-2499.

19. El Hijo del Ahuizote , 8 September 1889, 3.

20. Ibid., 11 August 1889, 3.

21. Ibid., 18 February 1900, 101. I cannot fully dissect the irony of this satire because it refers to the specific humorous phrases and places of the time.

22. El Diario del Hogar , 15 March t 888.

23. Ibid., 13 April 1888. The official figure of 450,000 pesos was compared with the 200,000-peso budget of the United States.

24. El Economista Mexicano , reprinted and discussed in El Diario del Hogar , 17 February 1888.

25. El Diario del Hogar , 16 June 1889.

26. Federico Gamboa, Mi diario: Mucho de mi vida y algo de los otros , 1st series, vol. 3 (Mexico City, 1920), 352-53.

27. Ibid., 1st series, vol. 1, 51. This is what he commented after receiving an offer to translate his novel Apariencias : see ibid., 51.

28. El Hijo del Ahuizote , 20 January 1889, 4-5.

29. For Amado Nervo's effort to be named envoy to the 1900 Paris fair, see Salado Ádvarez, Memorias , 280-82. Nervo sought to be appointed an envoy of El Imparcial , but an article he published in the Revista Moderna irritated the director of El Imparcial , and he had to survive in Paris writing for many small papers. Ireneo Paz was an envoy of El Diario del Hogar and his own newspaper, La Patria , in 1889 and of E1 Imparcial in 1900. Díaz Dufoo was the envoy of El Imparcial in 1900. There is some evidence of Angel del Campo's work as an envoy of Associated Press of Mexico at the 1893 Chicago exposition.

30. El Hijo del Ahuizote , 29 April 1900, 297.

31. Ibid., 29 April 1900, 267. This is Charles Hale's suggestion. I thank him for the reference.

32. El Diario del Hogar , 14 July 1888, editorial.

33. Ibid., 20 January 1889.

34. Ibid.

35. Ibid., 8 March 1888.

36. El Hijo del Ahuizote , 11 August 1889, 3.

37. El Diario del Hogar , 23 August 1888.

38. Ibid., 25 September 1889.

39. La Crónica , 16 June 1889.

40. El Diario del Hogar , 14 April 1888.

41. See the complaints in ibid., 15 March 1888.

40. El Diario del Hogar , 14 April 1888.

41. See the complaints in ibid., 15 March 1888.

42. El Hijo del Ahuizote , 7 July 1889, 3. "Ramoncito" is a reference to Ramón Fernández, Mexican minister in France.

43. Ibid., 9 April 1889, 232-33.

44. El México Gráfico , 29 July 1888, 4-5.

45. The matador outfit might refer to his problems with antibullfight campaigns in 1888; he was so fond of these spectacles that he himself inaugurated the Plaza Bucareli in 1888 and the Plaza México in 1889. See González Navarro, HMM, 729-33.

46. See, for example, El Diario del Hogar , 8 March, 24 July, and 22 August, 1888 (complaints about expenditures and need for sanitary reforms). About tenant houses and hygiene, see El Diario del Hogar , 7 September 1888.

47. Ibid., 14 September 1888.

48. Ibid., 8 May 1889.

49. Ibid., 2 January 1900.

50. El Hijo del Ahuizote , 8 January 1899, 3.

51. México Gráfico , 9 February 1890, 1.

52. Ibid., 11 May 1890, 1.

53. El Hijo del Ahuizote , 8 April 1900.

54. Ibid., 2 June 1901, 388.

55. Emilio Rabasa, La bola y la gran ciencia (Mexico City, 1948), 9.

56. El México Gráfico , 11 January 1891, 1.

57. El Universal , 7 January 1894.

58. These announcements were among the thousands of commercial "therapeutical" announcements in the media during the 1880s and 1890s.

59. See El Diario del Hogar , 6 September 1889.

60. Ibid., 23 January 1900.

61. Bulnes, Elporvenir , 249.

62. El Diario del Hogar , 29 October 1889.

63. Bulnes, El porvenir , 70.

64. Ibid., 270-71.

1. In this regard, see my introduction.

2. During the first months of 1890, various communications dealt with the possibility of sending part of Mexico's exhibit at Paris to the 1890 Glasgow world's fair. Finally, the Mexican government announced its decision not to join the Glasgow fair. Therefore, the Mexican exhibition team began to prepare what was planned to be Mexico's greatest presence—at the Chicago fair of 1893—and the historical exhibit for Madrid in 1892.

3. The total cost of disassembling was 111,600 francs (Díaz Mimiaga, EXP, Box 12, Exp. 6, p. 46).

4. See de Anza's recommendations for disassembling the Aztec Palace in BEMP 5 (1889):743-47, 781-800.

5. The old inventory of expositions shows several signs of the serious damage suffered by one of the main steel columns of the building. Those documents are lost. See Inventario, EXP, Box 102, Exp. 9.

6. In 1891 there were rumors that the Aztec Palace was to be reassembled on a site belonging to the School of Agriculture, in Tacuba and Popotla (see Pérez Walters, "Jesús Contreras"; and Ramírez, "Dioses," 253). Later, the sculptures of the palace were stored at the Artillery Museum in the Ciudadela in Mexico City. There were also rumors that the Aztec palace was going to be reerected for the 1893 Chicago fair (see IPBA, Box 236, Exp. 6, f. 1; and letter by Ramón Fernández, SRE 44-6-13, II).

7. Gustavo Casasola's collection includes pictures of the patio of the National Museum of Artillery and of Contreras's sculptures. See Gustavo Casasola, Seis siglos de historia gráfica de México, 1325-1900 , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1967), 1082-83.

8. See México, Distrito Federal, Catálogo de monumentos escultóricos y conmemorativos del Distrito Federal (Mexico City, 1976).

9. Itzcoatl, Nezahualcoyotl, and Totoquihuatzin.

10. By the 1990s Contreras's sculptures had once again been relocated. Another sign of the epoch was that at the same time that Contreras was reappreciated and honored with an exhibition in the National Museum of Mexico City, the Mexican army reopened a museum in downtown Mexico City and located copies of Contreras's works at the side of the colonial building designed by Manuel Tolsa—the Palacio de Minería.

11. Report, M. Caballero to George R. Davis, EXP, Box 83, Exp. 18.

12. See Report, Serrano to Davis, EXP, Box 84, Exp. 18; and Godoy, La ciudad de Chicago , 94-95.

13. Report, Serrano to Davis, EXP, Box 84, Exp. 18.

14. See José María Vigil, Poetisas mexicanas, siglos XVI, XVII, XVIII y XIX (Mexico City, 1893).

15. See Mexico, Comisión Geográfico-Exploradora, Exposición Internacional Colombina de Chicago en 1893, Catálogo de los objetos que componen el contingente de la comisión (Jalapa, 1893). This catalogue was also prepared by Agustín Díaz.

16. See the report sent by M. Serrano to George R. Davis, general director of the Chicago fair, EXP, Box 83, Exp. 12, pp. 5-12.

17. The old Inventario (EXP, Box 102, Exp. 9) also contains some evidence of the request for financial support made by Othón Tello from Chihuahua to exhibit an Indian or Aztec town in Chicago (see the old Inventario's classification, Exp. 2564, which is lost in the new organization of EXP).

