1. Elie Halèvy (trans. E. I. Watkin), A History of the English People in the Nineteenth Century: England in 1815 , I (New York, 1949); idem (trans., ed. Bernard Semmel), The Birth of Methodism in England (Chicago, 1971); cf. E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1963, chap. XI and Bernard Semmel, The Methodist Revolution (New York, 1973).

2. Halèvy has been criticized for underestimating the radical customary undercurrents within early Methodism, the persistence of popular superstition, and the Anglican origins of the Evangelical Revival; see John Walsh, "Elie Halèvy and the Birth of Methodism" Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 5th ser., XXV (1975): 11-20; idem, "Origins of the Evangelical Revival," in G. V. Bennett and J. D. Walsh, eds., Essays in Modern Church History (London, 1966), pp. 138ff.; James Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society: South Lindsey, 1825-1875 (Oxford, 1976), chap. VI; and Deborah Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters: Female Preaching and Popular Religion in Industrial England (Princeton, 1985). Cf. J. C. D. Clark, English Society 1688-1832 (Cambridge, 1986), pp. 235-247.

3. See, for example, Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society ; R. Moore, Pit-Men, Preachers and Politics: The Effects of Methodism in a Durham Mining Community (Cambridge, 1976); David Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion: Popular Politics and Culture in England, 1603-1660 (Oxford, 1985); and Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters , although chaps. 8 and 12 relate more directly to economic change. However, see Keith Wrightson and David Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling, 1525-1700 (New York, 1979) for a much closer integration of culture and economy, as well as Gregor Dallas, The

Imperfect Peasant Economy: The Loire Country, 1800-1914 (Cambridge, 1982). Cf. S. Cook, "Economic Anthropology: Problems in Theory, Method and Analysis," in J. Honigmann, ed., Handbook of Social and Cultural Anthropology (Chicago, 1973) and Stephen Gudeman, Economics as Culture: Models and Methaphors of Livelihood (London, 1986) for anthropological perspectives on economics.

4. Local studies that include discussion of Old and New Dissent deal primarily with the post-1850 period; see E. R. Wickham, Church and People in an Industrial City (London, 1957); Hugh McLeod, Class and Religion in the Late Victorian City (London, 1974); Stephen Yeo, Religion and Voluntary Organisations in Crisis (London, 1976); Patrick Joyce, Work, Society and Politics: The Culture of the Factory in Later Victorian England (New Brunswick, N.J., 1981); and Jeffrey Cox, The English Churches in a Secular Society: Lambeth, 1870-1930 (New York, 1982). However, for two studies that deal with the classic period of Industrial Revolution, see Paul T. Phillips, The Sectarian Spirit: Sectarianism, Society and Politics in Victorian Cotton Towns (Toronto, 1982) and Gail Malmgreen, Silk Town: Industry and Culture in Macclesfield (Hull, 1985). For the inclusion of Old and New Dissent in national studies, see A. D. Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England: Church, Chapel and Social Change, 1740-1914 (London, 1976) and Thomas W. Laqueur, Religion and Respectability: Sunday Schools and Working Class Culture, 1780-1850 (New Haven, 1976).

5. See Joanna Innes, "Review Article: Jonathan Clark, Social History and England's 'Ancien Regime'," Past and Present , 115 (May 1987): 182.

6. Two pioneers of this approach were, of course, W. G. Hoskins, The Midland Peasant: The Economic and Social History of a Leicestershire Village (New York, 1957) and, for the Annales tradition, Marc Bloch, [trans. Janet Sondheimer], French Rural History: An Essay on Its Basic Characteristics (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966). For recent general treatments, see J. R. Ravensdale, Liable to Floods: Village Landscape on the Edge of the Fens, A D 450-1850 (Cambridge, 1974); Alan Everitt, Landscape and Community in England (London, 1985); D. R. Mills, Lord and Peasant in Nineteenth Century Britain (London, 1980); and Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie (trans. Ben and Sian Reynolds) The Territory of the Historian (Chicago, 1979); Charles Phythian-Adams, Rethinking Local English History (Leicester, 1987). For more detailed local and regional studies, see Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society ; Margaret Spufford, Contrasting Communities: English Villagers in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1974); Alan Everitt, The Pattern of Rural Dissent: The Nineteenth Century (Leicester, 1972); Pierre

Goubert, Cent Mille Provinciaux Au XVIIe Siècle: Beauvais et le Beauvaisis de 1600 à 1730 (Paris, 1968); and Dallas, The Imperfect Peasant Economy .

7. See Dean C. Tipps, "Modernization Theory and the Comparative Study of Societies: A Critical Perspective." Comparative Studies in Society and History , XV (1973). Tipps focuses much attention on the ideological and political uses of the concept of modernization, both of which have contributed to discrediting it. However, as Raymond Grew has pointed out, cold-war politics are not intrinsic to the concept and can safely be discarded while retaining its essential usefulness; Peter Sterns has argued that, precisely because of its ethnocentric distortions, "modernization" may have "more utility in patterning the Western past than in predicting the non-Western future"; see Raymond Grew, "More on Modernization," Journal of Social History , XIV (1980): 180-181 and Peter Sterns, ''Modernization and Social History: Some Suggestions and a Muted Cheer," Journal of Social History , XIV (1980): 190. For a more recent critical perspective, cf. Charles Tilly, As Sociology Meets History (New York, 1981). However, see E. A. Wrigley, "The Process of Modernization and the Industrial Revolution in England," Journal of Interdisciplinary History , III (1972), whose only real criticism is directed at the theory's contemporary practitioners for downgrading contingency and elevating historical necessity; otherwise, the fundamental elements of the concept of modernization remain intact in his treatment. For two important studies, in quite different fields, which successfully make use of the concept, see Maris Vinovskis, Fertility in Massachusetts from the Revolution to the Civil War (New York, 1981), and Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France. 1870-1914 ) (Standford, 1976).

8. See Grew, "More on Modernization," p. 179 and Tipps, "Modernization and the Comparative Study of Societies," pp. 216-217, for the so-called revisionist position.

9. For further use of "traditional," see n. 10 (below) and the following discussion of the meaning of gemeinschaft ; for further use of "modern," see the discussion regarding Puritanism, particularly Keith Wrightson's and David Levine's study of Terling. Their work implies that pockets of modernity can be found within a sea of tradition and foreshadow the future. Marjorie McIntosh's study of the Royal Manor of Havering between 1200 and 1500 reveals a similar finding. As a result of Royal neglect and proximity to London, the combination having made Havering an atypical manor, the inhabitants of this medieval estate developed an unusual degree of freedom by the standards of the day; the exercise of this freedom, moreover, assumed a highly commercial form.

As the author states, "Havering's individualistic medieval tenants pursued their own interests on the basis of rational considerations, taking risks in hopes of greater gain"; see Marjorie K. McIntosh, Autonomy and Community: The Royal Manor of Havering, 1200-1500 (Cambridge, 1986), p. 2. For Marxist approaches to this transition, cf. Robert Brenner, "The Origins of Capitalist Development: A Critique of Neo-Smithian Marxism," New Left Review , 104 (1977). See also n. 26 (below) and text.

10. Alexander Chayanov, for instance, gave powerful expression to this definition of "traditional" in his formulation of the theory of the labor-consumer balance. Peasants, he argued, effected a balance between consumption needs and the amount of work effort needed to produce; they worked as hard as possible until their production reached the optimum necessary to satisfy these consumption needs, an optimum determined by a combination of household size and custom. They slackened their pace thereafter, even if the productivity of their labor had risen sufficiently for them to earn more than the optimum; even when the size of a peasant's farm increased in response to the growth in size of his family, a limit to further acquisition would be reached once the family itself attained a certain age. The traditionalist mentality, in other words, tended not to be accumulationist, but cleaved to familiar and secure standards. See A. V. Chayanov (Daniel Thoner, Basile Kerblay, and R. E. F. Smith, eds.), The Theory of Peasant Economy (Homewood, Ill.), pp. 6, 248. E. P. Thompson found this Chayanovian ethic in the mentalité of English artisans and agricultural laborers; cf. E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present , 38 (1967); idem, "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century," Past and Present , 50 (1971).

11. For a summary of the attitudinal changes associated with modernization, see Wrigley, "The Process of Modernization," pp. 229-235. They include the triumph of "rationality," defined as behavior that maximizes economic returns; "merit" or "achievement" over ''rank ascription" in recruitment to positions of authority; "self-interest," defined as the adoption of a personal "calculus [of] . . . pecuniary gain"; and self-control of "affect" and "much greater [personal] autonomy."

12. I am reminded of a recent advertisement appearing on Los Angeles television for the Home Savings and Loan in which a protective, comforting voice tells prospective patrons that "we guarantee the security of your investment; we take no risks." Surely, this represents the survival of traditionalism in the context of an economic order geared generally toward maximizing earnings.

13. Peter Sterns has made the point that however "teleological" the

concept of modernization appears, it does not intrinsically embrace the idea of progress; the end, in fact, might represent quite the opposite. See Sterns, "Modernization and Social History," p. 191.

14. The demographic and industrial "revolutions," for instance, are linked processes pointing toward modernity. However, religious culture and the constraints influencing the diffusion of innovation appear as contingent factors altering respectively the course and shape of each; see below, chaps. 5 and 6.

15. See Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion ; cf. John Morrill, "The Ecology of Allegiance in the English Revolution," Journal of British Studies , 26 (1987) and Underdown's reply in the same issue.

16. See Wrightson and Levine, Poverty and Piety , pp. 49-55; the authors strongly imply that this finding is an artifact of Terling's Puritan culture, but shy away from formally drawing this conclusion.

17. See Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society .

18. The phrase "worldly asceticism" (ca. 1958) belongs to Max Weber; see Max Weber (trans. Talcott Partsons), The Protestant Ethic and Spirit of Capitalism (New York, 1976), chaps, IV, V.

19. See Paul Seaver, Wallington's World: A Puritan Artisan in Seventeenth Century London (Stanford, 1985) for an individual case study of such "unworldly" asceticism; cf. Deborah Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters for emphasis on the unworldliness of Methodist sectarianism, although her study contains counterexamples of evangelicalism facilitating working-class adaptation to modern capitalist industry.

20. See Patrick Collinson, The Religion of Protestants: The Church in English Society, 1559-1625 (Oxford, 1985), p. 249 and Halèvy, The Birth of Methodism , pp. 50-51.

21. Cf. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York, 1973); idem, Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology (New York, 1983).

22. Cf. Sarah Banks, "Nineteenth Century Scandal or Twentieth Century Model? A New Look at 'Open' and 'Close' Parishes," Ec.HR , 2d ser., XLI (Feb. 1988), especially pp. 58-60 Banks offers a new quantitative critique of the model using correlation analysis for 106 West Norfolk parishes, although she is concerned with how well the model explains poor relief expenditure and problems of population density rather than the proliferation of Dissent.

23. See E. A. Wrigley, ed., Introduction to English Historical Demography: From the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries (London, 1966), chaps. 3 and 4 for the comparative utility of the two methods. Aggregative analysis is more economical in cost and allocation of time and for these reasons best fit a research strategy of total history; family

reconstitution studies must either be confined to a narrow range of demographic and economic questions or, if they wish to recreate the broader social context, as in the study of Terling, must be undertaken by a team of researchers; see Wrightson and Levine, Poverty and Piety , p. xii, where the authors admit as much. See also Franklin F. Mendels, "Proto-industrialization: The First Phase of the Industrialization Process." JEH , XXXII (1972): 241-261 for early use of the aggregative method with multivariate analysis. Sometimes, however, a single researcher is blessed by the availability of documents that accomplish the work of reconstitution in advance, because of the manner in which they were originally compiled, and in this way permit an in-depth demographic analysis over time in the context of a more broadly cast socioeconomic study. For his study of the Loire country, for instance, Gregor Dallas made use of detailed household listings, undertaken by Commune officials every five years between 1836 and 1911; see Dallas, The Imperfect Peasant Economy , p. 141.

24. For a lament that the "New Social History" has thus far failed to achieve this synthesis, see Roderick Floud, "Quantitative History and People's History: Two Methods in Conflict?" Social Science History , VIII, (Spring 1984); cf. the exchange between Fogel and Elton in Robert W. Fogel and G. R. Elton, Which Road to the Past? Two Views of History (New Haven, 1983).

25. Ferdinand Toennis originated the concept of gemeinschaft, which posited the existence of intimate, face-to-face communal relations based on bonds of kinship, occupation, neigborhood, and friendship; see Ferdinand Toennis (trans., ed. Charles P. Loomis), Community and Association (East Lansing, Mich., 1957). Sociologists of religion still characterize sects in this way; see B. R. Wilson, "An Analysis of Sect Development," in Brian Wilson, ed. Patterns of Sectarianism: Organization and Ideology in Social and Religious Movements (London, 1967).

26. See, for instance, J. Ambrose Raftis, Tenure and Mobility: Studies in the Social History of the Mediaeval English Village (Toronto, 1964); Edward Britton, The Community of the Viii: A Study in the History of the Family and Village Life in Fourteenth-Century England (Toronto, 1977); Zvi Razi, Life, Marriage and Death in a Medieval Parish: Economy, Society and Demography in Halesowen (Cambridge, 1980); Bruce M. S. Campbell, "Population Pressure, Inheritance and the Land Market in a Fourteenth-Century Peasant Community," in Richard M. Smith, ed., Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle (Cambridge, 1984); and Kathleen Biddick, "Medieval English Peasants and Market Involvement," JEH , XLV (1985). However involved in land or grain markets the medieval peasants may have been, their activities remained constrained by customary prac-

tices of risk aversion. After finding selective patterns of peasant market involvement, Biddick concludes, for instance, that "Communal efforts to ameliorate risk mediated the fuller penetration of the Medieval market"; see Biddick, "Medieval English Peasants," pp. 830-831. For a comparative perspective on the status of peasants in the transition to capitalism, cf. T. H. Aston and C. H. E. Philipin, eds., The Brenner Debate: Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Preindustrial Europe (New York, 1985).

27. See Mills, Lord and Peasant ; Underdown, Revel, Riot and Rebellion ; Mack Walker, German Home Towns: Community, State and General Estate (Ithaca, N.Y., 1971); Joyce, Work, Society and Politics ; and David W. Sabean, Power in the Blood: Popular Culture and Village Discourse in Early Modern Germany (Cambridge, 1984), especially pp. 27-30.

28. See Mills, Lord and Peasant , pp. 15-16, for a widely held contrary view.

29. Mendels, "Proto-industrialization," p. 246; cf. his critic, D.C. Coleman, "Proto-industrialization: A Concept Too Many," Ec.HR , 2d ser., 36 (1983).