18. Photographs of these replicas are found in The Columbian Exposition Album (New York, 1893). See also E. H. Thompson, The Chultunes of Labná, Yucatán , Peabody Museum Memoirs, vol. 1, no. 3 (Cambridge, 1897); Thompson's memoirs, Peoples of the Serpent: Life and Adventure among the Mayas (Boston, 1932); and Don D. Fowler and Nancy J. Parezo, "Mayans in Chicago, Mound Builders in Buffalo: Archaeology at World's Fairs, 1876-1915" (paper presented at the History of Archaeology Sympo-

sium, Society for American Archaeology Annual Meeting, Saint Louis, Mo., April 16, 1993). Regarding the exhibits of "exotic" peoples in Chicago, see R. Rydell, All the World's a Fair ; and Rydell, "A Cultural Frankenstein? The Chicago World's Columbian Exposition of 1893," in Grand Illusions: Chicago's World's Fair of 1893 , ed. Neil Harris et al. (Chicago, 1993), 143-70.

19. James Gilbert, Perfect Cities: Chicago's Utopias of 1893 (Chicago, 1991), 109. The Midway Exhibit was based on Putnam's anthropological conception of evolution.

20. See Edward C. Relph, The Modern Urban Landscape (Baltimore, 1987); and Peter Blake, Frank Lloyd Wright: Architectural Space (Baltimore, 1965), 22-24.

21. The most remarkable example of Wright's Mayan influence was depicted in the Hollyhock House, constructed in 1928 in California. On Wright's Mayan inspiration derived from the 1893 Chicago fair, see Jack Quinan, "Frank Lloyd Wright in 1893: The Chicago Context," in Frank Lloyd Wright in the Realm of Ideas , ed. Bruce Brooks (Carbondale, 1988), 119-32; and, especially, D. Tselos, "Exotic Influences in the Architecture of Frank Lloyd Wright," Magazine of Art , April 1953, 163.

22. See Walter G. Cooper, The Cotton States and International Exposition and South, Illustrated (Atlanta, 1896), 49-5o. Col. Isaac W. Avery was sent to South America and Mexico. For Mexico, Charles H. Redding was the special agent.

23. See the report by Gregorio G. González in Mexico, Secretaría de Fomento, Anales de la Secretaría de Fomento, 1892-96 (Mexico City, 1898), 59, 282-89.

24. Cooper, Cotton States , 90.

25. Ibid.

26. James B. Haynes, History of the Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition of 1898 (Omaha, 1910), 90-91.

27. Mexico earned a total of 611 awards. To put it in perspective, see the table presented in Nuncio's report of Mexico's presence at the 1901 Buffalo fair. According to this table, the largest numbers of prizes won by Mexico were at the 1893 Chicago fair (l,177) and the 1900 Paris fair (1,088). But in terms of number of Mexican exhibitors who won awards, Buffalo was the most successful presence: 71 percent of exhibitors received prizes, in contrast to 51 percent at the 1900 Paris fair and 32 percent at the 1893 Chicago fair. See Albino R. Nuncio's report, in México, Secretaría de Fomento, Anales de la Secretaría de Fomento, 1901-1904 (Mexico City, 1909), 191. See also México, Official Catalogue of the Mexican Exhibit at the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo .

28. For a detailed list of the personnel involved in this fair, see México, Comisión Nacional Mexicana, Catálogo oficial de las exhibiciones de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, Exposición Internacional de St. Louis Mo., 1904 (Mexico City, 1904).

29. Chavero exhibited Apuntes viejos de bibliografía mexicana (1903); La piedra del sol. Estudio arqueológico (1886); Pinturas jeroglíficas, primera parte (1901); and Calendario o rueda del año de los antiguos mexicanos: Estudio cronológico (1901). Peñariel displayed, among other studies, Teotihuacán: Estudio arqueológico e histórico, texto y láminas, 2 vols. (1901-1902), Indumentaria antigua: Manera de vestir de los antiguos mexicanos, guerreros y civiles (1903), Colección de documentos para la historia mexicana , and his 1890 study, Monumentos del arte mexicano antiguo . See México, Comisión Nacional Mexicana, Catálogo oficial de las exhibiciones de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos , 291-92.

30. See pictures and explanation in David R. Francis, The Universal Exposition of 1904 , 2 vols. (Saint Louis, 1913).

31. M.J. Lowenstein, ed., Official Guide to the Louisiana Purchase Exposition (Saint Louis, 1904), 134.

32. See the analysis of the importance of this exhibit for Eliot's fascination with "primitivism," as he saw it in the 1904 Saint Louis fair, in Narita, "Eliot and the World's Fair of St. Louis: Collateral Evidence of His Fairoutings"; and Narita, "Eliot and the World's Fair of St. Louis: His 'Stockholder's Coupon Ticket.'''

33. For detailed descriptions of Mexico's presence at the New England fair, see the report by 'Albino R. Nuncio in México, Secretaría de Fomento, Anales de la Secretaría de Fomento, 1908-1909 (Mexico City, 1910), 74-87. According to Nuncio, for Mexico the total cost of this fair was U.S.$.8,274. For the 1909 San Antonio fair, see México, Secretaría de Fomento, Anales de la Secretaría de Fomento, 1909-1910 (Mexico City, 1910), 101-9. No cost was reported.

34. I develop the analysis of this exhibition more fully in M. Tenorio, "1900: At the Gates of Hell: Mexico and the 1900 Paris Fair" (manuscript).

35. See EXP, Box 64, Exp. 9, pp. 265-268; and Mier, México .

36. Rudorff, Belle Epoque , 322. Regarding the 1900 Paris universal exhibition, I relied on the following primary and secondary sources: Mandell, Paris 1900 ; the report France, Paris, Exposition Universelle de 1900, Exposition Universelle Internationale de 1900 á Paris: Rapport du jury international (Paris, 1904); Charles Rearick, Pleasures of the Belle Epoque: Entertainment and Festivity in Turn-of-the-Century France (New Haven, 1985); Madeleine Raberioux, "Approaches de l'histoire des expositions universelles á Paris du Second Empire a 1900," Bulletin du Centre D'Histoire Économique et Sociale de la Region Lyonnaise 1 (1979):1-20; Jullian, Triumph of Art Nouveau ; Frédéric Moret, "Images de Paris dans les guides touristiques en 1900," Le Mouvement Social , no. 160 (1992):79-98; Pénin, "L'Économie sociale; Poivert, "La Photographie artistique; Findling, Historical Dictionary ; X. Ryckelynck, "Les Hommes de l'Exposition Universelle de 1889: Le Cas Alfred Picard," Le Mouvement Social , no. 149 (1989):25-42; and, for data and memorabilia, Smithsonian Institution, The Books of the Fairs: Materials about World's Fairs, 1834-1916, in the Smithsonian Institution Libraries (Chicago, 1992).

37. Inspired by the emphasis on electric light, Mexican authorities commissioned Rafael R. Arizpe to undertake a study of Mexico City's electrification. As a result, Arizpe produced the book El alumbrado público en la ciudad de México: Estudio histórico (Mexico City, 1900).

38. Rearick, Pleasures of the Belle Epoque , 144. See also Mandell, Paris 1900 , ix. Man-dell maintains that the 1900 Paris fair "was the last time any one tried to include all of man's activity in one display" (p. xi).

39. Arnold J. Mayer, The Persistence of the Old Regime: Europe to the Great War (New York, 1981), 189.

40. George Steiner, In Bluebeard's Castle: Some Notes towards the Redefinition of Culture (New Haven, 1971), 5, 27.

41. Silverman, Art Nouveau , 266. The author quotes the French poet Maurice Rollinat.

42. For the idea of fin de siécle, see Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-Si è cle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980), xvii-xxvii.

43. Mier, México , 28.

44. See Circular 9, by Minister Fernández Leal, reproduced in ibid., 195-97. Regarding mining, see Carlos Sellerier, Data Referring to Mexican Mining, Prepared in View

of the Participation of Mexico in the Universal Exposition of Paris in 1900 (Mexico City, 1901).