30. M. E. Rose, "Social Change and the Industrial Revolution," in R. Floud and D. McClosky, eds., The Economic History of Britain since 1700, I: 1700-1860 (Cambridge, 1981): 225-226.

31. For theoretical considerations of the problem of "cultural hegemony," see T. J. Jackson Lears, "The Concept of Cultural Hegemony: Problems and Possibilities," AHR , 90 (June 1985) and Anthony Giddens, Central Problems in Social Theory: Action Structure and Contradiction in Social Anlaysis (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1979), chap. 3, especially pp. 101-103.

32. See R. Currie, L. Horsley, and A. D. Gilbert, Churches and Churchgoers: Pattern of Church Growth in the British Isles Since 1700 (Oxford, 1977), pp. 101-102; also Gilbert, Religion and Society , pp. 144-149.

33. Gilbert, Religion and Society , pp. 70, 89. The definition of "anomie" that I employ in this study, following Alan Gilbert, is a classical sociological category, derived from Durkheim. Gilbert writes: "In the unsettled era of early industrialisation, traditional authority structures began to disintegrate, social cohesion began to break down, and for individuals and families the personal security which came from integration in a stable community often gave way to anomie in the new and relatively unstructured world of the industrial shanty town or the industrial city." Again, he states: "The obverse of anomie is a heightened demand for new associational and communal foci to replace those which have been lost.''

Gilbert goes on to say that the success of Nonconformist recruiting in the late eighteenth to early nineteenth century can be explained by this appeal in the industrial villages.

1. Alan Everitt, "River and Wold, Reflections on the Historical Origin of Regions and Pays," Journal of Historical Geography , III (1977): 2; see, as well, Craig Calhoun, "Community: Towards a Variable Conceptualization for Comparative Research," Social History , V (1980): 105-127.

2. "Proto-industrialization," following F. F. Mendels's now classic definition, refers here to a system of cottage industry, distinguished by production for the international market and originating in rural districts, the economies of which were based on subsistence or pastoral agriculture. See F. F. Mendels, "Proto-industrialization: The First Phase of the Industrialization Process," JEH , 32 (March 1972): 241-261 and P. Kriedte, H. Medick, and J. Schlumbohm (transl. B. Schempp), Industrialization before Industrialization: Rural Industry in the Genesis of Capitalism (Cambridge, 1981) for broad theoretical examinations of the phenomenon. For two critical appraisals, see D. C. Coleman, "Proto-Industrialization: A Concept Too Many," Ec.HR , 2d ser., XXXVI (Aug. 1983): 435ff and Gay L. Gullickson, ''Agriculture and Cottage Industry: Redefining the Causes of Proto-Industrialization," JEH , XLIII (Dec. 1983): 831ff.

3. Individually, each form of community proved conducive to the settlement of Dissenters's churches, and the Vale of Nailsworth conformed to both types; for a discussion of these community typologies, see Everitt, Pattern of Rural Dissent , pp. 22-26 and Mills, Lord and Peasant , pp. 17-19, 125; for the nature of wood-pasture regions, see Oliver Rackham, "The Forest: Woodland and Wood-Pasture in Medieval England," in Kathleen Biddick, ed., Archaeological Approaches to Medieval Europe (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1985), pp. 70-104 and Joan Thirsk, "The Farming Regions of England," in Joan Thirsk, ed., Agrarian History of England and Wales , vol. 4: 1550-1640 (Cambridge, 1967): 46-49, 67-69, 79-80.

4. For the theoretical distinction between sect and denomination, see B. R. Wilson, "An Analysis of Sect Development," in B. R. Wilson, ed., Patterns of Sectarianism: Organization and Ideology in Social and Religious Movements (London, 1967).

5. See Sidney and Beatrice Webb, English Local Government from the Revolution to the Muncipal Corporation Act , I (London, 1906): 9; see chap. 2 (below) for further discussion of the parish.

6. See Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society , pp. 8-9; Everitt, Pattern of Rural Dissent , p. 44; Gilbert, Religion and Society in Industrial England , p. 98; and Mills, Lord and Peasant , especially chaps. 2-6.

7. VCH Glos ., XI: 136, 230-231; in the Stroud region, for instance, Rodborough parish had originated as a chapelry of Minchinhampton, and Stroud parish originally had been a chapelry of Bisley parish.

8. Ibid., p. 215; the Anglican chapel, established at Nailsworth in 1794, had remained unconsecrated.

7. VCH Glos ., XI: 136, 230-231; in the Stroud region, for instance, Rodborough parish had originated as a chapelry of Minchinhampton, and Stroud parish originally had been a chapelry of Bisley parish.

8. Ibid., p. 215; the Anglican chapel, established at Nailsworth in 1794, had remained unconsecrated.

9. GRO CL P/37, boundary map.

10. See fig. 3, below.

11. BPP Population, I, Sessions 1831 and 1842-3 (Dublin, 1968; reprint). Avening parish in 1801, 1811, and 1831 included the chapelry of Nailsworth, but in 1821 Nailsworth was entered only with Minchinhampton; in 1841, it was divided appropriately among each of the parishes.

12. GRO MF447, Longtree Hundred Land Tax Returns, 1780-1794.

13. VCH Glos ., XI: 211.

14. Both Manor and parish were conterminous; see chap. 2 for further discussion.

15. Glos. Colln., Gloucester City Library, RF 167.2 (1-4), Horsley Manor Records, "Particulars of Leases and Rents, 1666-99."

16. Joan Thirsk, "The Farming Regions of England," in Thirsk, ed., Agrarian History , IV: 7-9 and passim.

17. W. I. Minchinton, "Agriculture in Gloucestershire during the Napoleonic Wars," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc . LXVIII (1949): 168.

18. Figure 1 is courtesy of Denis R. Mills.

19. The Cotswoldian , ca. 1854; A. H. Smith, The Place Names of Gloucestershire , XXXVIII (Cambridge, 1964): 102; VCH Glos ., XI:209.

20. F. T. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , 1705-1916 (Bristol, 1916), p. 2. Nailsworth seems to have originated as the boundary of an eighth-century Woodchester estate; see VCH Glos ., XI: 209.

21. Stroud Jnl ., 25 February 1871; see E. M. Carus-Wilson, Medieval Merchant Venturers (London, 1954), chap. IV for a discussion of early fulling mills.

22. See R. Perry, "The Gloucestershire Woollen Industry, 1100-1690," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc ., LXVI (1945): 51ff. and E. M. Carus-Wilson, "Evidences of Industrial Growth on some Fifteenth Century Manors," Ec.HR , 2d ser., XII (1959): 195-196.

23. See Mann, Cloth Industry in the West of England (Oxford, 1971): 62 for marketing, and chap. 4 (below) for the structure of the

putting-out system regionally; for the transition from the putting-out to the factory system in Gloucestershire, see chap. 6, below.

24. Beginning as by-employments, these forms of occupation persisted as such into the seventeenth century when, as the system of protoindustry advanced they began to become full-time occupations. For England generally, see Alan Everitt, "Farm Labourers," in J. Thrisk, ed., Agrarian History , IV: 425-429; J. Thrisk, "Industries in the Countryside," in F. J. Fischer, ed., Essays in the Economic and Social History of Tudor-Stuart England (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 77-88; for Gloucestershire, see ibid. and Mann, The Cloth Industry in the West of England , pp. 90, 92, and 102. Mann writes, for instance, that: "the village freeholder or copyholder who was also a clothier or weaver was still much in evidence in the seventeenth century," although "[m]ost weavers were people with no land or with so little that it amounted to no more than a garden."

23. See Mann, Cloth Industry in the West of England (Oxford, 1971): 62 for marketing, and chap. 4 (below) for the structure of the

putting-out system regionally; for the transition from the putting-out to the factory system in Gloucestershire, see chap. 6, below.

24. Beginning as by-employments, these forms of occupation persisted as such into the seventeenth century when, as the system of protoindustry advanced they began to become full-time occupations. For England generally, see Alan Everitt, "Farm Labourers," in J. Thrisk, ed., Agrarian History , IV: 425-429; J. Thrisk, "Industries in the Countryside," in F. J. Fischer, ed., Essays in the Economic and Social History of Tudor-Stuart England (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 77-88; for Gloucestershire, see ibid. and Mann, The Cloth Industry in the West of England , pp. 90, 92, and 102. Mann writes, for instance, that: "the village freeholder or copyholder who was also a clothier or weaver was still much in evidence in the seventeenth century," although "[m]ost weavers were people with no land or with so little that it amounted to no more than a garden."

25. Glos. Colln., RF167.1, Horsley Manor Records, Prosecutions before the manor court, ca. 1802.

26. GRO, Gloucester Dioscesan Records [hereafter GDR], Will of John Pavey, October 8, 1764.

27. See Stroud Jnl ., 13 May 1854, report of a meeting of the Nailsworth Literary and Mechanics Institute; cf. Dennis R. Mills, "The Nineteenth-Century Peasantry of Melbourn, Cambridgeshire," in Richard M. Smith, ed., Land,. Kinship and Life-Cycle (Cambridge, 1984), pp. 481, 499.

28. Glos. Jnl ., 9 June 1806, 19 March 1810, and 29 July 1811.

29. In differences-of-proportions tests between the Vale hamlets and the inner periphery, the following Z statistics proved to be significant under the normal curve: for wool workers, Z = 4.675 and for agricultural laborers, Z = 2.448.

30. GRO P181/OV 7/1.

31. GRO GDR, Will of John Harvey, February 19, 1811.

32. For further discussion, see below, and chap 6, "Capital and Labor in the Industrial Revolution."

33. PRO Prob. 11/2113/379.

34. PRO Prob. 11/1921/14; IR26/1541; see also the example of Edward Sheppard of Uley, below, chap. 7, first section.

35. PRO Prob. 11/1560/704; IR26/601.

36. PRO Prob. 11/2149/248; GRO MF447, Minchinhampton Tithe Survey, ca. 1840.

37. PCC wills were those of testators owning property in more than one diocese; they tended to be wealthier than testators whose wills were proved in the diocesan courts, although there were exceptions.

38. Esther Moir, "The Gentlemen Clothiers: A Study of the Orga-

nization of the Gloucestershire Cloth Trade, 1750-1835," in HPR Finberg, ed., Gloucestershire Studies (Leicester, 1957), pp. 242-243.

39. Ibid., p. 243, the cases of George Paul and Nathaniel Wathen; see A. T. Playne, The History of Minchinhampton and Avening (Gloucester, 1915).

38. Esther Moir, "The Gentlemen Clothiers: A Study of the Orga-

nization of the Gloucestershire Cloth Trade, 1750-1835," in HPR Finberg, ed., Gloucestershire Studies (Leicester, 1957), pp. 242-243.

39. Ibid., p. 243, the cases of George Paul and Nathaniel Wathen; see A. T. Playne, The History of Minchinhampton and Avening (Gloucester, 1915).

40. See Glos. Jnl ., 15 July 1822 for both advertisements; see also Lawrence and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open Elite? England, 1540-1880 (Oxford, 1984), p. 230 and Edward A. Allen, "Public School Elites in Early Victorian England: The Boys at Harrow and Merchant Taylors' Schools from 1825 to 1850," Journal of British Studies , XXI (Spring 1982): 88-91 and passim.

41. See R. Trumbach, The Rise of the Egalitarian Family: Aristocratic Kinship and Domestic Relations in Eighteenth Century England (New York, 1978), pp. 87-96; also Stone, An Open Elite? , pp. 221-238.

42. See G. C. Brauer, The Education of A Gentleman: Theories of a Gentlemanly Education in England, 1660-1775 (New York, 1959); F. Musgrove, "Middle-Class Education and Employment in the Nineteenth Century," Ec.HR , 2d ser., XII (1959): 101-102, 109; Roy Porter, English Society in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1982), p. 176; and Stone, An Open Elite? , pp. 243-246 for an appreciation of the comparative attitudes of businessmen and the landed elite toward classical studies and higher education, especially between 1670 and 1820. See also Allen, "Public School Elites," pp. 88-89, in which public school reform, by adapting to middle-class values, allegedly strengthened the aristocratic and landed Establishment; cf. Martin J. Weiner, English Culture and the Decline of the Industrial Spirit, 1850-1980 (Cambridge, 1981), who argues the reverse.

43. GRO GDR, Will of Samuel Jenkins, May 22, 1838.

44. Ibid., Will of Isaac Hillier, Sepember 7, 1886.

43. GRO GDR, Will of Samuel Jenkins, May 22, 1838.

44. Ibid., Will of Isaac Hillier, Sepember 7, 1886.

45. Letter from E. H. Playne to "Alec," April 8, 1889, inquiring about the family genealogy. Playne Family Paper, David Playne, Bannut Tree, Avening, Stroud, Gloucestershire.

46. GRO D2424/3, Shortwood Baptist Church Roll.

47. PRO Prob. 11/1795/66, Will of Edward Bliss, the Elder, a Baptist deacon; see ibid.

46. GRO D2424/3, Shortwood Baptist Church Roll.

47. PRO Prob. 11/1795/66, Will of Edward Bliss, the Elder, a Baptist deacon; see ibid.

48. PRO Prob. 11/1818/438; IR26/1317, Will of Nathaniel Dyer.

49. PRO Prob. 11/1851/536; IR26/1377, Will of Richard Bartlett.

50. See GRO GDR, Wills of George Ralph, March 28, 1829, George Mason, October 26, 1816; and William Stokes, the Elder, April 30, 1821.

51. GRO GDR, Will of Daniel Cook, March 8, 1838; GRO D2424/3, Shortwood Baptish Church Roll.

52. GRO GDR, Will of Cornelius Bowne, February 23, 1803; GRO

D1406, Thomas Family Papers. Bowne's trustees, James Thomas and William Biggs, were deacons of the Forest Green Congregationalist Church.

53. GRO GDR, Will of Robert Mason, January 21, 1778 and Thomas Baker, July 5, 1927.

54. PRO B3/3746-7, Court of Bankruptcy examinations. This image of an entrepreneurial laboring class conflicts with E. P. Thompson's belief in the pervasiveness of collectivist values among its members; see E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1963), p. 356; idem, "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century," Past and Present , 50 (1971).

55. GRO GDR, Will of Thomas Bird, the Elder, May 26, 1823; for other examples, see Wills of William Jennings, November 4, 1809; Thomas Young, March 15, 1834; John Arundell, Augtust 11, 1810; William Herbert, March 10, 1838; and Nathaniel Wheeler, January 15, 1800.

56. A John Webb was baptized at the Shortwood Baptish Church in 1825, two years after the testator's death; the testator's daughter, Mary Bird, may have been the same one who was baptized at Shortwood in 1795 and who died in 1844; see GRO D2424/3/517 and 1135. Thomas Bird might have attended as a hearer.