43. Mier, México , 28.

44. See Circular 9, by Minister Fernández Leal, reproduced in ibid., 195-97. Regarding mining, see Carlos Sellerier, Data Referring to Mexican Mining, Prepared in View

of the Participation of Mexico in the Universal Exposition of Paris in 1900 (Mexico City, 1901).

45. The second most successful Mexican display, in terms of percentage of exhibitors winning awards, was that staged for the 1893 Chicago fair (32 percent). See Nuncio's report in Mexico, Anales de la Secretaría de Fomento, 1901-1904 , 191. For a detailed list of exhibitors winning awards, see EXP, Box 55, Exp. 10, pp. 83-114.

46. See Mier's letter (25 April 1899), in which he writes about Contreras's petition to hire a French architect for the construction of the Mexican pavilion, in EXP, Box 69, Exp. 5.

47. See Mier's letter to Fernández Leal, 7 May 1889. He describes this conflict and acknowledges having received "three or four" projects by Contreras based on " la capilla del posto en Guadalupe " and in " la casa de los azulejos " in Mexico City. See EXP, Box 58, Exp. 2.

48. See Mier, México , 83 ff.

49. EXP, Box 31, Exp. 9, p. 65.

50. EXP, Box 31, Exp. 9, pp. 66-68.

51. For a description of the building, see Mier, México , 220-29; and for a detailed report of the construction, see de Anza's report to Minister Fernández Leal, in EXP, Box, 31, Exp. 9, PP. 85-104.

52. Reproduced in Mier, México , 227.

53. See Mariscal, El desarrollo de la arquitectura , 19. According to the author, Rodriguez Arangoity received a prize from Napoleon III at the imperial exhibition of 1859 for his plan for a port and naval school in Tehuantepec. See also Katzman, Arquitectura del siglo XIX en México (Mexico City, 1973), 375-76.

54. Reproduced in Mier, México , 229.

55. This was the description found in the anonymous, long manuscript report titled "La participación de las potencias extranjeras en la exposición de Paris. Mé-xico," in EXP, Box 59, Exp. 12, pp. 158-204.

56. On the illumination of the building, see EXP, Box 32, Exp. 6, pp. 34-46.

57. See "Contrato para la ejecución de los modelos en yeso de la decoración del pabellón mexicano en la Exposición Universal de Paris de 1900," in EXP, Box 32, Exp. 2, pp. 52-54.

58. Certificado, 31 July 1900, EXP, Box 58, Exp. 3.

59. See Yeats's poem "Nineteen Hundred and Nineteen," in W. B. Yeats, Símbo-los , bilingual ed. (Mexico City, 1977), 150-57.

60. "I am the one who yesterday used to say no more than / the blue verse and the profane song. . . / and being very eighteenth century and very antique / and very modern; bold, cosmopolitan / with strong Hugo and with ambiguous Verlaine, / and with an endless thirst of hopes" (Rubén Darío, "Yo soy aquel que ayer decía," in his Cantos de vida y esperanza [Buenos Aires, 1940 (first published in 1905)], 25-30).

61. "Science is in bankruptcy! So proclaims/A cry of the moribund century, / once again this is the time to grab the oriflamme / of illusion in its infinite term" (Jesús E. Valenzuela, "Poesía pronunciada por su autor en la velada organizada en honor del eminente filósofo don Gabino Barreda " La Revista Moderna , no. 7 [1900]:102-5).

62. Amado Nervo, letter to Salado Ádvarez, December 1897, in his Obras Completas (Madrid, 1973), 340.

63. About the 1915 San Francisco world's fair, see Allwood, Great Exhibitions , 117-122. For an analysis of the ethnographic and anthropological aspects of San Francisco's exposition, see the essays collected in Benedict, Anthropology of World's Fairs ; and the insightful study by Rydell, All the World's a Fair . After San Francisco's world's fair, a comprehensive five-volume work was published which includes data and pictures on all aspects of the fair: Frank Morton Tood, The Story of the Panama-Pacific Exposition , 5 vols. (New York, 1921). For pictorial records, see Donna Ewald and Peter Clute, San Francisco Invites the World: The Panama-Pacific International Exposition of 1915 (San Francisco, 1991).

64. EXP, Box 94, Exp. 1. For Mexico's plans to participate in San Francisco's world's fair, see EXP, Box 94, all Exp.; Box 95, all Exp.; and Box 98, Exp. 1-16, 96, 97.

65. "Lista de expositores, FOTOGRAFIA (Photographers)," EXP, Box 94, Exp 5. It is not clear whether they agreed to participate.

66. For detailed data on U.S.-Mexican relations in the troubling years of 1913, 1914, and 1915, see Mark T. Gilderhus, Diplomacy and Revolution (Tucson, 1977); Berta Ulloa, La revolución intervenida: Relaciones diplomáticas entre México y Estados Unidos (1910-1914 ) (Mexico City, 1971); and the short but detailed work by James L. Tigner, "The Relation of the U.S. and Mexico, 1909-1914" (M.A. thesis, Stanford University, 1949). For a profound analysis of the real effectiveness of American intervention in times of tumult in Mexico—and of Mexico's nationalism in this context—see Alan Knight, U.S.-Mexican Relations, 1910-1940 (San Diego, 1987), 103-42.

67. In this regard, see the important explanations of 1914 as the year zero in economic terms in Womack, "Mexican Economy during the Revolution."

68. Tood, Story of the Exposition , vol. 1, 9-10.

69. Adams, Education of Henry Adams , 331-32.

70. Amado Nervo, "Discurso pronunciado en una distribución de premios," Teatro Abreu, Mexico, in his Obras Completas , 494-96. The phrase, he said, was inspired by an Argentine poet whose name he did not mention.

71. E. L. Doctorow, World's Fair (New York, 1985), 253.

72. See Louis Marin's views on Disneyland in Utopiques , 297-324.

1. See Pesavento, "Exposições universais," 63-85.

2. On the 1922 Rio exposition, see Jornal do Commercio, O Livro d'Ouro, Edição Comemorativa, 1822-1922 (Rio de Janeiro, 1922); Annie S. Peck, "The International Exposition of Brazil," Current History 15, 5 (1923): 1042-49; Findling, Historical Dictionary ; Marly Silva da Motta, A nação faz 100 anos (Rio de Janeiro, 1992); and Lúcia Lippi Oliveira, "As festas que a República manda guardar," Estudos Históricos 2, 4 (1989):172-89.

3. In 1903 this sanitary reform began in Rio de Janeiro. See Jaime Larr Benchimol, Pereira Passos: um Haussmann tropical: a renovação urbana da cidade do Rio de Janeiro no início do século XX (Rio de Janeiro, 1990); and Jeffrey D. Needell, A Tropical Belle Epoque: Elite Culture and Society in Turn-of-the-Century Rio de Janeiro (Cambridge, 1987).

4. The U.S. government authorized $1 million to be spent in Brazil, of which $350,000 was for the construction of the building (NYT, 28 May 1922).

5. According to the Mexican reports, France authorized an expenditure of 5,136,000 francs (SRE 18-5-72, I). See J. P. Curtis, "Architecture of the Brazil Centennial Exposition," Art and Architecture 5 (September 1923):95-104.

6. For a summary account of the Brazilian First Republic, see Boris Fausto, "Brazil: The Social and Political Structure of the First Republic (1889-1930)," in The Cambridge History of Latin America , ed. L. Bethell, vol. 5 (Cambridge, 1987), 779-830.

7. See Torre Diaz's economic and political reports to the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 1922 and 1923, SRE 41-7-23.