57. See H. H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills, eds., From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York, 1958), p. 187.

58. For the survival of such an ethos in eighteenth-century Britain, see Samuel H. Beer, British Politics in the Collectivist Age (New York, 1965), p. 9. Beer writes: "In spite of lip service to Locke, eighteenth-century England was far from being an individualist society and, on the plane of operative ideals, the image of social reality had a strong corporatist tinge. Again, in Old Whig as in Old Tory thought, the corporatist was inseparable from the hierarchic ideal." Lawrence and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, by emphasizing the exclusiveness of the landed elite, strongly suggest the persistence of a customary hierarchy well past the eighteenth century; cf. Stone, An Open Elite?

59. See Neil Smelser, "Toward a Theory of Modernization," in George Dalton, ed., Tribal and Peasant Economies: Readings in Economic Anthropology (Garden City, N.Y., 1967), pp. 38-39; for a specific illustration of this tendency, see D. G. Hey, "A Dual Economy in South Yorkshire," Ag.HR , XVII (1969).

60. The value of personal property was recorded in diocesan wills to the nearest interval in the period after 1780; for PCC wills, values appeared in estate duty registers, PRO class IR 26. Leasehold land was included in the valuations, but freehold land was not; see letter, Capital

Taxes Office to A. M. Urdank, Inland Revenue BP 1/79, April 23, 1979. Cf. James P. P. Horn, "The Distribution of Wealth in the Vale of Berkeley, 1660-1700," Southern History , III (1981), especially for a correlation between personal and total wealth; and Wrightson and Levine, Poverty and Piety , pp. 33-34, for an analysis of wealth distribution at Terling that follows a simpler and more traditional hierarchical path.

61. Two extreme exceptions were excluded from this analysis: the estates of Daniel Cook, haymaker, and David Ricardo, the Elder, the great political economist and lord of the manor of Minchinhampton. To have included them would have seriously distorted the overall distribution. Ricardo was both banker and esquire, which affirms a pattern of mobility already cited, and his estate was valued under £500,000; see PRO Prob. 11/1676/596 and IR26/973.

62. See Anthony Giddens, The Class Structure of Advanced Societies (New York, 1975), p. 107. Giddens writes: "Mobility has sometimes been treated as if it were in large part separable from the determination of class structure. According to Schumpeter's famous example, classes may be conceived of as like conveyances, which may be constantly carrying different 'passengers' without in any way changing their shape. But, compelling though the analogy is at first sight, it does not stand up to closer examination. . . . In general, the greater the degree of 'closure' of mobility chances—both intergenerationally and within the career of the individual—the more this facilitates the formation of identifiable classes." Cf. Franklin F. Mendels, "Social Mobility and Phases of Industrialization," Journal of Interdisciplinary History , VII (1976): 193-216.

63. See "Introduction" (this volume), n. 1. Both Elie Halèvy and E. P. Thompson emphasize the role of Methodism in communicating Puritan, middle-class values to the working class, but each focuses on elements of collective subordination of one class to another, such as "work discipline." However, Puritan values also included the promotion of individual autonomy, which sometimes translated into entrepreneurial behavior, even among the working classes.

64. GRO, ROL C4, E. Witchell, The Geology of Stroud and the Area Drained by the Frome (Stround, 1885), pp. 1-4.

65. GRO MA 19/71, Geological Survey Map; Ordinance Survey Map, six-inch scale, Glos. XLIX (1885 ed.).

66. VCH Glos . XI: 207.

67. Ibid.

66. VCH Glos . XI: 207.

67. Ibid.

68. See William Cobbett, Rural Rides (London, 1967, reprint), p. 375.

69. GRO ROL C4, Witchell, The Geology of Stroud , p. 31.

70. See Jennifer Tann, "Some Problems of Waterpower—A Study of

Mill Siting in Gloucestershire," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc ., LXXXIV (1965): 53-77; GRO ROL C4. E. Witchell, The Geology of Stroud , p. 5.

71. Ibid., ROL C4. The Lias Clay is usually found at the lowest point in the Vale; it is followed in ascending order by the Supra-Liassic or Cotswold Sand, the Inferior Oolite, Fuller's Earth, the Great Oolite, and Forest Marble.

72. Ibid.

70. See Jennifer Tann, "Some Problems of Waterpower—A Study of

Mill Siting in Gloucestershire," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc ., LXXXIV (1965): 53-77; GRO ROL C4. E. Witchell, The Geology of Stroud , p. 5.

71. Ibid., ROL C4. The Lias Clay is usually found at the lowest point in the Vale; it is followed in ascending order by the Supra-Liassic or Cotswold Sand, the Inferior Oolite, Fuller's Earth, the Great Oolite, and Forest Marble.

72. Ibid.

70. See Jennifer Tann, "Some Problems of Waterpower—A Study of

Mill Siting in Gloucestershire," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc ., LXXXIV (1965): 53-77; GRO ROL C4. E. Witchell, The Geology of Stroud , p. 5.

71. Ibid., ROL C4. The Lias Clay is usually found at the lowest point in the Vale; it is followed in ascending order by the Supra-Liassic or Cotswold Sand, the Inferior Oolite, Fuller's Earth, the Great Oolite, and Forest Marble.

72. Ibid.

73. Data in tables 8 and 9 were derived from the acreage returns of 1801, PRO, Home Office 67/3, reprinted in W. E. Minchinton, "Agriculture in Gloucestershire"; a Minchinhampton parish valuation, ca. 1804, GRO P217a VE 1/1; the 1838-1841 tithe surveys for Avening, Horsley, and Minchinhampton, GRO MF447, the Minchinhampton Tithe Terrier, ca. 1777, GRO P217 IN 31, and the Avening tithe book, ca. 1784, GRO P29 OV1/2; for shrinkage of the wasteland at Avening and greater concentration of ownership at Horsley, see chap. 2, tables 13 and 14.

74. The estimate of arable acres sown in 1838 for each type of crop ( X' ) is derived from the equation X' = y/z(m) , where y represents the acreage sown by type of crop in 1801; z , the total acreage sown in 1801; and m , the total arable acreage in 1838.

75. The Nailsworth Brewery, owned by Samuel and Joseph Clissold, deacons of the Shortwood Baptist Church [!], covered nearly two acres and was considered the most important brewery in the Stroud district. Brewing was often carried on by individuals operating on a small scale, however, as evidenced by Gloucester Journal advertisements; see, for instance, Glos. Jnl ., 27 January 1823, advertisement for the sale of "a leasehold messuage with brewhouse and workshop recently built."

76. The mean national wheat yield in 1838 was 33.1 bushels per acre; see E. L. Jones, Agriculture and the Industrial Revolution (New York, 1974), p. 189. For Gloucestershire, ca. 1836, the mean wheat yield was 19.6 bushels per acre, and that of barley and oats stood, respectively, at 17.1 and 27.5 bushels per acre; see R. J.P. Kain, An Atlas and Index of the Tithe Files of Mid-Nineteenth Century England and Wales (Cambridge, 1986), p. 234, table 38. Avening's wheat yield, at 8.2 bushels per acre, although lower than the county average, was well within the range of possible wheat yields for individual scores and akin to a medieval measure; cf. J. Z. Titow, Winchester Yields: A Study in Medieval Agricultural productivity (Cambridge, 1972), p. 13, table 2b.

77. GRO MF447, Horsley Tithe Survey, 1841; Glos. Jnl . 27 January 1823, Sale by Auction, and 7 April 1823, Sale by Auction.

78. GRO D1388/Plan of the Estate of Edward Barnfield, ca. 1801; this theme is amply developed in E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Act (New York, 1975).

79. Glos. Colln. M 10073, Revd. Messing Rudkin, The History of Horsley (Stroud, 1884), p. 3.

80. VCH Glos ., XI; 156. Unless otherwise noted, other references to specific roads have been drawn from this source.

81. E. Moir, Local Government in Gloucestershire, 1775-1800 (Bristol, 1969), p. 1. Freestone, which was abundant in Nailsworth, "was but poorly calculated for the building of roads," according to A. R. Fewster: see the Stroud Jnl ., 13 May 1854, report of the proceedings of the Nailsworth Literary and Mechanics Institute.

82. Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1820.

83. Ibid., 1 September 1820.

82. Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1820.

83. Ibid., 1 September 1820.

84. See chap. 5 for further treatment of the problem of geographic mobility between 1794 and 1812.

85. Glos. Jnl ., 15 May 1825. In a Sunday celebration, sponsored by the Waterloo Benefit Society, members were requested to assemble at Nailsworth's Clothier's Arms Inn and to march in procession to Horsley Church; they were instructed to return to the Clothier's Arms for dinner, following the minister's sermon.

86. Distances normally covered between ten and twenty miles; see T. S. Ashton, An Economic History of England: The Eighteenth Century (London, 1964), p. 87.

87. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1824; an advertisement records the names of the gates: Inchbrook, Sprout, Culverhouse, Woodchester, Balls Green, Nailsworth, Lightpill, Stanley, Tiltups Inn, Hazelwood, Buckholt, and Avening.

88. Ibid., 18 December 1809.

87. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1824; an advertisement records the names of the gates: Inchbrook, Sprout, Culverhouse, Woodchester, Balls Green, Nailsworth, Lightpill, Stanley, Tiltups Inn, Hazelwood, Buckholt, and Avening.

88. Ibid., 18 December 1809.

89. T. S. Ashton, Economic History , p. 78; wage labor was normally used to supplement unpaid statute labor from the time of the Interregnum.

90. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1824 and 22 August 1835.

91. T. S. Ashton, Economic History , p. 80.

92. See G. Taylor, "Types of Capitalism in Eighteenth Century France," EHR , LXXIX (1964), pp. 478ff. for an appreciation of Old Regime methods of financial and commerical activity.

93. T. S. Ashton, Economic History , p. 85, states that canal building represented a substitution of capital for labor; see A. D. Gayer, W. W. Rostow, and A. J. Schwartz, The Growth and Fluctuation of the British Economy, 1790-1850: An Historical, Statistical, and Theoretical Study of Britain's Economic Development , vol. I (Oxford, 1953): 38, 418 for further discussion of the eighteenth-century canal boom.

94. VCH Glos ., XI: 102.

95. Ibid.

94. VCH Glos ., XI: 102.

95. Ibid.

96. Glos. Jnl ., 1 November 1824, "Stroud Canal."

97. Mann, Cloth Industry ., pp. 191-192 states that despite the canals it sometimes took up to four months for goods traveling to London to arrive.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 2 September 1805.

99. Ibid., 2 September 1804.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 2 September 1805.

99. Ibid., 2 September 1804.

100. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 50, cites two previously abortive schemes, one in 1730 and another in 1759, that clothiers had promoted.

101. Glos. Jnl ., 4 November 1805.

102. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 190-191.

103. Glos. Jnl ., 1 November 1824, "Stroud Canal."

104. See Peter Mathias, "Capital, Credit and Enterprise in the Industrial Revolution," JEEc.H ., II (Spring 1973): 124.

105. The prices of canal shares can be expected to correlate with their respective rates of profit, as reflected in dividend payments. Data on canal share prices have been drawn from Gayer et. al., Growth and Fluctuation , p. 370. The partial correlation was computed from the following: Given X = Stroud Canal dividends, Y = canal share prices nationally, and t = the vector of time, then r xy = 0.885, r xt = 0.91 r yt = 0.793. The t -test on r xy(t) is: t = 2.963, df = 12; for significance at the 0.02 level, t > 2.681.

106. Gayer et al., Growth and Fluctuation , p. 418.

107. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 191-192.

108. Ibid.

107. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 191-192.

108. Ibid.

109. Glos. Jnl ., 6 December 1834, "Great Western Railway."

110. Ibid.; see remarks of Charles Stanton and W. H. Hyett; coal was a great untapped resource of the Nailsworth valleys: Geological Survey Map, Glos. Colin. 554.231, Box 10.103 and Box 10.105.

109. Glos. Jnl ., 6 December 1834, "Great Western Railway."

110. Ibid.; see remarks of Charles Stanton and W. H. Hyett; coal was a great untapped resource of the Nailsworth valleys: Geological Survey Map, Glos. Colin. 554.231, Box 10.103 and Box 10.105.

111. VCH Glos ., XI: 103.

112. Glos. Jnl ., 6 December 1834.

113. Ibid. The Southampton-London line was to pass from Basing to Bath in order to take in the Wiltshire towns of Bradford and Trowbridge, with an extension to be built to Bristol.

112. Glos. Jnl ., 6 December 1834.

113. Ibid. The Southampton-London line was to pass from Basing to Bath in order to take in the Wiltshire towns of Bradford and Trowbridge, with an extension to be built to Bristol.

114. VCH Glos ., XI: 209.

115. Stroud Jnl ., 13 May 1854, report of the proceedings of the Nailsworth Literary and Mechanics Institute.

116. Ibid.

115. Stroud Jnl ., 13 May 1854, report of the proceedings of the Nailsworth Literary and Mechanics Institute.

116. Ibid.

1. This theme is examined further in chaps. 3 and 8.

2. See Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society , pp. 10-13; Everitt, The Pattern of Rural Dissent , pp. 20-22; B. A. Holderness, "'Open' and

'Close' Parishes in England in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," Ag.HR , XX (1972); and Mills, Lord and Peasant , especially chaps. 2-6; however, see Sarah Banks's critique of this model, in Banks, "Nineteenth Century Scandal."

3. See, for instance, Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society , p. 12, n. 2; Obelkevich bases his analysis on the land tax return for 1831.

4. Alan MacFarlane, The Origins of English Individualism: The Family, Property and Social Transition (Oxford, 1978), defines individualism in terms of property right; for the correlation of property right with Dissent, see above, n. 2 as well as the two classics: Max Weber (trans. Talcott Parsons), The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York, 1976) and R. H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism: An Historical Study (London, 1964).

5. For references, see above, chap. 1, n. 12 and n. 73.

6. Almost 25.0 percent of the parish's acreage remained unlisted, however; this was undoubtedly unoccupied waste, "the lord's waste," that he protected from encroachment by cottagers; see chap. 4 for a detailed treatment of the exercise of manorial authority.

7. Intermediary and small holdings among owners fell 37 and 24 percent, respectively.

8. The range was from a mean of 0.8666 to a mean of 0.4888 acres.

9. Horsley's acreage in 1784 was estimated from the land values and acreage figures in the 1784 Avening tithe survey and from Horsley's land tax assessements for that year. A regression equation, Total Acreage = -0.2357178 + 0.3919663 (land value) was derived from the tithe survey, and Horsley's land values, based on the assessment of 4s. per pound sterling, were substituted to yield estimates of total acreage for each landholder in the parish. Although methods of valuation for tithe and land tax could have differed, the pattern of variation between land values and acreage size are assumed to have been the same.