8. Daniel Pécaut, Entre le peuple et la nation (Paris, 1988), 18. See also pp. 11-46.

9. For a short review of the development of Brazilian intellectual life in this period, see Alfredo Bosi, "As letras na Primeira República," in História Geral da Civilização Brasileira , ed. Sérgio Buarque de Holanda, vol. 8 (São Paulo, 1977), 295-319; and Martins Wilson, História da Inteligência Brasileira , vol. 6 (São Paulo, 1915-1933), 272-376; Aracy Amaral, Artes plásticas na Semana de 22 (São Paulo, 1970); Pécaut, Entre le peuple et la nation ; and Sergio Miceli, Intelectuais e classe dirigente no Brasil (1920-1945 ) (S ã o Paulo, 1979).

10. So argued the organizers of the exhibition, according to Silva da Motta, A nação faz 100 anos , 71.

11. An explanation of this dichotomy can be found in ibid., 94-102; also in Nicolau Sevcenko, Literatura como missão (São Paulo, 1983).

10. So argued the organizers of the exhibition, according to Silva da Motta, A nação faz 100 anos , 71.

11. An explanation of this dichotomy can be found in ibid., 94-102; also in Nicolau Sevcenko, Literatura como missão (São Paulo, 1983).

12. "Mexican Ulysses" is the title of José Vasconcelos's autobiography ( Ulises criollo , 3d ed. [Mexico City, 1935]).

13. See Helen Delpar, The Enormous Vogue of Things Mexican: Cultural Relations between the United States and Mexico, 1920-1935 (Tuscaloosa, 1992).

14. In La raza cósmica (Paris, 1925), Vasconcelos writes about a diplomatic encounter with Hughes in a tense environment (see pp. 115-16).

15. The Westinghouse Corporation displays were especially remarkable. See Peck, "International Exposition of Brazil."

7. See Torre Diaz's economic and political reports to the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs for 1922 and 1923, SRE 41-7-23.

16. Torre Diaz sent classified letters to the Mexican Ministry of Foreign Affairs reporting on his talk with Pessoa, who, he argued, was promoting a Society of Nations, which he believed was too pro-American (SRE 7-16-67, II).

17. Ibid. For insights into how this excuse was constructed within the government, see the account of one of the actors in the drama, Alberto J. Pani, Mi contribución al nuevo régimen (1910-1933 ) (Mexico City, 1936), 292-98.

18. For this official appointment, see SRE 5-20-524.

19. In El desastre (Mexico City, 1951), Vasconcelos argued that Obregón aimed to put him far from Mexico in order to be free to maneuver politically and also to limit his growing prestige as minister of education (see pp. 145-48). Alberto J. Pani, then minister of foreign affairs, argued that he himself had suggested Vasconcelos's name to Obregón, bearing in mind that Vasconcelos had expressed his desire to be appointed. See Pani, Mi contrbución , 292-98. In addition, there is evidence that Vasconcelos lobbied to be appointed to this position, both in the AGN Obregón-Calles and in SRE 18-5-72, I-III.

20. See Gen. Manuel Pérez Treviño's long report on this delegation's activities:

Informe del comandante del cañonero Nicolás Bravo en su viaje por América del Sur, SRE 18-5-72, II; and the letter to Obregón in AGN Calles-Obregón 104-b-30 (20, 21).

21. See SRE 18-5-72, II.

22. SRE 18-5-72, I, letters of November and December.

23. Jornal do Commercio , 21 November 1921.

24. SRE 7-16-67, II.

25. Ibid., I. Tiffany was hired even though Williams Inc. offered a better deal (May 1922). Porfirio Díaz's regime hired Tiffany, among other things, for the crystal curtain of the National Theater (Palacio de Bellas Artes).

26. There is no record of these medals in SRE, but Vasconcelos ( El desastre , 149) mentioned that they were distributed (both to the Mexican and Brazilian presidents as well as to Pani).

27. Regarding Torri's trip to Brazil see Julio Torri, Diálogos de los libros (Mexico City, 1980), 240-43.

28. Vasconcelos, El desastre , 149.

29. SRE 18-5-72, I, II.

30. Obregón Santacilia grew up in the Porfirian aristocracy and was educated at the School of Fine Arts of San Carlos. He was, first, a great promoter of a colonialist revival in Mexico, inspired by a member of the Ateneo de la Juventud, Jesús T. Aceredo; and he followed the teachings of Federico E. Mariscal. Later he experimented with art deco and, finally, with functionalist mechanist architecture. With his building for the 1922 Brazilian exhibition, and with his friendship with Pani, he began his successful career as one of the architects of the postrevolutionary regimes. Among his main works are the transformation of the Porfirian Legislative Palace into the Monument of the Revolution, the building for the Ministry of Sanitation, the Re-forma and del Prado hotels, and the offices of the Bank of Mexico in the former Guardiola plaza. See Carlos Obregón Santacilia, Cincuenta años de arquitectura mexicana (Mexico City, 1925); and Carlos Obregón Santacilia, El maquinismo, la vida y la arquitectura (Mexico City, 1939). About him, see Maria Luisa Adame, "Arquitecto Carlos Obregón Santacilia," cultural supplement to Novedades , 16 October 1955; Israel Katzman, Arquitectura contemporánea mexicana: Precedentes y desarrollo (Mexico City, 1963); Mexico, Partido Revolucionario Institucional, Tradición de la cultura: Na-cionalismo cultural: Carlos Obregón Santacilia (Mexico City, 1988); Ramón Vargas Salguero, "La arquitectura de la revolución," in México: 75 años de revolución, Educación, Cultura y Comunicaciones , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1988), 437-77; and Enrique X. de Anda, La arquitectura de la revolución mexicana: Corrientes y estilo en la déada de los veinte (Mexico City, 1990).

31. In the interior of the British pavilion, Vasconcelos argued, "[there] were represented the four parts of the world, in the customary way in which the British depict the world, only to remind us that they are the masters of the world" (Vasconcelos, La raza cósmica , 82).

32. Margaret Hutton Abels, "Painting at the Brazil Centennial Exposition," Art and Archaeology 16 (Summer 1923):108.

33. In this regard, see Justino Fernández, Roberto Montenegro (Mexico City, 1962); and Ramírez's analysis of the artistic and cultural debate between 1914 and 1921 (an examination of journals and newspapers published during that period): Fausto Ramirez, Crónica de las artes plásticas en los años de López Velarde, 1914—1921 (Mexico

City, 1990). See also Montenegro's autobiographical notes, Roberto Montenegro, Pianos en el tiempo (Mexico City, 1962).

34. In this regard, see Carlos Obregón Santacilia, México como eje (Mexico City, 1947), 103.

35. Peck, "International Exposition of Brazil," 1044.

36. See Katzman, Arquitectura contemporánea mexicana; Arquitectura del siglo XIX ; Carlos Lira Vásquez, Para una historia de la arquitectura mexicana (Mexico City, 1900); Xavier Moyssén, "El nacionalismo y la arquitectura," Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas , no. 55 (1986): 111-31; Rafael López Rangel, La modernidad arquitectónica mexicana (Mexico City, 1989); and Anda, La arquitectura .

37. In this regard, see Claude Fell, José Vasconcelos: Los años del águila (1920-1925 ) (Mexico City, 1989), 456-62. For an analysis of Vasconcelos's own self-construction of his spiritual ideas in education around 1922, see the lucid, if short, essay by Enrique Krauze, "José Vasconcelos en 1921: Arquitecto del espíritu," in Cultura urbana latinoamericana , ed. Jorge Enrique Hardoy (Buenos Aires, 1985), 95-102.

38. Vasconcelos, La raza cósmica , 40.

39. For the early intellectual influences on Vasconcelos, see John Skirius, José Vasconcelos y la cruzada de 1929 (Mexico City, 1978), 13-43.

40. "In 1915, when the Revolution's failure seemed more imminent than ever . . . changes began to appear providing evidence of a new direction. . . . The Mexican Revolution was born out of that year's chaos. A new Mexico was born out of that year's chaos" (quoted in Carlos Monsiváis, "Notas sobre cultura mexicana en el siglo XX," in E1 Colegio de México, Historia general de México , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1985), 1406.

41. Lecture delivered in the 1910s, reprinted in Aceredo, Disertaciones , 53.

42. Mariscal, La patria y la arquitectura nacional , 10. Other names associated with colonial revival in architecture were Manuel G. Revilla in the 1890s and Manuel Romero de Terreros, José Juan Tablada, Manuel Toussaint, and Gerardo Murillo in the 1910s and 1920s. See José Juan Tablada, Historia del arte en México (Mexico City, 1927); Manuel Toussaint, Arte colonial en México (Mexico City, 1948); and Gerardo Murillo, Iglesias de México , 6 vols. (Mexico City, 1924-1927). In this regard, see also Manuel Gonzalez Galván, "La revaloración de la arquitectura colonial en el primer cuarto del siglo XX: teoría y práctica," in Saturnino Herrán: Jornadas de homenaje , ed. Juan Castañeda (Mexico City, 1989), 95-106.

43. See Manuel Gamio, "El actual renacimiento arquitectónico de México," Eth-nos 1 (1921):248-50. On Gamio's architectural conception, see Angeles González Gamio, Manuel Gamio: Una lucha sin final (Mexico City, 1987), 67-74; and on neo-colonial architecture, see López Rangel, La modernidad arquitectónica , 39-45.

44. The construction of his owm house in neocolonial Mexican style, in the Colonia Juárez, shows this. See González Gamio, Manuel Gamio , 74.

45. Regarding the ideology of Hispanism, see the uneven but useful study by Frederick B. Pike: Hispanism, 1898-1936: Spanish Conservatives and Liberals and Their Relations with Spanish America (Notre Dame, 1971). On the origins of this tendency, see Mark Jay Van Aken, Pan-Hispanism: Its Origins and Development to 1866 (Berkeley, 1959). On the influence of falangism in Hispanism, see Ricardo Pérez Montfort, Hispanismo y Falange (Mexico City, 1992), 19-73.

46. See Carlos A. C. Lemus, "Architectura contemporãnea," in Histórica geral da

arte no Brasil , ed. Walter Zanini, vol. 2 (São Paulo, 1983), 825-32; and Octaviano C. De Fiore, Architecture and Sculpture in Brazil (Albuquerque, n.d.), 20-23.

47. May 1922, meeting of Torre Diaz and Pessoa, SRE 18-5-72, I.

48. Vasconcelos, La raza cósmica , 83.

49. Jornal do Brasil , newspaper clipping in SRE, no exact date.

50. Regarding the aesthetic transformation that favored the consolidation of indigenism, see chapters 6 and 7.

51. See, for example, Ethnos 1, 3 (1920).

52. Ignacio Bernal, Historia de la arqueología en México (Mexico City, 1962), translation presented in an English edition (1980), 183.

53. See José Clemente Orozco, Apuntes autobiográficos (Mexico City, 1966). For a discussion of Vasconcelos's official support of mural paintings, see Fell, José Vasconcelos , 401. In a letter to Gómez Morín, Vasconcelos confessed his regret at having supported the " pintor plebeyo de la revolución "—Rivera (from Gómez Morín's archive, quoted in Skirius, José Vasconcelos , 35).

54. José Vasconcelos, Indología (Paris, n.d.), 200-229. G. E Nicolai seems to have been well known in Argentina, especially by intellectuals like José Ingenieros. Some of Nicolai's works were translated in Argentina; Vasconcelos's knowledge of Nicolai's works very likely derives from these translations. M. Leclerc du Sablon was a well-known biologist in the last part of the nineteenth century. See G. F. Nicolai, La base biológica del relativismo científico (Córdoba, 1925); and Mathieu Leclerc du Sablon, Les Incertitudes de la biologie (Paris, 1919).

55. He and Manuel Gamio were lecturing together. See José Vasconcelos and Manuel Gamio, Aspects of Mexican Civilization: Lectures on the Harris Foundation 1926 (Chicago, 1926).

56. Ibid., 85.

57. Ibid., 89.

58. Ibid., 100-102.

59. Ibid., 96.

60. This rhetorical piece was reproduced in Livro d'Ouro , 358-59 and was published in Mexico by Julio Jiménez Rueda, "El discurso de Vasconcelos a Cuauhtémoc," in his Bajo la cruz del sur (Mexico City, 1922), 112-21. Blanco both refers to and briefly interprets Vasconcelos's speech in Brazil: see José Joaquín Blanco, Se llamaba Vasconcelos: Una evocación crítica (Mexico City, 1977), 117-22.

61. José Vasconcelos's speech on Cuauhtémoc, in Jiménez Rueda, "El discurso de Vasconcelos," 112-21.

62. Letter to Obregón, AGN Obregón-Calles, 104-b-30 (21), 17 September 1922.

63. In fact, official indigenism was not very different from Vasconcelos's type of indigenism. The official indigenism of Manuel Gamio (both positivist—anthropologically and archaeologically—and liberal) exemplified by Forjando Patria (1916) was indeed, as David Brading has shown, as integrationist as Vasconcelos's position, although less Catholic and more liberal. See Basave Benítez, México Mestizo , 130-36; and Alberto Guaraldo, "Indigenismo e investigación etno-antropolôgica en México," in America Latina: Dallo Stato Coloniale allo stato nazione , ed. Antonio Annino, vol. 2 (Turin, 1987), 822-37. See also David Brading, "Manuel Gamio and Official Indigenism in Mexico," Bulletin of Latin American Research 7, 1 (1988):75-89.

64. Vasconcelos, El desastre , 150.

65. See Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Anais do XX Congreso Internacional de Americanistas , 3 vols. (Rio de Janeiro, 1922); and "Notes on the Brazil Centenary Exposition," Hispanic American Historical Review , 2 ( 1922):506-12.

66. According to Christopher J. Hall's translation of Bartra's La jaula de la melancolía , the literal meaning of pelado is "shorn one." It refers to "a Mexican social type from the working class noted for his coarse, uneducated, uncouth language and behavior" ( The Cage of Melancholy: Identity and Metamorphosis in the Mexican Character , trans. Christopher J. Hall [New Brunswick, N.J., 1992], 33).

67. Alfonso del Toro, "La bella ciudad carioca," Revista de Revistas , 20 October 1922, 11-13. In La raza cósmica (pp. 52-60), Vasconcelos suggested that the official Brazilian personnel tried to guide him in order to avoid black and poor sections in the various cities he visited.

68. For data on Vázquez Schiaffiano, a petroleum engineer, see SRE Le. 1006.

69. México, Secretaría de Industria, Comercio y Trabajo, México, sus recursos naturales, su situación actual (Mexico City, 1922).

70. Documentary, México, Secretaría de Relaciones Exteriores, México en las fiestas del centenario de Brasil (Mexico City, 1922).