10. The percentage fall in acreage was respectively 34, 40, and 55.

11. John Dela Field, Esq., probably a distant relative of the late lord, Henry Stephens, occupied Chavenage manor house in 1141 but appears only to have had the "use" of the estate, the rents of which were collected by its trustee, Robert Kingscote; see the Will of Henry Stephens, Esq., February 28, 1795, PRO Prob. 11/1256/122. For the activities of the manor court under the Stephens, see chap. 4.

12. See above, chap. 1, tables 1 to 4.

13. See above, chap. 1, table 8 for the net loss of arable acreage that resulted from a sharpening of the division of labor. Adam Smith had observed that absence of specialization made preindustrial labor particularly inefficient: "A country weaver who cultivates a small farm must lose

a good deal of time in passing from his loom to his field, and from the field to his loom''; see Adam Smith (G. Stigler, ed.), Selections from the Wealth of Nations (New York, 1957), p. 6.

14. See this chapter (chap. 2), section on agrarian transformation.

15. See E. P. Thompson, "Patrician Society, Plebeian Culture," Journal of Social History , VII (1974): 387 and Roger B. Manning, Village Revolts: Social Protest and Popular Disturbances in England, 1509-1640 (Oxford, 1988), p. 5. Manning writes that during the early modern period the survival of use-rights among the tenantry, as well as "[t]he continued exercise of seigneurial jurisdiction, the extraction of manorial dues and services, and the survival of servile tenures all modified the terms of landholding," limiting both the lords' and tenants' assertions of unqualified rights to private property. This conclusion applies equally to the late eighteenth to early nineteenth century, to the extent that remnants of seigneurialism can be found.

16. See Ivor P. Collis, "Leases for a Term of Years Determinable with Lives," Society of Archivists Journal , I (1955-1959) and Christopher Clay, "Lifehold Leasing in the Western Counties of England," Ag.HR , XXIX (1981) for close examinations of this particular form of leasehold.

17. E. Kerridge, Agrarian Problems of the Sixteenth Century and after (London, 1969) discusses the difference between leases as "real interests" in land and as "real chattels"; cf. A. W. B. Simpson, A History of the Land Law , 2d ed. (Oxford, 1986), pp. 70-73. The life tenant held "seisin" because he could transfer his holding to his heirs instead of an executor.

18. In the West of England, both copyholds for lives and lifehold leases were renewable at the expiry of each life listed in the indenture, a practice that offered additional security of tenure; see Kerridge, Agrarian Problems , pp. 35-36, 47.

19. The customary obligations they contained, at the very least, were payment of heriots and suit of court; the succession of lifehold leases from copyholds is depicted in Kerridge, Agrarian Problems ; see also R. H. Hilton, The English Peasantry in the Later Middle Ages (Oxford, 1975), pp. 69-70, 149; F. Pollock and F. W. Maitland, The History of the English Law before the Time of Edward I , II (Cambridge, 1968): iii; and Manning, Village Revolts , p. 133.

20. See n. 17, above, on "real chattels." In eighteenth-century Norfolk, a seat of the agricultural revolution, twenty-one-year leases were regarded as long tenures; see R. A. C. Parker, Coke of Norfolk: A Financial and Agricultural Study, 1707-1842 (Oxford, 1975), p. 54.

21. Kerridge, Agrarian Problems , p. 47.

22. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., RF167.2 (1-4), Horsley

Manor Records, Particulars of Leases and Rents, 1562-1789; cf. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1842, the case of Garbind vs. Jekyel , in which the Lord Chief Justice is reported enforcing the payment of heriots to the lord of an Essex manor, although not to the amount the latter had claimed.

23. Ivor P. Collis, "Leases for a Term of Years," p. 168.

24. See chap. 4 for a detailed treatment.

25 Glos. Jnl ., 1 April 1816, "Manor of Horsley." We can estimate, however, that the number of leaseholders on the manor were fewer than at Minchinhampton, the estimate for which is given below. According to the series of suitors between 1794 and 1814, listed in appendix B, the trend value for the number of suitors in 1789 (the year of the last recorded lease) is 441; this means that about 10 percent of all Horsley suitors held leases from the manor.

26. GRO D1192/2; for a discussion of the evolution of tenures on the manor, especially the early commutation of labor services, see Jean Birdsall, "The English Manors of the Abbey of La Trinité at Cean," in Anniversary Essays in Medieaval History by Students of Charles Homer Haskins (New York, 1929), pp. 36, 38 and E. Watson, "The Minchinhampton Custumal and Its Place in the Story of the Manor," Trans. B & G Arch. Soc . LIV (1932): 255.

27. The results of this analysis can be expressed symbolically as X 1 = 2.65s, S 1 = 3.20; X 2 = 3.76s, S 2 = 3.48; t = 0.62, df = 34, t > 2.03 at the 0.05 significance level.

28. The assumption made here is that the type of property held (which might have affected the rental value) is randomly distributed among small holders and therefore should not affect the comparison.

29. Kerridge, Agrarian Problems , p. 48.

30. F. Pollock, The Land Law's (London, 1896), p. 142; cf. Simpson, History of Land Law , p. 252.

31. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., RF167.2 (1-4), Horsley Manor Records.

32. Ibid.

31. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., RF167.2 (1-4), Horsley Manor Records.

32. Ibid.

33. Glos. Jnl ., 15 September 1823, Sale at Boot Inn.

34. PRO PCC Prob. 11/1818/66, Will of Edward Bliss; PRO, IR26/1279/81, Estate Duty Registers.

35. PRO PCC Prob. 11/1256/122, Will of Henry Stephens, Esq.

36. GRO D1812/1. Ricardo Family Papers.

37. See Ivor P. Collis, "Leases for a Term of Years," pp. 168-171.

38. Occassionally, however, wills specify the tenurial status of the property bequeathed; where freehold status is not actually specified, the property may likely have been a long-term leasehold treated as though it were a freehold, as in the case of Edward Bliss, cited above.

39. GRO GDR, Wills of W. Kemish, September 5, 1812; T. Lewis, May 25, 1825; J. Heskins, April 15, 1818; P. Howell, March 31, 1764; T. Locker, September 12, 1759; Rob Mason, January 21, 1778; Jas. Bingell, February 14, 1803; Thos. Baker, July 5, 1827; J. Sansum, June 26, 1823; H. Dee, April 22, 1797; D. Sansum, December 13, 1826; W. Dowdy, March 19, 1763; J. Harrison, October 15, 1772, J. Cull, May 12, 1779; and T. Holliday, November 8, 1774. See also chap. 6, table 47, which gives the percentage distribution by tenurial status of artisan, weaver, and laborer householders at Horsley in 1811.

40. See J. D. Chambers, "Enclosure and the Labour Supply," in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley, eds., Population in History: Essays in Historical Demography (London, 1965), pp. 308-310; cf. the historio-graphic discussion in J. A. Yelling, Common Field and Enclosure in England , 1450-1850 (London, 1977), pp. 94-103.

41. See Joan Thirsk, "The Farming Regions of England"; Yelling, Common Field and Enclosure ; J. R. Wordie, "The Chronology of English Enclosure, 1500-1914," Ec.HR , XXXVI, 2d ser. (1983) has maintained, more recently, that 70 percent of the land in England had been enclosed by 1700.

42. Chambers, "Enclosure and the Labour Supply," p. 319; see also G. E. Mingay, Enclosure and the Small Farmer in the Age of the Industrial Revolution (London, 1968).

43. See Yelling, Common Field and Enclosure , pp. 26-29, 71-93.

44. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln. RF167.2 (1-4), Horsley Manor Records; subsequent similar references are drawn from the same source.

45. GRO GDR, Will of Daniel Harvey, Avening, March 31, 1785.

46. GRO, D1812/1, Ricardo Family Papers, Feoffment of Premises at Avening, May 11, 1807, Hill and Dangerfield to Phillip Sheppherd.

47. Ibid. Lease Indenture, September 24, 1777, Peach to Edward Sheppherd.

48. Ibid. Deed of Exchange, February 24, 1788, Sheppherd to Walbank.

49. Ibid. Conveyance of Estates, the Shard and Samao, March 24, 1824.

46. GRO, D1812/1, Ricardo Family Papers, Feoffment of Premises at Avening, May 11, 1807, Hill and Dangerfield to Phillip Sheppherd.

47. Ibid. Lease Indenture, September 24, 1777, Peach to Edward Sheppherd.

48. Ibid. Deed of Exchange, February 24, 1788, Sheppherd to Walbank.

49. Ibid. Conveyance of Estates, the Shard and Samao, March 24, 1824.

46. GRO, D1812/1, Ricardo Family Papers, Feoffment of Premises at Avening, May 11, 1807, Hill and Dangerfield to Phillip Sheppherd.

47. Ibid. Lease Indenture, September 24, 1777, Peach to Edward Sheppherd.

48. Ibid. Deed of Exchange, February 24, 1788, Sheppherd to Walbank.

49. Ibid. Conveyance of Estates, the Shard and Samao, March 24, 1824.

46. GRO, D1812/1, Ricardo Family Papers, Feoffment of Premises at Avening, May 11, 1807, Hill and Dangerfield to Phillip Sheppherd.

47. Ibid. Lease Indenture, September 24, 1777, Peach to Edward Sheppherd.

48. Ibid. Deed of Exchange, February 24, 1788, Sheppherd to Walbank.

49. Ibid. Conveyance of Estates, the Shard and Samao, March 24, 1824.

50. GRO P217a/VE1/1, Survey and Valuation of the lands in the Parish of Minchinhampton, ca. 1804, for equalizing the poor rates. The parish contained altogether 390 plots of arable land, including common field lands, and 324 plots of pasture. However, mean arable acreage, at 6.4 acres per plot, outstripped mean pastoral acreage, at 3.4 acres per plot, by a ratio of 2:1. The preponderance of arable land in this wood-pasture society was undoubtedly caused by the barley requirements of

the brewing industry and the persistence of Minchinhampton Common as a communal grazing area. Nevertheless, the mean ratable value of pasture lands was significantly greater, at 14s. per acre, than the mean ratable value of the arable sector, at 6s. per acre. All pasture lands were enclosed, while a sizable proportion of arable still lay in common fields; the costs of enclosure probably accounted for the difference in ratable values; see n. 51, below.

51. Ibid.; GRO P217 IN 3/1; GRO MF 447. By 1804, the acreage held in common fields had fallen to only 589 acres; 152 plots laid in common fields, and all were devoted to arable land, while 562 plots had been enclosed, 324 of which were pasture lands. Mean enclosed acreage, at 5.6 acres per plot, outstripped mean common field acreage, at 3.99 acres per plot, by a ratio of almost 3:2; t = 2.31, df = 712, Prob > | t | 0.02. The mean ratable value of enclosed lands, at 9.66s. per acre, dramatically surpassed the mean ratable value of open field lands, at 3.25s. per acre; t = 7.12, df = 712, Prob > | t | 0.00.

50. GRO P217a/VE1/1, Survey and Valuation of the lands in the Parish of Minchinhampton, ca. 1804, for equalizing the poor rates. The parish contained altogether 390 plots of arable land, including common field lands, and 324 plots of pasture. However, mean arable acreage, at 6.4 acres per plot, outstripped mean pastoral acreage, at 3.4 acres per plot, by a ratio of 2:1. The preponderance of arable land in this wood-pasture society was undoubtedly caused by the barley requirements of

the brewing industry and the persistence of Minchinhampton Common as a communal grazing area. Nevertheless, the mean ratable value of pasture lands was significantly greater, at 14s. per acre, than the mean ratable value of the arable sector, at 6s. per acre. All pasture lands were enclosed, while a sizable proportion of arable still lay in common fields; the costs of enclosure probably accounted for the difference in ratable values; see n. 51, below.

51. Ibid.; GRO P217 IN 3/1; GRO MF 447. By 1804, the acreage held in common fields had fallen to only 589 acres; 152 plots laid in common fields, and all were devoted to arable land, while 562 plots had been enclosed, 324 of which were pasture lands. Mean enclosed acreage, at 5.6 acres per plot, outstripped mean common field acreage, at 3.99 acres per plot, by a ratio of almost 3:2; t = 2.31, df = 712, Prob > | t | 0.02. The mean ratable value of enclosed lands, at 9.66s. per acre, dramatically surpassed the mean ratable value of open field lands, at 3.25s. per acre; t = 7.12, df = 712, Prob > | t | 0.00.

52. Glos. Jnl ., 10 May 1813; re Minchinhampton Common.

53. Ibid., 6 March 1830, advertisement.

52. Glos. Jnl ., 10 May 1813; re Minchinhampton Common.

53. Ibid., 6 March 1830, advertisement.

54. GRO D2219/1/4, Resolution of the [Minchinhampton] Court Leer, ca. 1843.

55. GRO D2219/1/5, Court Leet, Minutes of Proceedings, 1847.

56. The term "after" comes from the Latin words averus, avera , which are forerunners of the word "affrus," meaning "work-horse''; see John Langdon, Horses, Oxen and Technological Innovation: The Use of Draught Animals in English Farming from 1066-1500 (Cambridge, 1986), p. 295.

57. See chaps. 3 and 4 for the attitudes of Whig landowners and chap. 4 for evidence from manorial court records.

1. For a recent study of sectarian Methodism in diverse regional contexts, see Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters .

2. For a comparison of pre-Victorian Nonconformist and Methodist growth, see Currie et al., Churches and Churchgoers , and Gilbert, Religion and Society , p. 120.

3. On the sect-denomination dichotomy, see B. R. Wilson, "An Analysis of Sect Development," in Wilson, ed., Patterns of Sectarianism ; Gilbert, Religion and Society , pp. 140-149, and Currie et al., Churches and Churchgoers , pp. 60, 92-93.

4. David Martin, A General Theory of Secutarization (Oxford, 1978), p. 20; cf. Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society , pp. 178-179.

5. See chap. 8 for a study of the Nailsworth Society of Friends.

6. See chap. 9 for a case study of the Shortwood Baptist Church in the nineteenth century.

7. For the model and its application to this study, see chaps. 1 and 2; for the pattern of cooperation, see chap. 4, section on Dissent and the composition of lordship.

8. Glos. Colln. M10073; Revd. M. Rudkin, The History of Horsley (Stroud, 1884), p. 27.

9. Ibid. The Restoration Church, from the outset, showed continuity with its latitudinarian, Cromwellian predecessor; see Patrick Collinson, The Religion of Protestants: The Church in English Society, 1559-1625 (Oxford, 1985), p. 283.