71. Fell ( José Vasconcelos , 449-56) believes that because it was internationally recognized, Mexican popular art acquired "credibility in aesthetic, economic, social, and most of all, cultural aspects." But its international credibility was only because of its exoticism. For an illustrative analysis of the discovery of popular art in Mexico, see John F. Scott, "La evolución de la teoría de la historia del arte por escritores del siglo XX sobre el arte mexicano del siglo XIX," Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéti-cas , no. 37 (1968):71-104. Scott deals with the national and international recognition of the artistic works of the lithographer José Guadalupe Posada.

72. See the report by Vázquez Schiaffiano in SRE 18-5-72, III. On Guillermo Kahlo, a German photographer and father of famous Frida, see the catalogue and study by the Museo Nacional de Arte, Guillermo Kahlo: Viday obra: Fotógrafo 1872-1941 (Mexico City, 1994).

73. It is extremely difficult to estimate the cost of Mexico's presence at the Rio de Janeiro fair. Expenditures seemed to have been made with no clear budget approval but through direct request to President Obregón. At times the Mexican delegation in Rio de Janeiro exhausted its resources. According to Vasconcelos, what was especially expensive was maintenance of the military delegation. Vasconcelos himself directly and urgently requested U.S.$16,000 from Obregón in September 1922 (AGN Calles-Obregón, 104-b-30 [21]). See also Vasconcelos, E1 desastre , 151-52.

74. See the article in the Chilean newspaper El Diario Ilustrado , 4 November 1922. This incident resulted in an apology by the Mexican minister in Chile, Carlos Trejo Lerdo de Tejada, that was published in El Mercurio (Santiago, Chile), 6 November 1922.

75. Folha do Norte , 19 November 1922.

76. See Revistas de Revistas , no. 2 (1922), an issue devoted to Brazil.

77. See Jiménez Rueda's account of this trip in Bajo la cruz del sur .

78. Regarding race, Knight has lucidly shown the continuity of racism in prerevolutionary and postrevolutionary indigenism: Alan Knight, "Racism, Revolution, and Indigenismo : Mexico, 1910-1940," in The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870-1940 , ed. R. Graham (Austin, 1990), 71-113.

79. See Enrique Krauze, Caudillos culturales de la revolución mexicana (Mexico City, 1985), 104-10. See also Luis González's analysis of this generation in La ronda de las generaciones (Mexico City, 1984), 66-80; and Carlos Monsiváis, "Notas sobre cultura mexicana en el siglo XX," in El Colegio de México, Historia General de México , vol. 2, 1417-21; and, for the specific case of artists vis-à-vis generational change, Ramírez, "Vertientes nacionalistas," 111-67.

80. See Vasconcelos's discussions of racial theory in his Raza cósmica and in Vasconcelos and Gamio, Aspects of Mexican Civilization . In addition, see Mariátegui's review of Vasconcelos's Indología : José Carlos Mariátegui, Temas de nuestra América (Lima, 1960), 78-84. Mariátegui supported Vasconcelos's utopianism but opposed its almost mystic faith in the future without action in the present.

81. "Los problemas de México," reprinted in Boletín de la Secretaría de Educación Pública , 28 August 1922.

82. In this regard, see Knight, "Racism, Revolution, and Indigenismo, " 78-98.

83. Vasconcelos, La raza cósmica , 3.

84. On this point, as on many others in this chapter, I have benefited from David Brading, "Social Darwinism and Romantic Idealism: Andrés Molina Enríquez and José Vasconcelos in the Mexican Revolution," in his Prophecy and Myth in Mexican History (Cambridge, 1984), 63-83, 92-95.

85. The issue of Vasconcelos's self-deceit during his trip to South America is also briefly noticed by José Joaquín Blanco, who argues that Vasconcelos "let himself be deceived" by the democratic regimes of Argentina, Brazil, and Chile (in sharp contrast to Mexico's antidemocratic government). See Blanco, Se llamaba Vasconcelos , 117-22.

86. Vasconcelos and Gamio, Aspects of Mexican Civilization , 12.

87. See the opening quotation in this chapter.

88. The last entry in the diary of Antonieta Rivas Mercado, quoted in Martha Robles, Entre el poder y las letras (Mexico City, 1989), 103.

1. See Alfredo Serrano, "La originalidad en las grandes exposiciones internacionales: Un comentario a la maravilla del pueblo español," Revista de las Españas , no. 36-37 (1929):340-44.

2. Originally it was called Exposición Hispanoamericana, but it was renamed in order to include Brazil, Portugal, and the United States. See Blanca Ríos de Lampérez et al., Nuestra raza es española (Seville, 1926). On the fairs in Barcelona and Seville, see Allwood, Great Exhibitions , 135-36; Findling, Historical Dictionary , 254-57; Seville, El libro de tyro iberoamericano , vol. 1 (Seville, 1929); Arthur Stanley Riggs, "The Spanish Exposition," Art and Archaeology , no. 27 (1929):156-64; Fernando Real Balbuena, La Exposición Ibero-Americana: Origen y gestación de la magna empresa (Seville, 1961); Encarnación Lemus López, La Exposición Ibero-Americana a través de la prensa local (1923-1929 ) (Seville, 1987); and the chronology of events included in Manuel Trillo de Leyva, La Exposición Iberoamericana: La transformación urbana de Sevilla

(Seville, 1980), 183-204. For the origins and problems confronted by the Seville fair since 1905, see Narciso Ciaurriz, Origen y primeros trabajos de la Exposición Iberoamericana (Seville, 1929); Eduardo Rodriguez Bernal, La Exposición Ibero-Americana de Sevilla de 1929 a través de la prensa local (Seville, 1981). For an analysis of the fair in view of Seville's urban transformation, see Alberto Villar Movellán, Arquitectura del regionalismo en Sevilla, 1900-1935 (Seville, 1979), 412-75.

3. "Inauguración de la Exposición Iberoamericana de Seville," Revista de las Es-pañas , no. 33 (1929):157.

4. Rodriguez Bernal, La Exposición Ibero-Americana de Sevilla , 269.

5. Trillo de Leyva, La Exposición Iberoamericana , 35.

6. Rodolfo Reyes, "Una interpretación de la Exposición Iberoamericana," Revista de las Españas , no. 42 ( 1930): 129-30.

7. Villar Movellán, Arquitectura del regionalismo , 452-53.

8. See El libro de oro iberoamericano , vol. 1. For the transformation of the notion of social economy, see Gueslin, L'Invention de l'économie sociale .

9. Informe General, Consul Mexicano, Barcelona, SRE IV-294-I.

10. NYT, 25 January 1999, announced that the United States was going to build a pavilion "which will later be used for the consulate." In addition, Archer M. Huntington, president of the Hispanic Society of America, donated a statue of E1 Cid Campeador.

11. SRE, letter of invitation to the competition [the prize for which was 20,000 pesetas], SRE EMESP, 531.

12. Reported by the Mexican consul in Barcelona (SRE IV-294-1).

13. México, Comité Organizador de la Participación de México en la Exposición Ibero-Americana de Sevilla, México (Mexico City, 1929), iii.

14. Ibid.

15. In Spanish the legend is "Madre España: porque en mi campo encendiste el sol de tu cultura, yen mi alma la lámpara devocional de tu espíritu, ahora en mi campo yen mi corazón han florecido. Méjico" (SRE IV-295-I).

16. For the context of social unrest and the exhibition, see Shlomo Ben-Ami, Fascism from Above: The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in Spain, 1923-1930 (Oxford, 1983), 353-56.

17. Ibid., 202-5; and Leandro Álvarez Rey, Sevilla durante la dictadura de Primo de Rivera (Seville, 1987), 235-38.

18. See Pike, Hispanism , 35-47, 178-84; and Pérez Montfort, Hispanismoy Falange .

19. See Miguel Rodriguez, "El 12 de octubre: Entre el IV y el V centenario," in Cultura e identidad nacional , ed. Roberto Blancarte (Mexico City, 1994), 145-51. I thank Victor Arriaga for access to this material.

20. Enrique González Martinez, La apacible locura (1951), included in his Obras Completas (Mexico City, 1977), 780. This work is the second part of González Martínez's autobiography. The first part, El hombre buho: Misterio de una vocación, was first published in 1944. About his days in Spain during the Seville fair, see Obras completas , pp. 775-80.

21. For a brief review of the socioeconomic history of this period, see Raymond Carr, Oxford History of Modern Europe: Spain, 1808-1939 (Oxford, 1966), 581-602.

22. This tune was composed by Guty Cárdenas, who was then a popular singer

and composer from the Yucatán and one of the first radio stars of Mexico City's urban culture.

23. The figure of 750,000 pesetas was announced by the Ministry of Industry and Commerce in October 1927 and published in Excélsior , 2 November 1927. It should be considered a minimum figure, and though the final total is unclear, it is very likely that it was significantly larger than this sum. See Appendix 2.

24. México, Comité Organizador, México , 2.

25. For instance, in 1930 Ortiz de Montellano published an article in Los Contemporáneos in which he explained the growing American and European interest in Mexico's literature: Bernardo Ortiz de Montellano, ''Literatura de revolución y literatura revolucionaria," Los Contemporáneos 7, 23 ( 1930):77-81.

26. La Libertad (Madrid), 17 May 1929.

27. SRE IV-295-I.

28. SRE IV-295-I, II. See also Boletín de la Secretaría de Industria, Comercio y Trabajo . . ., 22 April 1926. The projects were exhibited at the National Academy of Fine Arts.

29. See the explanation and illustrations of this building in Excélsior , 8 May 1926. As a "Porfirian" architect, Marquina designed two aristocratic mansions along the Paseo de la Reforma and in the Colonia Juárez of Mexico City. Later he became a great advocator of pre-Hispanic-style architecture.

30. Confidential letter, 6 May 1926.

31. SRE IV-295-I, II.

32. Regarding Obregón Santacilia's proposal, see Ramón Vargas Salguero, "La arquitectura de la revolución," in México: 75 años de revolución, educación, cultura y comunicaciones , vol. 2 (Mexico City, 1988), 437-77; and Partido Revolucionario Institucional, Tradición de la cultura .

33. The total cost of the building was 300,000 pesos, 10 percent of which went to Amabilis (SRE EMESP 525).

34. Godoy, México en Sevilla . I have dealt with Godoy in previous chapters. By 1929 he was a veteran member of the Porfirian exhibition team, and in that year he was still an active writer for Excélsior in Mexico City. He died in 1930. See also Francisco Sáenz, Comité Organizador de la Participación de México en la Exposición Ibero-Americana de Sevilla (Mexico City, 1929); and México, Secretaría de Industria, Comercio y Trabajo, Exposición iberoamericana de Sevilla 1929: La participación de México (Mexico City, 1928).

35. Vasconcelos, El desastre , 378.

36. SRE EMESP 539. These changes may have been caused by the defeat of Aarón Sáenz as a presidential candidate and by the conflict between Portes Gil and Luis N. Morones.

37. Amabilis's letter to the Ministry of Industry and Commerce, 15 July 1928 (SRE EMESP 532). See also letter to Amabilis, 3 February 1928, from Emilio Narváez asking him to take great care of the budget (SRE EMESP 528). For a detailed explanation of expenditures between 1927 and 1930, see " Libro Mayor, " SRE EMESP 530 (which included calls not to repeat the mistakes of Mexico's presence at the Rio de Janeiro fair, which caused considerable economic troubles); SRE EMESP 752.

38. The Mexican consul in Seville paid the fine and freed Amabilis. The incident took place in July 1929 (SRE EMESP 534).

39. Some replies by Orozco Ramirez affirm these accusations. Enrique González

Martinez promised an investigation. There are no more records or final results about this incident. See SRE EMESP 539.

40. See Katzman, Arquitectura del siglo XIX , 267.

41. For this monument, and for Amabilis's works in Mérida city, see Carlos Echánove Trujillo, ed., Enciclopedia Yucatanense (Mexico City, 1946), vol. 4, 445-48, and vol. 6, 553-62, quotation on p. 554.

42. Manuel Amabilis, El pabellón de México en la Exposición Ibero-Americana de Sevilla (Mexico City, 1929). This book was proposed by Amabilis in April 1928 (SRE EMESP 529) and approved and paid for by the Mexican government in June (SRE EMESP 531).

43. Amabilis's "Propuesta para una monografía sobre el edificio mexicano en la exposición de Seville," April 1928, SRE EMESP 529. For his ideas on the revolution, see Manuel Amabilis, Mística de la revolución mexicana (Mexico City, 1937).

44. Amabilis, Elpabellón , 23-24.

45. Ibid., 97.

46. Amabilis acknowledged that he took the general idea of the concentric squares from the notion of Sección Aurea articulated by Macody Lund in his Teoría Real de la Arquitectura and in his studies of the geometric structures of the ancient and medieval religious architectural forms found in the Nodarós Cathedral (see Amabilis, El pa-bellón , 32).

47. Ibid., 38.

48. Ibid., 50.

49. Ibid., 50-51.

50. Ibid., 55-56. The other two jambas were La Jamba de los Sacerdotes and La Jamba de los Constructores .

51. In addition, Reyes painted three murals which represented miners, farmers, and people from Yucatán.

52. Amabilis, El pabellón , 76-77.

53. Argentina constructed a neocolonial type of building, designed by Martin S. Noel, which combined baroque aspects with Inca and Calchaquís motifs. Manuel Piquerons Cotolí constructed the Peruvian pavilion in what he called neo-Peruvian style: extravagant but rational. See Cherif-El-Maldini, "El pabellón peruano en la Exposición Ibero-Americana: Una interesante charla con el arquitecto autor del proyecto . . .," El Liberal (Seville) 6 September 1927, quoted by Villar Morellán, Ar-quitectura del regionalismo , 457. The United States constructed its main pavilion in neo-colonial California style. It was designed by William Templeton Johnson, a follower of Bertram G. Goodhue, who built the 1915 San Diego world's fair—the zenith of colonial California style. Chile constructed a building which imitated the majesty of the Andes. See Villar Morellán, Arquitectura del regionalismo , 453-65.

54. La Unión , 2 September 1928.

55. Reported to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, SRE EMESP 533.

56. See Gonzalez Martínez's account of his troublesome meeting with the Spanish king, in González Martínez, La apacible locura , in Obras Completas , 775-80.

57. La Libertad , 22 May 1929.

58. Reyes, "Una interpretación de la Exposición Iberoamericana," 129-30.

59. In ElLiberal (Seville), in ElNoticiero Sevillano , originally published in Industria y Comercio , Mexico.

60. El Liberal (Madrid), 17 May 1929.

61. The legends were written by Reyes without the permission of either Amabilis or Gonzalez Martinez. In fact, it seems that even the legend " Madre España " was put there without their permission. Both Gonzalez Martinez and Amabilis disliked the legends, not for their connotations but because of their tacky prose. Thus all of those letreritos (little signs), as Amabilis called them, were removed by order of González Martinez in 1928, except " Madre Patria " that had already been read by Spanish authorities, who were very pleased with it. For the legends, see SRE IV-295-I, II; for the debate about them, see SRE EMESP 533.