8. Glos. Colln. M10073; Revd. M. Rudkin, The History of Horsley (Stroud, 1884), p. 27.

9. Ibid. The Restoration Church, from the outset, showed continuity with its latitudinarian, Cromwellian predecessor; see Patrick Collinson, The Religion of Protestants: The Church in English Society, 1559-1625 (Oxford, 1985), p. 283.

10. BM Add. 33,589ff. 75, 77: Papers Relating to the Supression of Conventicles in the County of Gloucester, 1669-1772.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

10. BM Add. 33,589ff. 75, 77: Papers Relating to the Supression of Conventicles in the County of Gloucester, 1669-1772.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

10. BM Add. 33,589ff. 75, 77: Papers Relating to the Supression of Conventicles in the County of Gloucester, 1669-1772.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

10. BM Add. 33,589ff. 75, 77: Papers Relating to the Supression of Conventicles in the County of Gloucester, 1669-1772.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

14. Rudkin, History of Horsley , p. 27. The "moderation" of Calvinism refers to the theological feat of reconciling the doctrine of Predestination, based on the principle of Election, with the doctrine of Universal redemption.

15. GRO D2595/1, Lower Forest Green Church Book, 1847-1854, Introductory History: Mr. George Fox, ejected from Buckle Church in 1662, had become pastor of a church at Nailsworth soon thereafter; it was this Presbyterian church, referred to by the church book as the "Nailsworth Meeting," that immediately preceded the establishment of the Forest Green Congregationalist Church.

16. Ibid.

15. GRO D2595/1, Lower Forest Green Church Book, 1847-1854, Introductory History: Mr. George Fox, ejected from Buckle Church in 1662, had become pastor of a church at Nailsworth soon thereafter; it was this Presbyterian church, referred to by the church book as the "Nailsworth Meeting," that immediately preceded the establishment of the Forest Green Congregationalist Church.

16. Ibid.

17. See this chapter, section on origins of Dissent.

18. GRO D1460, Thomas Family Papers, Trust Deeds of the Forest Green Congregationlist Church.

19. Ibid., Indenture of Assignment, November, 15, 1688: Conveyance of Property.

18. GRO D1460, Thomas Family Papers, Trust Deeds of the Forest Green Congregationlist Church.

19. Ibid., Indenture of Assignment, November, 15, 1688: Conveyance of Property.

20. GRO D2595/1; Thomas Small of Nailsworth, clothier, and one of the trustees was described in the church book as a "chief leader for many years." He might have become a Dissenter subsequently or remained within the Church of England while continuing to play this role, as did Samuel Sevil in his relationship with the Shortwood Baptists; for Sevil's role, see below.

21. See Charles Russell, A Brief History of the Independent Church at Forest Green, Nailsworth (Nailsworth, 1845, 1912), p. 12.

22. John Walsh, "Moderate Calvinism in the Church of England," unpublished paper; cf. below, n. 40.

23. An account of the riot is given in the Minchinhampton Baptist Church Book, in the possession of Revel. J. Edwards, The Manse, Windmill Road, Minchinhampton; cf. John Walsh, "Methodism and the Mob in the Eighteenth Century," in G. J. Cumming and Derek Baker, eds., Popular Belief and Practices: Studies in Church History , VIII (Oxford, 1972).

24. GRO D1406, Thomas Family Papers, Trust Deeds of the Forest Green Church: March 6, 1720; December 20, 1731; November 20, 1747. Throughout the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, trustees were drawn from a middle- and upper-class strata. In 1720, Jeremiah Jones of Avening, gentleman, headed a list of new trustees and was followed by four clothiers and one dyer. In 1731 the trustees consisted of two gentlemen, one maltster, three clothiers, one dyer, and—significantly—one shoemaker. In 1747 the surviving trustees of 1731 conveyed their authority to one clothworker, one tallow chandler, one grocer, one maltster, and one clothier, thereby reversing the positions of the social groups involved in the leadership.

25. No accounts are sufficiently extant to allow for a detailed appraisal of the changing occupational structure of the membership of Forest Green Church or its numerical growth and decline.

26. See chap. 5.

27. Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , pp. 19-20.

28. Ibid., p. 21; this was the Revd. Moffat who "openly avowed that he could not baptize infants, on the usual grounds of professed Baptists."

27. Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , pp. 19-20.

28. Ibid., p. 21; this was the Revd. Moffat who "openly avowed that he could not baptize infants, on the usual grounds of professed Baptists."

29. Quoted in G. F. Nuttall, Howel Harris, 1714-1773: The Last Enthusiast (Cardiff, 1975), p. 17.

30. Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , p. 18.

31. GRO D1406, Thomas Family Papers, Family and Business Correspondence, 1824-1840.

32. Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , p. 22.

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid., p. 23.

35. Ibid., p. 25.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., p. 35.

32. Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , p. 22.

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid., p. 23.

35. Ibid., p. 25.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., p. 35.

32. Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , p. 22.

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid., p. 23.

35. Ibid., p. 25.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., p. 35.

32. Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , p. 22.

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid., p. 23.

35. Ibid., p. 25.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., p. 35.

32. Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , p. 22.

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid., p. 23.

35. Ibid., p. 25.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., p. 35.

32. Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , p. 22.

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid., p. 23.

35. Ibid., p. 25.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., p. 35.

38. GRO D2424/1. Shortwood Baptist Church Minute Book, 1732-1800, a brief history of the origins of the chapel as recounted by William Harding; henceforth, "Brief History." Cf. Gilbert, Religion and Society , p. 16 and Peter Toon, The Emergence of Hyper-Calvinism in English Nonconformity, 1689-1765 (London, 1967).

39. GRO D2424/1, February 12, 1758. A letter to the Western Association of Baptist Churches, recorded in the church book, cites the main doctrines adhered to by the church at this time: "A confession of faith

put forward by our Brethren in the year 1689, especially the doctrine of the Blessed Trinity, Eternal Personal Election, Particular Redemption, Salvation Alone by Christ, Efficacious Grace of God and the Final Perseverance of the Saints."

40. Geoffrey Nuttall, "Calvinism in Free Church History," The Baptist Quarterly , XXII (October 1968): 422; for the differences between moderate and high Calvinism, see idem, "Northamptonshire and the Modern Question: A Turning Point in 18th Century Dissent," Journal of Theological Studies , XVI (1965) and Toon, Emergence of Hyper-Calvinism .

41. GRO D2424/3, Minute Book.

42. Ibid., D2424/3, Shortwood Church Roll, Copy of the Original Trust Deed of the Shortwood Meeting House in the Parish of Horsley, ca. 1768.

43. Ibid., D2424/1, Minute Book, "Brief History."

44. Ibid.

41. GRO D2424/3, Minute Book.

42. Ibid., D2424/3, Shortwood Church Roll, Copy of the Original Trust Deed of the Shortwood Meeting House in the Parish of Horsley, ca. 1768.

43. Ibid., D2424/1, Minute Book, "Brief History."

44. Ibid.

41. GRO D2424/3, Minute Book.

42. Ibid., D2424/3, Shortwood Church Roll, Copy of the Original Trust Deed of the Shortwood Meeting House in the Parish of Horsley, ca. 1768.

43. Ibid., D2424/1, Minute Book, "Brief History."

44. Ibid.

41. GRO D2424/3, Minute Book.

42. Ibid., D2424/3, Shortwood Church Roll, Copy of the Original Trust Deed of the Shortwood Meeting House in the Parish of Horsley, ca. 1768.

43. Ibid., D2424/1, Minute Book, "Brief History."

44. Ibid.

45. J. Thompson, History of Nonconformist Congregations , vol. I, No. 17, MS. 38.7-11, Dr. Williams's Library.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

48. Ibid.

45. J. Thompson, History of Nonconformist Congregations , vol. I, No. 17, MS. 38.7-11, Dr. Williams's Library.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

48. Ibid.

45. J. Thompson, History of Nonconformist Congregations , vol. I, No. 17, MS. 38.7-11, Dr. Williams's Library.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

48. Ibid.

45. J. Thompson, History of Nonconformist Congregations , vol. I, No. 17, MS. 38.7-11, Dr. Williams's Library.

46. Ibid.

47. Ibid.

48. Ibid.

49. GRO D2424/12, J. Cave, A History of the Shortwood Baptist Church , ca. 1880, MSS, p. 33.

50. Ibid., pp. 48-49.

51. Ibid., D2424/12, Minute book, February 20, 1755.

52. Ibid., D2424/12, Cave, History , p. 61.

49. GRO D2424/12, J. Cave, A History of the Shortwood Baptist Church , ca. 1880, MSS, p. 33.

50. Ibid., pp. 48-49.

51. Ibid., D2424/12, Minute book, February 20, 1755.

52. Ibid., D2424/12, Cave, History , p. 61.

49. GRO D2424/12, J. Cave, A History of the Shortwood Baptist Church , ca. 1880, MSS, p. 33.

50. Ibid., pp. 48-49.

51. Ibid., D2424/12, Minute book, February 20, 1755.

52. Ibid., D2424/12, Cave, History , p. 61.

49. GRO D2424/12, J. Cave, A History of the Shortwood Baptist Church , ca. 1880, MSS, p. 33.

50. Ibid., pp. 48-49.

51. Ibid., D2424/12, Minute book, February 20, 1755.

52. Ibid., D2424/12, Cave, History , p. 61.

53. See chap. 9 (on Shortwood Baptists).

54. See Benjamin Francis, "An Elegy on the Death of the Rev. George Whitefield," unpublished MSS, ca. 1770, a poem eulogizing Whitefield. Calvinism was moderated along evangelical lines from within the Baptist community as well, principally through Andrew Fuller, who seems to have had a direct influence on Shortwood; see E. F. Clipsham, "Andrew Fuller and Fullerism," Baptist Quarterly , XX (1963).

55. Quoted in G. F. Nuttall, "Questions and Answers: An 18th Century English Correspondence," Baptist Quarterly , XXXVI (1977).

56. GRO D2424/3, Copy of the Original Deed of Trust of a Meeting House at Shortwood in the Parish of Horsley in the Country of Glos.

57. See Christopher Hill, Century of Revolution (New York, 1961), p. 168.

58. GRO D2424/20, "Francis and Flint Mss. Family History," app. F.

59. Ibid.

58. GRO D2424/20, "Francis and Flint Mss. Family History," app. F.

59. Ibid.

60. Thompson, History of Nonconformist Congregations , MS. 38.7-11, II: Gloucestershire.

61. GRO D2424/1, Shortwood Church Book, 1732-1800.

62. Thompson, History , MS. 38.7-11, II: Gloucestershire.

63. GRO D2424/20, "Francis and Flint," II: 14.

64. Ibid., p. 60.

63. GRO D2424/20, "Francis and Flint," II: 14.

64. Ibid., p. 60.

65. For discussions of the correlation between universalism and enthusiasm, see Semmel, Methodist Revolution and Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters .

66. GRO D2424/20, "Francis and Flint," II: 61.

67. Ibid., p. 64.

68. Ibid., p. 27.

66. GRO D2424/20, "Francis and Flint," II: 61.

67. Ibid., p. 64.

68. Ibid., p. 27.

66. GRO D2424/20, "Francis and Flint," II: 61.

67. Ibid., p. 64.

68. Ibid., p. 27.

69. See "The Trial of William Winterbotham, Asst. Preacher at Howe's Lane Meeting, Devon 25 & 26 July 1793 for Seditious Words," Dr. William's Library, PP17.7.29(6). The Government brought fourteen counts against him.

70. Smythe, Chronicles of Sbortwood p. 80.

71. Glos. Jnl ., 14 September 1839, "A New Meeting House at Short-wood."

72. GRO D2219/6/6, Nailsworth Episcopal Chapel Minute Book, Copy of Building Subscription List (1794).

73. BM Add. 34,571, f. 457: Letter from D. Ricardo, [II], to Revd. P. Bliss, May 5, 1835.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

73. BM Add. 34,571, f. 457: Letter from D. Ricardo, [II], to Revd. P. Bliss, May 5, 1835.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

73. BM Add. 34,571, f. 457: Letter from D. Ricardo, [II], to Revd. P. Bliss, May 5, 1835.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

76. Glos. Jnl ., 1 September 1823: "New Churches." "Since the previous year ten new churches were completed and nine more were consecrated." The number already built "can afford accommodation to 7,116 persons in pews and 14,399 in free seats." Forty-four were in the progress of being built, twelve of which were due to be completed in 1824: "The whole will be capable of affording accommodation to 34,563 in pews and 39,842 in free seats." Plans for churches and chapels in nine parishes were approved, and plans for the creation of sixteen new churches "are now before the board of commissioners. Altogether, 68,442 persons in pews and 82,105 in free seats will be accommodated.'' Gilbert, Religion and Society , p. 27 has characterized these efforts as "minimal." Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society , pp. 176-178, however, offers a more positive evaluation for South Lindsey, at any rate for the period after 1825.

77. Glos. Colln. JR4.3, A Charge to the Clergy of the Diocese of Gloucester, 1825.

78. Ibid., J4.57, A Charge to the Clergy of the Diocese of Gloucester, 1832.

77. Glos. Colln. JR4.3, A Charge to the Clergy of the Diocese of Gloucester, 1825.

78. Ibid., J4.57, A Charge to the Clergy of the Diocese of Gloucester, 1832.

79. GRO GDR A2/1-2, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

80. Ibid., GDR A2/2-3, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

81. Ibid., GDR A2/4-5, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

82. Ibid.

79. GRO GDR A2/1-2, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

80. Ibid., GDR A2/2-3, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

81. Ibid., GDR A2/4-5, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

82. Ibid.

79. GRO GDR A2/1-2, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

80. Ibid., GDR A2/2-3, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

81. Ibid., GDR A2/4-5, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

82. Ibid.

79. GRO GDR A2/1-2, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

80. Ibid., GDR A2/2-3, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

81. Ibid., GDR A2/4-5, Gloucester Diocesean Book, Survey of Livings.

82. Ibid.

83. GRO P217 CW 2/3, Pews: Sales and Exchanges, 1789-1852.

84. Glos. Jnl ., 10 September 1836.

85. Ibid. Its dimensions were 45 feet by 40 feet by 13 feet high.

84. Glos. Jnl ., 10 September 1836.

85. Ibid. Its dimensions were 45 feet by 40 feet by 13 feet high.

86. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1837, "Horsley Church."

87. Ibid.

88. Ibid.

89. Ibid., 7 April 1838; a sum of £500 was contributed by the Diocesan Church Building Society.

90. Ibid., 19 October 1833.

91. Ibid., 12 September 1835.

86. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1837, "Horsley Church."

87. Ibid.

88. Ibid.

89. Ibid., 7 April 1838; a sum of £500 was contributed by the Diocesan Church Building Society.

90. Ibid., 19 October 1833.

91. Ibid., 12 September 1835.

86. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1837, "Horsley Church."

87. Ibid.

88. Ibid.

89. Ibid., 7 April 1838; a sum of £500 was contributed by the Diocesan Church Building Society.

90. Ibid., 19 October 1833.

91. Ibid., 12 September 1835.

86. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1837, "Horsley Church."

87. Ibid.

88. Ibid.

89. Ibid., 7 April 1838; a sum of £500 was contributed by the Diocesan Church Building Society.

90. Ibid., 19 October 1833.

91. Ibid., 12 September 1835.

86. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1837, "Horsley Church."

87. Ibid.

88. Ibid.

89. Ibid., 7 April 1838; a sum of £500 was contributed by the Diocesan Church Building Society.

90. Ibid., 19 October 1833.

91. Ibid., 12 September 1835.

86. Glos. Jnl ., 19 July 1837, "Horsley Church."

87. Ibid.

88. Ibid.

89. Ibid., 7 April 1838; a sum of £500 was contributed by the Diocesan Church Building Society.

90. Ibid., 19 October 1833.

91. Ibid., 12 September 1835.

92. See Nuttall, Howel Harris , pp. 38-57; ecumenicism, too, was a chief feature of denominationalism.

93. BM Add. 40420, f. 180-185, Peel Papers, Papers Relating to the Dissenters's Marriage Bill, 1834/35.

94. Ibid.

95. Ibid.

93. BM Add. 40420, f. 180-185, Peel Papers, Papers Relating to the Dissenters's Marriage Bill, 1834/35.

94. Ibid.

95. Ibid.

93. BM Add. 40420, f. 180-185, Peel Papers, Papers Relating to the Dissenters's Marriage Bill, 1834/35.

94. Ibid.

95. Ibid.

96. VCH Glos ., XI: 215.

97. PRO Religious Census Returns, Home Office 129/338/7/1/2.

98. Ibid., Home Office 129/3387/1/7 and 129/338/7/1/4 and 6, for the Shortwood Baptist and Forest Green Churches, respectively.

97. PRO Religious Census Returns, Home Office 129/338/7/1/2.

98. Ibid., Home Office 129/3387/1/7 and 129/338/7/1/4 and 6, for the Shortwood Baptist and Forest Green Churches, respectively.

99. See Russell, History of the Forest Green Church , p. 13; also Joseph Ivimey, History of the English Baptists , IV (London, 1811-1830): 479.

100. See chap. 9.

1. Quoted in Kerridge, Agrarian Problems , p. 17.

2. Ibid.; see also above, chap. 2.

3. Ibid., pp. 142-147, Coke, Document 4; for a succinct overview of the operations of the medieval manor, see Judith M. Bennett, Women in the Medieval English Countryside: Gender and Household in Brigstock before the Plague (New York, 1987), pp. 18-27.

1. Quoted in Kerridge, Agrarian Problems , p. 17.

2. Ibid.; see also above, chap. 2.

3. Ibid., pp. 142-147, Coke, Document 4; for a succinct overview of the operations of the medieval manor, see Judith M. Bennett, Women in the Medieval English Countryside: Gender and Household in Brigstock before the Plague (New York, 1987), pp. 18-27.

1. Quoted in Kerridge, Agrarian Problems , p. 17.

2. Ibid.; see also above, chap. 2.

3. Ibid., pp. 142-147, Coke, Document 4; for a succinct overview of the operations of the medieval manor, see Judith M. Bennett, Women in the Medieval English Countryside: Gender and Household in Brigstock before the Plague (New York, 1987), pp. 18-27.

4. The manor at Avening retained jurisdiction of an earlier manor

of Nailsworth, which had been united previously to the manor of Minchinhampton-Avening; see GRO D1192/2, entitled: "A Rent Role for the Mannors of Hampton, Avening, Nailsworth & Rodborough" and VCH Glos , XI: 212.

5. GRO D 1812/1, Ricardo Family Papers.

6. See C. E. Watson, "The Minchinhampton Custumal," p. 227; see early in chap. 1, above, for the effect on the boundaries of Nailsworth tithing.

7. Kerridge, Agrarian Prorblems , p. 18.

8. H. M. Cam, "Manerium Cum Hundredo: The Hundred and the Hundredal Manor," EHR , XLVII (1932): 353-376.

9. See chap. 1, map 1 (inset) for a map of Longtree Hundred.

10. C. E. Watson, "The Minchinhampton Custumal," p. 279.

11. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln. RF167.1, Papers, Horsley Manor.

12. See map 1.

13. See Nathaniel J. Hone, The Manor and Manorial Records (London, 1912), p. 132.

14. E. M. Carus-Wilson, "Evidences of Industrial Growth," p. 193.

15. See chap. 3.

16. See Hone, The Manor , p. 132.

17. See Kerridge, Agrarian History , p. 77 for an especially evocative description of the diverse functions of the manor court; Ann Stephens, lady of the manor of Horsley, was fined 2s. 6d. in 1796 for nonattendance at court and complied with the ruling; see GRO D547a/M14, Horsley Manor Records, Annual Lists of Suitors.

18. Ibid., Horsley Manor Records; P181/OV7/1, Horsley Census Listing, 1811; D2424/3, Shortwood Church Roll.

17. See Kerridge, Agrarian History , p. 77 for an especially evocative description of the diverse functions of the manor court; Ann Stephens, lady of the manor of Horsley, was fined 2s. 6d. in 1796 for nonattendance at court and complied with the ruling; see GRO D547a/M14, Horsley Manor Records, Annual Lists of Suitors.

18. Ibid., Horsley Manor Records; P181/OV7/1, Horsley Census Listing, 1811; D2424/3, Shortwood Church Roll.

19. Those specifically listed as refusing to comply were fined 6d, possibly for compounding their offense of nonattendance. It is not legitimate, however, to conclude from this that those appearing in lists for other years, who were also fined 6d., were likewise noncompliers, unless the document clearly designated them as such. Several of those fined 6d. in the general list for 1803 do not appear in the separate list of noncom-pliers compiled in that year; this sum appears simply to have been what they could afford.

20. Excused: upper middle class = 0; lower middle class = 1; working classes = 17; they have been excluded from analysis because of the low frequencies of the first two classes; x ² = 5.799, df = 2, x ² > 5.991 at the 0.05 significance level.

21. Some non-Baptists may have been Congregationalists, which may explain why their respective patterns of attendance remained similar.

22. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., RF167. 1, Particulars of

Presentements, Horsley Manor; GRO D2424/3. Shortwood Baptist Church Roll.

23. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., RF167.1, Presentements.

24. Ibid., Summons to Appear at Court.

25. Ibid., Charge to the Jury, 1802.

23. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., RF167.1, Presentements.

24. Ibid., Summons to Appear at Court.

25. Ibid., Charge to the Jury, 1802.

23. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., RF167.1, Presentements.

24. Ibid., Summons to Appear at Court.

25. Ibid., Charge to the Jury, 1802.

26. Pollock, Land Laws , p. 65.

27. Ibid.

26. Pollock, Land Laws , p. 65.

27. Ibid.

28. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., RF167.1, Charge, 1802; See J. M. W. Bean, The Decline of English Feudalism, 1215-1540 (Manchester, 1968), pp. 17-19 for the duties of the Crown's Escheator.

29. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., FR167.1, Charge, 1802.

30. See chap. 2 for the erosion of commoners' rights to Minchinhampton Common.

31. Glos. Jnl .,24 July 1820.

32. Ibid.

31. Glos. Jnl .,24 July 1820.

32. Ibid.

33. Webb, English Local Government , I: 10. Parishes, very likely, had preconquest origins; see, for instance, Charles Pythian-Adams, Continuity, Fields and Fission: The Making of a Midland Parish (Leicester, 1978), especially chaps. 3-6.

34. See Webb, English Local Government , I: 10.

35. See Norma Landau, The Justices of the Peace, 1679-1760 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1984); J. M. Beattie, Crime and the Courts in England, 1660-1800 (Princeton, 1986), pp. 59-67; and Keith Wrightson, "Two Concepts of Order: Justices, Constables and Jurymen in Seventeenth Century England," in John Brewer and John Styles, eds., An Ungovernable People: The English and Their Law in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (New Brunswick, N.J., 1980).

36. GRO P217 OV2/2, Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes, October 31, 1805; Wrightson, "Two Concepts of Order," p. 26.

37. For a survey of cultural attitudes toward poverty, see Gertrude Himmelfarb, The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (New York, 1985); cf. Pat Thane, "Women and the Poor Law in Victorian and Edwardian England," History Workshop Journal, 6 , (Autumn 1978).

38. GRO P217/VE2/1, Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes, April 14, 1800.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid., June 1818.

38. GRO P217/VE2/1, Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes, April 14, 1800.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid., June 1818.

38. GRO P217/VE2/1, Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes, April 14, 1800.

39. Ibid.

40. Ibid., June 1818.

41. GRO P181 VE2/1-2, Horsley Vestry Minutes, 1802-1822.

42. In table 22, x ² = 39.006, df = 3, x ² > 11.241 at the 0.01 significance level.

43. GRO P212 VE2/1, Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes, April 14,

1800. Experimentation among the parochial gentry in poor law reform was quite widespread at this time; see Peter Mandler, "The Making of the New Poor Law Redivivus," Past and Present , 117 (November 1987): 417; cf. Anthony Brundage, The Making of the New Poor Law: the Politics of Inquiry, Enactment, and Implementation, 1832-1839 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1978).

44. Ibid. Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes.

43. GRO P212 VE2/1, Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes, April 14,

1800. Experimentation among the parochial gentry in poor law reform was quite widespread at this time; see Peter Mandler, "The Making of the New Poor Law Redivivus," Past and Present , 117 (November 1987): 417; cf. Anthony Brundage, The Making of the New Poor Law: the Politics of Inquiry, Enactment, and Implementation, 1832-1839 (New Brunswick, N.J., 1978).

44. Ibid. Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes.

45. See Thomas Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population (London, 1982; reprint), especially chap. 5; also Himmelfarb, Idea of Poverty .

46. GRO P217/VE2/1; the reform, however, consisted mainly in segregating children without parents from adults so as not to expose them to "immorality."

47. Glos. Jnl ., 23 September 1811, "Distressing Circumstances from Fire"; for the interaction between paternalism and deference in the context of the weaver strike of 1825, see below, chap. 7.

48. GRO P217/VE2/1, Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes, December 1816; see also M. W. Flinn, "The Poor Employment Act of 1817, " Ec.HR , 2d. ser., XIV (1961) for a good discussion of gentry paternalism at this time.

49. GRO P217/VE2/1, Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes, January 4, 1817.

50. See John Locke, Two Treatises on Government (London, 1963; reprint), pp. 346ff., especially the section on paternal power; also C. B. MacPherson, The Potiticial Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke (Oxford, 1962), pp. 269-270, who finds in Locke a coexistence between "possessive individualism" and the legitimation of traditional hierarchy. For the difference between Whig and Tory approaches to paternalism, see David Roberts, Paternalism in Early Victorian England (New Brunswick, N.J., 1979), pp. 31, 69-73; Linda Colley, In Defiance of Oligarchy: The Tory Party, 1714-1760 (Cambridge, 1985), p. 148; and for further theoretical discussion, see below, chap. 7.

51. See Esther Moir, "The Gentlemen Clothiers," pp. 195-290, and chap. 1, above.

52. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., M. Rudkin, A History of Horsley (Stroud, 1884).

53. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln., RV1673 (1-8, abstr. B), Horsley Tithe Papers, 1797-1802.

54. GRO D1011/P2, "Plan of an Estate in the Parish of Horsley, property of the Rt. Hon. Lord Ducie," ca. 1838.

55. Glos. Jnl ., 18 December 1820, 1 January 1821.

56. Ibid., 22 December 1832, Countywide Elections.

57. Ibid., 16 June 1849, County Meeting.

55. Glos. Jnl ., 18 December 1820, 1 January 1821.

56. Ibid., 22 December 1832, Countywide Elections.

57. Ibid., 16 June 1849, County Meeting.

55. Glos. Jnl ., 18 December 1820, 1 January 1821.

56. Ibid., 22 December 1832, Countywide Elections.

57. Ibid., 16 June 1849, County Meeting.

58. See D. C. Moore, The Politics of Deference: A Study of Mid-Nineteenth Century British Political Systems (New York, 1976), pp. 15, 233-235.

59. GRO GDR, Will of Joseph Browning, February 27, 1770.

60. GRO D2424/3/223, Shortwood Baptist Church Roll.

61. GRO P26 OV1/2, Avening Tithe Survey, 1784.

62. Ibid., Avening Rate Book, 1801.

61. GRO P26 OV1/2, Avening Tithe Survey, 1784.

62. Ibid., Avening Rate Book, 1801.

63. See, for instance, Glos. Jnl ., 28 January and 4 February 1837, "Church Rates," for reports on the large anti-church rate meetings held at Stroud; Revd. T. F. Newman, John Heskins, and Edward Barnard, the minster and clothier deacons of Shortwood, respectively, played leading roles in the protest.

64. For Fewster's appearance in the tithe surveys of Avening and Horsley, see GRO MF 447, Avening Survey, nos. 346-348, and the Horsley Survey, tithe nos. 612-620; for his role as poor law guardian, see his letter to the editor of the Gloucester Journal , respecting Horsley's poor rates, which appeared on February 4, 1840; see the manuscript draft of this same letter and the record of Fewster's appointment as Overseer of the Poor for Horsley, with S. E. Francis, a Shortwood Baptist deacon, in GRO D1548, Fewster Papers, miscellany. Both appointments were made on March 29, 1821, seven years before Parliament's repeal of the Penal Laws. On Nonconformist participation in parochial government, cf. Mills, "The Nineteenth-Century Peasantry," in Smith, ed., Land Kinship and Life-Cycle , p. 507.

65. GRO P217/VE2/1, Minchinhampton Vestry Minutes, 1 April, 1800 and December 1816.

66. For a general account of the events, see E. Halèvy, The Liberal Awakening, 1815-1830 (New York, 1966), pp. 80-106; for the agitation in London, see I. Prothero, Artisans and Politics in Early Nineteenth Century London: John Gast and his Times (Folkestone, 1979), pp. 132-159.

67. Glos. Jnl ., 1 January 1821, "County Meeting to Address the King"; the news item reports the remarks of both Guise and Ricardo.

68. Ibid. Ceremonial and ritual were standard techniques of social control; see E. P. Thompson, "Patrician Society, Plebeian Culture," pp. 388-390, and Craig Calhoun, The Question of Class Struggle: Social Foundations of Popular Radicalism during the Industrial Revolution (Chicago, 1982), pp. 109-114; for their roles in the Queen Caroline Affair, see especially Thomas W. Laqueur, "The Queen Caroline Affair:

Politics as Art in the Reign of George IV," Journal of Modern History , LIV (1982).