62. Letter to Gonzalez Martinez, 2 January 1929, SRE EMESP 537.

63. See M. Alfonso Rivera, Sevilla y su exposición, 1929 (Seville, 1992), 64.

64. Godoy, México en Sevilla .

65. About this week, see Gonzalez Martínez's report, 26 June 1930, SRE EMESP 539. He, of course, did not like the spirit of the Mexican week because of its radicalism and because of its lack of Mexican presence.

66. See Luis Araquistáin, La revolución mejicana: Sus orígenes, sus hombres, su obra (Madrid, 1929), 353.

67. See the reprints of Fernando de los Ríos, El sentido humanista del socialismo (Madrid, 1976); and Fernando de los Ríos, Escritos sobre democracia y socialismo (Madrid, 1974). For the role of these intellectuals in Spain during the late 1920s and their fascination with Mexico, see Genoveva Garcia Queipo, Los intelectuales y la dictadura de Primo de Rivera . (Madrid, 1988), 181-84, 525-30.

68. For instance, the book México was the counterpart of the many propaganda books published during the nineteenth century. It was published by the Comité Organizador de la Participación de México en la Exposición Ibero-Americana de Sevilla in 1929. Of the 3,000 copies printed, 80 were dedicated to Spanish and international authorities: it had been prepared by Luis A. Herrera with the collaboration of distinguished intellectuals, such as Salvador Novo, director of the Propaganda Section in the Ministry of Industry.

69. See "Inauguración de la Exposición Iberoamericana de Sevilla." The American pavilion was indeed three buildings: one in Spanish colonial style—to be made into the American consulate following the fair—another industrial gallery, and a movie theater.

70. These films were requested by the Mexican Embassy in Belgium in January 1928. They seem to have been exhibited throughout Europe. SRE EMESP 528.

71. See SRE EMESP 523.

72. Ibid.

73. For the exhibit, see the list of products and objects awarded in SRE EMESP 539; and Sáenz, Comité Organizador .

74. Report, 4 April 1930, SRE EMESP 539. The highest Spanish award was the grand prize (followed by honor diploma, gold, silver, bronze, and finally honorable mention).

75. Regarding the continuity of business in prerevolutionary and postrevolutionary Mexico, see Haber, Industry and Underdevelopment .

76. See Jaime Noyola Rocha, "La visión integral de la sociedad nacional (1920-1934)," in La antropología en Míxico: Panorama histórico , vol. 2, Los hechos y los dichos (1880-1986 ), ed. Carlos Garcia Mora (Mexico City, 1987), 133-222; Guaraldo,

"Indigenismo e investigación etno-antropológica"; Juan Comas, "Historia del indigenismo en México," Am é rica Indígena 8 (1948): 182-86; and, for Gamio's conflict with Calles, González Gamio, Manuel Gamio , 79-92.

77. In this respect, see Moyssén, "El nacionalismo y la arquitectura."

78. In the late 1920s international interest in Mexican archaeological ruins was widespread, especially among American institutions. Thus a Maya building in a world's fair helped to popularize this interest. However, architecturally there were already some examples of European or American uses of pre-Hispanic motifs the California buildings of Frank Lloyd Wright, for example. In addition, interestingly enough, between 1927 and 1934 the American architect Robert B. Stacy-Judd promoted the use of Maya architecture in order for American architecture to come out with a real "all-American" style. This bizarre American architect—who believed that "Christ's last words were pure Maya"—constructed various buildings with Maya inspiration in California, including, in about 1927, the Aztec Hotel in Moraga and the First Baptist Church in Ventura. For instance, see articles by Robert B. Stacy-Judd in the journal of The Architect and the Engineer from October 1933 to November 1934, and the summary of his impressions on Maya architecture in his The Ancient Mayas: Adventures in the Jungles of Yucatan (Los Angeles, 1934). See also the recently published interpretation of Stacy-Judd's Mayism: David Gebhard, Robert B. Stacy-Judd: Maya Architecture and the Creation of a New Style (Santa Barbara, 1993).

79. See SRE III-236-3, especially the opinions of Jaime Torres Bodet and Marte R. Gómez regarding the advantages of Mexico's presence at the 1937 Paris fair. Compare Mexico's presence at the 1939 New York world's fair, at which Mexico exhibited a "graphic synthesis" of President Lázaro Cárdenas's six-year plan as well as traditional clothing on models that represented "the most typical characteristics of the autochthonous races of Mexico" (México, Secretaría de la Economía Nacional, Memo-ria de la Secretaría de Economía Nacional, 1939-1940 Mexico City, 1940], 17).

80. In this regard, see the analysis of the vivid intellectual discussion that took place in 1925 in Victor Diaz Arciniega, Querella por la cultura "revolucionaria" (1925 ) (Mexico City, 1989).

1. Examples of this alternative approach are: for Mexico and from an anthropological synchronic perspective, Claudio Lomnitz, Exits from the Labyrinth (Berkeley, 1992), esp. chap. l, and Guy P. C. Thomson, "Bulwarks of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico, 1847-1888," Journal of Latin American Studies 22 (February 1990):31-68; for Bengal India, Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments (Princeton, N.J., 1993), 3-12, 158-99; and for France, the classic study by E. Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen (Stanford, 1976).

2. Of course, there are authors who disagree in this assertion. For an example, see John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Chicago, 1982).

3. Too much has been written about identity. By identity I refer solely to the abstract notion of a people's own sense of attachment and belonging, be it an ethnic, cultural, geographical, or religious sense of communal existence.

4. See Étienne Tassin, "Identités nationales et citoyenneté politique," Esprit , no. 198 (1994):97-111.

5. I thank Paolo Riguzzi for his comments on this point.

6. See Edmundo O'Gorman's Destierro de sombras: Luz en el origen de la imagen y culto de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe del Tepeyac (Mexico City, 1986).

7. See William Tobin, "'A Shrine to Which All May Worship': The Making of the Lincoln Memorial and the Representation of the Modern American Nation-State" (manuscript, 1992).

8. There are various studies on the emergence of these popular patriotisms. For an excellent synthesis of these patriotisms, see Knight, U.S.-Mexico Relations ; Thomson, "Bulwarks of Patriotic Liberalism"; and Guy P. C. Thomson, "Movilización conservadora, insurrección liberal y rebeliones indígenas, 1854-1876," in America Latina: Dallo Stato Coloniale allo Stato Nazione , ed. Antonio Annino, vol. 2 (Turin, 1987), 592-614.

9. See Musil's collection of essays published in German as Gesammelte Werke , ed. Adolf Frise (Hamburg, 1978). I used the Spanish translation of the collection, published as Ensayos y conferencias , trans. José L. Arántegui (Madrid, 1992), 95-108, quotation on p. 107.

10. Chatterjee, The Nation , 6.

11. Lêdo Ivo, "Acontecimento do sonêto" (1949), from Acontecimento do sonêto (Rio de Janeiro, 1965), 10.

12. François Xavier Guerra argues that Spanish American countries "belong in their own right—at least in terms of their elites' origins and culture—within a European cultural area. Countries which were among the first within this cultural area to set up modern political regimes." F. X. Guerra, "The Spanish-American Tradition of Representation and Its European Roots," Journal of Latin American Studies 26 (1994):1.

13. Knight distinguishes goals and means in nationalist social actors; I follow this distinction. See Alan Knight, "Revolutionary Project, Recalcitrant People: Mexico, 1910-1940," in Revolutionary Process in Mexico , ed. J. E. Rodríguez (Los Angeles, 1990), 227-64.

14. Ramón López Velarde, Obras (Mexico City, 1971), 232.

15. Jorge Cuesta, "Carta a Portes Gil" (1940), in Cuesta, Poesía y crítica (Mexico City, 1991), 233.

16. López Velarde, Obras , 232.