67. Glos. Jnl ., 1 January 1821, "County Meeting to Address the King"; the news item reports the remarks of both Guise and Ricardo.

68. Ibid. Ceremonial and ritual were standard techniques of social control; see E. P. Thompson, "Patrician Society, Plebeian Culture," pp. 388-390, and Craig Calhoun, The Question of Class Struggle: Social Foundations of Popular Radicalism during the Industrial Revolution (Chicago, 1982), pp. 109-114; for their roles in the Queen Caroline Affair, see especially Thomas W. Laqueur, "The Queen Caroline Affair:

Politics as Art in the Reign of George IV," Journal of Modern History , LIV (1982).

69. Glos. Jnl ., 22 January 1821, report of Stroud meeting to petition the House of Commons; participants sought "to procure the restoration of the Queen to all her rights . . . and for a reform of Parliament."

70. Glos. Jnl ., 15 October 1831, and 19 May 1832, reports of a large Stroud-wide meeting, led by manufacturers and at which Dissenting ministers spoke; see also GRO D3393, "A Short Sketch of the Leading Characters at the Late Stroud Meeting, 1831," a polemical caricature written by a Tory sympathizer.

71. The phrase is D. C. Moore's, in Politics of Deference .

72. Glos. Jnl ., 7 January 1832.

73. See Hyett's addresses to the Stroud and Gloucester reform meetings, Glos. Jnl ., 25 October 1831 and 19 March 1831, respectively; also GRO D3393, "A Short Sketch," in which Hyett's appearance at the Stroud meeting is caricatured: "The breadth of the mob is incense in his nostrils which he vainly fancied will waft him to the honours of the State."

74. Glos. Jnl ., 7 January 1832. and 20 September 1832: One brother was Deputy Governor of the Bank of England and the other, Vice-President of the Board of Trade; and his family "occupied a distinguished place among the merchants of London for upwards of a century."

75. Ibid., 7 January 1832

76. Ibid. Edward Barnard, Baptist deacon and clothier, nominated him.

74. Glos. Jnl ., 7 January 1832. and 20 September 1832: One brother was Deputy Governor of the Bank of England and the other, Vice-President of the Board of Trade; and his family "occupied a distinguished place among the merchants of London for upwards of a century."

75. Ibid., 7 January 1832

76. Ibid. Edward Barnard, Baptist deacon and clothier, nominated him.

74. Glos. Jnl ., 7 January 1832. and 20 September 1832: One brother was Deputy Governor of the Bank of England and the other, Vice-President of the Board of Trade; and his family "occupied a distinguished place among the merchants of London for upwards of a century."

75. Ibid., 7 January 1832

76. Ibid. Edward Barnard, Baptist deacon and clothier, nominated him.

77. Glos. Jnl ., 31 March 1832; Scrope's campaign slogan was: "Scrope and Trade—Forever!"

78. Glos. Jnl ., 24 March 1832; Ricardo vehemently attacked Scrope's want of personal ties to local society.

79. Glos. Jnl ., 15 December 1832.

80. See Glos. Jnl ., 15 December 1832; and Gloucester City Library, Hyett Collection., Gloucestershire Tracts , ser. C, III, 1832-1882, "The Poll at the First Election of Two Members to Serve in Parliament for the Borough of Stroud."

81. Glos. Jnl ., 1 June 1833, Stroud Election.

82. GRO D2219/6/10, Nailsworth Loan and Sanitary Committee, Minutes of Subscriber's Meeting, May 9, 1836, chaired by David Ricardo [II]; Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colin. R205.10, David Ricardo [II], Emigration as a Means of Relief in the Present Distressed Condition of the Poor of this Neighborhood (Minchinhampton, 1835).

83. See Roberts, Paternalism , pp. 233-235. In 1835 he was joined as

M.P. for Stroud by Lord John Russell, yet another Whig paternalist; see Glos. Jnl ., 16 May 1835, "Stroud-Lord John Russell" and Roberts, Paternalism , pp. 231-23 2.

84. BM Add. 44566, Gladstone Papers, f. 184-191 contain Scrope's correspondence on each of these subjects.

85. Letter to Edwin Chadwick, June 12, 1847, Chadwick Papers, University College Library, University of London.

86. See chaps. 2 and 3.

1. See chap 1 (early).

2. BPP, Population . Sessions 1831, 1842/38 (Dublin, 1968; reprint).

3. VCH Glos ., XI: 104-111.

4. See chap. 1 (early); 29.3 percent of Horsley villagers were wool workers, but at Avening village they represented 19.3 percent; in a difference-of-proportions test, Z = 2.13, Prob > Z is 0.02.

5. The population for Nailsworth as a whole, in years where the census gave no figures, was estimated by the ratio of the percentage change in the combined populations of Horsley and Avening between 1841 and 1851 to the percentage change in Nailsworth's population between these same years; these latter data I derived from the census enumerators' lists. The ratio was -4.0 percent to -17.0 percent, or 0.2352941. This ratio suggests that a change of 4.0 percent in the combined parochial figures meant a 17.0 percent change in the population at Nailsworth. In this analysis, I assume this general relationship to have held for earlier decades as well. Thus, for 1831, we can use the equation 9.0 percent/ Y = 0.23522941, where Y is the percentage change for Nailsworth between 1821 and 1831. In this case, Y = +38.25%. The formula for the percentage change can also be expressed as Y = X 1 - 898/898, however, where X 1 represents Nailsworth's population for 1831 and 898 is Nailsworth's population for 1821, as recorded in the printed census lists. Thus, X 1 - 898/898 = 0.3825; or X 1 = 1,241.5. For 1811, we solve for X 2 ; thus, Y = 898 - X 2 / X 2 = 0.9775, or X 2 = 454.1. This same procedure is then repeated for 1801. Next, it is necessary to distinguish between the population of lower Nailsworth, in Avening, and Nailsworth district, in Horsley. In 1841, the latter represented 58.6 percent of Nailsworth's entire population; in 1851, it constituted 63.1 percent. The mean percentage for these two years was 60.87 percent, and I assume this to have remained broadly similar for earlier decades. Thus, the population for Nailsworth district, in Horsley, can be estimated as 60.87 percent of the entire Nailsworth population for any given decade;

once established, the population for lower Nailsworth, in Avening, can be found by subtracting the estimated population of Nailsworth district from the total population of Nailsworth. Since the population figures for Horsley parish already included those for Nailsworth district, it was necessary only to add those for lower Nailsworth to obtain the actual decennial population levels for the Horsley-Nailsworth region. The population of Forest Green, however, was not included, despite the fact that Congregationalist births and burials will be analyzed subsequently. Forest Green Congregationalists settled throughout Nailsworth; many lived at lower Nailsworth, particularly after 1820, and made extensive use of the Shortwood Baptist burial ground in Horsley. For purposes of analysis, therefore, Congregationalists are to be counted only as members of the Horsley-Nailsworth community.

6. See chap. 6 for further discussion and depiction of the trade cycle.

7. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1827, "Loom Factories."

8. See chap. 4, n. 48.

9 Glos. Jnl ., 21 April 1832.

10. See Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , p. 63.

11. GRO D1548, Uncatalogued, Fewster Papers; MS. letter, A. R. Fewster to the Gloucester Journal , ca. 1840. Fewster, then chairman of Stroud's Poor Law Union and representative to its Board of Guardians from Horsley, wrote the letter to defend his parish's failure to cut expenditure as other parishes were doing.

12. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colin. R205.10, David Ricardo II, Emigration as a Means of Relief , p. 8.

13. Ibid., p. 6.

14. Ibid., p. 9.

12. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colin. R205.10, David Ricardo II, Emigration as a Means of Relief , p. 8.

13. Ibid., p. 6.

14. Ibid., p. 9.

12. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colin. R205.10, David Ricardo II, Emigration as a Means of Relief , p. 8.

13. Ibid., p. 6.

14. Ibid., p. 9.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 16 September 1837.

16. Ibid., 2 December 1837.

17. Ibid., 21 March 1839.

18. Ibid., 16 September 1843; for the impact of the New Poor Law nationally, see A. Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800-1850 (Manchester, 1964), pp. 98ff.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 16 September 1837.

16. Ibid., 2 December 1837.

17. Ibid., 21 March 1839.

18. Ibid., 16 September 1843; for the impact of the New Poor Law nationally, see A. Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800-1850 (Manchester, 1964), pp. 98ff.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 16 September 1837.

16. Ibid., 2 December 1837.

17. Ibid., 21 March 1839.

18. Ibid., 16 September 1843; for the impact of the New Poor Law nationally, see A. Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800-1850 (Manchester, 1964), pp. 98ff.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 16 September 1837.

16. Ibid., 2 December 1837.

17. Ibid., 21 March 1839.

18. Ibid., 16 September 1843; for the impact of the New Poor Law nationally, see A. Redford, Labour Migration in England, 1800-1850 (Manchester, 1964), pp. 98ff.

19. Linear estimates of births and burials for the 1837 to period were made using a SAS forecasting program to derive the closed model figures for 1841 and 1851; for the equations and estimates, see appendixes D and E.

20. See Peter McClure, "Patterns of Migration in the Late Middle Ages: The Evidence of English Place-Name Surnames," Ec.HR , 2d ser., XXXII (1979); R. Finlay, Population and Metropolis: The Demography of London, 1580-1650 (Cambridge, 1981); J. H. C. Patten, "Patterns of Migration and Movement of Labour to Three Pre-Industrial East

Anglian Towns," Journal of Historical Geography , II (1976); and R. S. Schofield, "Age-Specific Mobility in an Eighteenth Century Rural English Parish," Annales de Démographie Historique (1970, 1971).

21. See Charles Tilly, "Migration in Modern European History," in J. Sundin and E. Soderlund, eds., Time, Space and Man: Essays in Microdemography (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1977), p. 189; also Chambers, "Enclosure and the Labour Supply," pp. 320-321.

22. Ibid. Tilly and Chambers assume incorrectly that industrial takeoff was a strictly urban phenomenon associated with continous economic growth. From their perspective, a rural surplus population could have arisen only from a combination of natural increase and the stagnation of traditional craft production that had failed to absorb it as a consequence.

21. See Charles Tilly, "Migration in Modern European History," in J. Sundin and E. Soderlund, eds., Time, Space and Man: Essays in Microdemography (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1977), p. 189; also Chambers, "Enclosure and the Labour Supply," pp. 320-321.

22. Ibid. Tilly and Chambers assume incorrectly that industrial takeoff was a strictly urban phenomenon associated with continous economic growth. From their perspective, a rural surplus population could have arisen only from a combination of natural increase and the stagnation of traditional craft production that had failed to absorb it as a consequence.

23. See chap. 9, especially the quotations from Baptist migrants' letters. Much migration in the preindustrial era was either circular or occurred over short distances. Michael Anderson has concluded that at Preston the Industrial Revolution failed to alter this pattern since most immigrants came from that town's surrounding hinterland; see Michael Anderson, "Urban Migration in Lancashire," Annales de Démographie Historique (1970, 1971), PP. 24-26 for a summary of his findings. Preston was an expanding urban center, however, quite unlike Horsley and Nailsworth.

24. See David Levine, Family Formation in the Age of Nascent Capitalism (New York, 1977), pp. 58-71.

25. For overviews of the issue, see H. J. Habakkuk, "The Economic History of Modern Britain," in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley, eds., Population in History: Essays in Historical Demography (London, 1965), pp. 147-158 and E. A. Wrigley, "The Growth of Population in Eighteenth Century England: A Conundrum Resolved," Past and Present , 98 (1983): 121-150.

26. For the most definitive treatment, which supports this neo-Malthusian view, see E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The Population History of England, 1541-1871: A Reconstruction (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), chap. 7, especially pp. 265-269 and chap. 10, especially pp. 471-430; cf. Peter H. Lindert, "English Living Standards, Population and Wrigley-Schofield," Explorations in Economic History , 20 (1983).

27. For the primacy of the burial rate, see T. McKeon and R. C. Brown, "Medical Evidence Related to English Population Changes in the Eighteenth Century," in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley, eds., Population in History (London, 1965); also, P. E. Razell, "Population Growth and Economic Change," in E. L. Jones and G. E. Mingay, eds., Land, Labour and Population in the Industrial Revolution: Essays Presented to J. D. Chambers (London, 1967).

28. See J. T. Krause, ''The Changing Adequacy of English Registration, 1690-1837." in Glass and Eversley, Population in History , pp. 382-384. Wrigley and Schofield, at the national level, used the collection of Nonconformist registers deposited in the Public Record Office to effect an aggregate analysis; they showed that during 1790-1839 Nonconformist baptisms increased significantly as a percentage of Anglican baptism, from 2.8 to 6.6 percent. See Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England , p. 92.

29. This analysis was extended to 1838 in order to include two peak depression years. The forecast value rather than the observed value was used for 1837 because the latter was unusually high (as pandemonium broke loose in response to the end of parochial registration) and therefore constituted a statistical outlyer. On this point, see D. V. Glass, "Population and Population Movements in England and Wales, 1700-1850," in Glass and Eversley, eds., Population in History , pp. 231-232. Glass has speculated that this especially high registration represented in many areas "almost the whole gap between births and baptisms" resulting from underregistration, presumably including the incidence of Dissent. The forecasted value of total births is 77 percent of the observed 1837 figure and is based on an independent calculation of Anglican and Dissenter births and baptisms; see appendix F, footnote b .

30. GRO P181 In/t-to, 12 and 13; for the baptismal registers of the Nailsworth Episcopal Chapel, 1794-1836, see GRO MF 443.

31. Dissenters's registers included Forest Green Congregational Birth Registers, PRO RG4/2102, 1776-1785, 1782-1798; RG4/3569, 1784-1790, 1806-1815, 1820-1836; and RG4/774, 1821-1836. Forest Green Congregational Burial Register (fragment), GRO D2595/5, 1786-1799; Shortwood Baptist Church Birth and Marriage Register, GRO D2424/10; Shortwood Baptist Church Burial Register, 1808-1871, in the custody of Mrs. B. Mills, Newmarket House, Nailsworth, Stroud, Gloucestershire; Society of Friends, Birth, Marriage and Burial Registers, GRO D1340/A1/R1-R3, 1670-1836, PRO, RG6/440, 1776-1794, RG6/63, 1796-1837.

32. Denis R. Mills, however, has used Dissenters's registers in three studies; see D. R. Mills, "An Economic, Tenurial, Social and Demographic Study of An English Peasant Village, 1780-1840," Report to the [British] Social Science Research Council (1977); idem, "Aspects of Marriage: An Example of Applied Historical Studies," draft paper submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences, Open University (1978); idem, "The Christening Custom at Melbourne, Cambridgeshire," Local Population Studies , XXV (1971); cf. D. E. C. Eversley, "The Demography of the Irish Quakers, 1650-1850," in J. M. Goldstrom and L. A. Clarkson,

eds., Irish Population, Economy and Society: Essays in Honour of the Late K. H. Connell (Oxford, 1981) and Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England , pp. 89-96.

33. Minchinhampton was the most industrial of Nailsworth's surrounding parishes; yet with the exception of Watledge hamlet, Nailsworth's local life was directed mainly toward Horsley and parts of Avening. Minchinhampton was far too large and contained a sizable market town, for its demographic movements to have faithfully represented the trends at Nailsworth. The baptismal and burial registers of Avening were not included although a portion of the Vale was formally located in it. Avening was significantly less industrial than Horsley, and it was necessary to analyze birth and burial trends in the most industrial environment obtainable. With Horsley, Nailsworth Episcopal and Dissenters' registers this could be done safely while excluding Avening registers. The same option was not available for marriages. Since Dissenters, with the exception of the Quakers, married in the parish church, they probably used Horsley and Avening with equal frequency.

34. There may have been some underregistration, in any case, because of the proximity of Rodborough and Woodchester parishes which served as a kind of "Gretna Green."

35. The ratio of Nailsworth Episcopal baptisms to Horsley parochial baptisms for the period 1794-1812 was 0.33, representing the incidence of underregistration at Horsley; for the 1775-1793 period, Horsley parochial figures were therefore multiplied by 0.33 and the result added to them. Theoretically, this is an "upper-bound" estimate, since families who baptized their children at the Nailsworth chapel could have occasionally used the parish church for this purpose. In practice, however, this estimate appears realistic, since a surfeit of child and adolescent baptisms appeared in the Nailsworth register in the first year, suggesting that the parish church at Horsley had been seriously underutilized; of the 125 baptisms recorded between October 1794, and October 1795, 100, or 80.0 percent, were delayed baptisms. Six ranged from ages one to five; thirty-two from ages six to ten; forty-six from ages eleven to fifteen; ten from ages sixteen to twenty; and six from ages twenty-one to twenty-six. My estimate of baptisms for 1775-1799 accounted for all of these, except the eldest whose birth dates occurred earlier than 1775. When redistributed by year of birth, 1780 accounted for the largest number of these baptisms at eleven; my estimate for 1780 is thirteen. Between 1786 and 1799, especially, the number of delayed Episcopal baptisms, when redistributed by year of birth, fell on average well below the 1780 level, thereby reaffirming the representativeness of my estimates; for these estimates, see appendix E. I wish to thank Roger Ransom for pointing out the need for clarification about a possible upper-bound bias in the estimates.

36. After 1813, Nailsworth Episcopal baptisms decreased from a mean of 13.1 in the previous period to a mean of 3.4.

37. See B. M. Berry and R. S. Schofield, "Age at Baptism in Pre-industrial England," Population Studies , XXV (1971): 453-463.

38. See Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England , p. 97.

39. In "The Changing Adequacy of English Registration, 1690-1837," p. 232, J. T. Krause has suggested otherwise.

40. In A Brief History , pp. 21-22, Russell claims that Moffat's "scruple" resulted in some underregistration but the practice of recording both birth and baptismal dates compensated for any delayed baptism that might have occurred.

41. The t -values appear in the single brackets and the standardized coefficients (betas), in double brackets; the first unstandardized coefficient is significant at the 0.02 level; the second, at 0.13; the adjusted R ² = 0.125. Nevertheless, some bias must exist, since I am projecting backward to an earlier period a relationship between variables established in a later one. The bias, however, is certainly minimal, since the difference in growth rates of Dissenters' births between periods, as revealed in table 27, is very marked; if the bias had been significant, the growth rates should have been similar.

42. PRO RG4/3569. Dissenters submited their registers in 1840 and again in 1857; see Wrigley and Schofield, The Population History of England , p. 90.

43. Congregational baptismal practice was seasonal; there were two or three occassions each autumn, spring, and summer when baptism was performed. The number of baptismal dates without a corresponding birth date recorded came to sixty-three or 9.3 percent of all Congregational births. Birth dates for these cases were estimated from the mean interval between births and baptisms of 11.1 months for the completed series.

44. BM Add. 34.571, f. 457, Letter of David Ricardo, II, to Revd. P. Bliss, May 5,1832; BM Add. 40420, f. 180-185, Peel Papers, Papers Relating to the Dissenters' Marriage Bill, 1834-35.

45. Russell, A Brief History , p.24-25; the decision to establish a new church at Lower Forest Green was made arbitrarily and engendered a schism. Those who wished to remain at the old site strenuously reaffirmed their commitment to traditional ways and seem to have carried many of the membership. However, the new church undoubtedly attracted additional adherents because of its proximity to Nailsworth.

46. See Levine, Family Formation , p. 66 and Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England , p. 478.

47. See chap. 6, fig. 18 for the wheat series; the wheat prices used are a yearly average of a one-week-per-month sample, derived from the mar-

ket chronicle of the Gloucester Journal . They fell at an average rate of 1.77 percent per annum and were strongly autocorrelated ( DW = 0.742, first-order auto - R = 0.599); for this reason, it was necessary to detrend the series and to employ instead the resulting residuals in the regression models.

48. See appendix G for the cloth production series. Cloth output estimates for Gloucester for the 1804-1822 period were obtained from a regression of national raw wool import figures on actual cloth output from Gloucester for 1823-1838. The estimator, Cloth Output = 1500469.3 + 13882.11 (raw wool imports), was based on the combined annual figures for broadcloth, narrowcloth, and cassimeres, felt and output-not-distinguished. Coarse cloth stripes were not included because of too many missing values in its series, but the other types of cloth constituted the great bulk of Gloucester's production. The estimator was then applied to raw wool import figures for the earlier period; the series did not suffer from autocorrelation ( DW = 2.030, First-order auto - R = -0.053). Data were derived, respectively, from B. R. Mitchell, ed., European Historical Statistics , abridged ed. (New York, 1978), pp. 260-261 and Mann, Cloth Industry in the West of England , appendix Q, p. 339.

49. See Russell, A Brief History , pp. 24-25.

50. See especially the correspondence between T. F. Newman and his son, cited in chap. 9.

51. All variables were lagged by one year; this assumes that the observation in any given year will produce an effect in the following year. Conversions were lagged, despite the fact that formal conversion marked the end point of a period of candidacy that could have ranged for a year or more, since baptism was a watershed in the spiritual life of a communicant; see chap. 9, the cases of Harriet Dangerfield and Daniel Gill. I also lagged the variable total membership, since it primarily represented the older members, and we need to discover how their response to membership changes in one year affected reproduction in the following year. Variation in migration, moreover, was the most important variable explaining membership losses; see chap. 9 for further study of its patterns.

52. Multicollinearity arises because cloth output clearly has an effect on annual membership levels: Totmem = - 117.743 + 0.0003759866 (clothoutput); t on b -value = 5.258, Prob > 0.0001 (where "Totmem" represents total membership). In this case, however, its existence serves to illustrate the argument better. Nor does multicollinearity necessarily affect the validity of the model as a whole; on this point, see Christopher H. Achen, Interpreting and Using Regression (Beverly Hills, Calif., 1982), p. 82, n. 6. The steepness of total membership growth, moreover, might suggest the problem of serial autocorrelation in a regression on

baptist births. The Durbin-Watson test, however, indicated the absence of such a problem; DW = 2.251, first-order autocorrelation = - 0.126.

53. Eversley, "Demography of Irish Quakers," pp. 85-88, concludes that national differences may have overriden religious affinities in determining the demographic behavior of Irish and English Quakers, although he is careful to avoid comparison between Irish Quakers and other Irish religions and has little to say about other English Dissenters. I am arguing that religious and cultural differences within a single national setting counted more heavily than usually admitted.

54. Scholars have emphasized the centrality of improved hygiene in the labor room and the spead of innoculation against smallpox from 1765; see, respectively, T. McKeown and R. G. Brown, "Medical Evidence," p. 288 and P. E. Razzell, "Population Growth and Economic Change," p. 264. Cf. Hilary Marland, Medicine and Society in Wakefield and Huddersfield, 1780-1870 (New York, 1987).

55. See Levine, Family Formation , pp. 69-71 and Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England , pp. 473-476.

56. Burials in the Baptist grounds for the 1775-1807 period were estimated from a two-step regression procedure. First, a regression of member deaths listed in the church roll on members buried in the burial ground yielded the estimator Members buried = 0.931 + 0.683 (member deaths). A second regression of members listed in the burial register on nonmembers buried there yielded the estimator Nonmembers buried = 28.5 + 0.302 (members buried). Using the membership listing of member's deaths for the 1775-1799 period, it was possible to use the first equation to estimate the number of members buried in the Short-wood grounds in this earlier period. These estimated values, when used in the second equation, produced estimates of nonmembers buried there as well. The estimates of members and nonmembers buried, when added together, yielded an estimate of total burials in the Shortwood burial ground for the pre-1800 period. Circumventing this two-step approach, I tried a regression of members' deaths on total burials in the post-1800 period; it yielded an estimator, Total buried = 29.5 + 0.914 (member deaths), which produced virtually identical results. All b -value proved to be significant.

57. There was a complete series only for 1786-1799; estimates were extrapolated from the ratio of Congregational to Baptist burials, which was 0.17.

58. Shortwood Baptist Burial Register, in the possession of Mrs. B. Mills, Newmarket House, Nailsworth, Stroud, Gloucestershire.

59. See above, n. 38, and accompanying text.

60. Despite outmigration, the population remained essentially normal

in composition; analysis of the age structure in the section entitled "The Age-Sex Structure in 1841 and 1851," below, shows that despite two especially severe depressions in the 1840s, the remaining population did not grow significantly older. The rise in the burial rate in decades of population loss, in other words, represented real increases.

61. The difference did not arise because of baptismal underregistration; see above, n. 34-45 and related text for problems of under-registration. The underregistration effect of one month delayed baptism, for instance, could not have caused these lower birth rates, since the appropriate inflators have been applied; see n. 38 and accompanying text. Moreover, if the burial rates at Horsley-Nailsworth were normal by national standards, and "the number of burials unrecorded because of delayed baptism depended on the number of births," as Wrigley and Schofield have shown, then it is reasonable to conclude that crude birth rates for Horsley-Nailsworth, although noticeably lower than national rates in 1781 and 1791, were "normal," too; see Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England , p. 97, note in table 4.5.

62. Infant burials have been expressed as a percentage of all births. Since I have accounted for the underregistration effects of delayed baptism due to infant mortality, I assume these to have been all live births, which is the recommended procedure; see George W. Barclay, Techniques of Population Analysis (New York, 1958), pp. 138ff.

63. David Levine found that urbanization and industrialization at Shepshed, a village similar to Nailsworth, led to the deterioration in health and the rise in mortality of infants and children, although not of adults; see Levine, Family Formation , pp. 70-72.

64. See Roger Schofield, "The Impact of Scarcity and Plenty on Population Change in England, 1541-1871," in Robert I. Rotberg and Theodore K. Rabb, eds., Hunger and History: The Impact of Changing Food Production and Consumption Patterns on Society (Cambridge, 1986), p. 85.

65. This finding differs from Schofield's assertion, however, that in the period of the Industrial Revolution "the response of mortality to [wheat] prices weakened to the vanishing point." See ibid., p. 88.

64. See Roger Schofield, "The Impact of Scarcity and Plenty on Population Change in England, 1541-1871," in Robert I. Rotberg and Theodore K. Rabb, eds., Hunger and History: The Impact of Changing Food Production and Consumption Patterns on Society (Cambridge, 1986), p. 85.

65. This finding differs from Schofield's assertion, however, that in the period of the Industrial Revolution "the response of mortality to [wheat] prices weakened to the vanishing point." See ibid., p. 88.

66. A. J. Taylor, ed., The Standard of Living In the Industrial Revolution (London, 1975) brings together the principal articles in the orginal debate and offers some fresh theoretical pieces; see especially the editor's introduction for an excellent overview of the issues. For additional findings related to this controversy, see chap. 6, below.

67. Gloucester City Library, Glos. Colln. R205.10, David Ricardo, II, Emigration As a Means of Relief , p. 7; see above, table 26 and text.

68. However, the decline for Lower and Upper Nailsworth combined,

that is, Nailsworth defined in its most restrictive sense, was 17 percent; see tables 25 and 26. Still, the hamlets of Forest Green and Winsoredge were located in Avening, rather than Horsley, and the percentage decline for Horsley and Avening combined, by comparison, is 0.7; see table 24. The figure 3.2 percent can therefore be seen as reflecting an intermediary condition, characteristic of the Vale community.

69. See Joseph Chamie, Religion and Fertility: Arab Christian-Muslim Differentials (Cambridge, 1981); secularization occurs when the religious-fertility differential is reduced to zero or statistical insignificance. This is a suggestion, however, that requires further exploration. I am arguing here only that the superior strength of Nonconformist community life positively affected the crude birth rate.

70. See n. 4, above.

71. See Schofield, "The Impact of Scarcity and Plenty," p. 88.

1. GRO D2424/12, J. Cave, A History of the Shortwood Baptist Church , ca. 1880, MS., p. 4.

2. See Perry, "The Gloucestershire Woollen Industry, 1100-1690."

3. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 175-176, 212.

4. Albion M. Urdank, "Economic Decline in the English Industrial Revolution: The Gloucester Wool Trade, 1800-1840," JEH , XLV (June 1985): 427-428.

5. See Mann, Cloth Industry ; Mann's treatment of the business cycle for West of England broadly corresponds to the national trend; cf. Gayer et al. The Growth and Fluctuation of the British Economy, 1790-1850 , pp. 58, 110.

6. See Derek Gregory, Regional Transformation and Industrial Revolution: A Geography of the Yorkshire Textile Industry (Minneapolis, 1983), pp. 36-37, 104.

7. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 157.

8. For a treatment of the 1825/26 crisis, see Boyd Hilton, Corn, Cash and Commerce: The Economic Policies of the Tory Governments, 1815-1830 (Oxford, 1977), PP. 202-231; Glos. Jnl ., 19 December 1825 noted the failure of two local banks: that of Messrs. Turner & Morris of Cheltenham and that of Sir Peter Pole & Co. of Stroudwater.

9. Gayer et al., Growth and Fluctuation , p. 173; not that the modest recovery of 1827/28 could not be sustained.

10. See Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 170.

11. Urdank, "Dissenting Community," appendixes 5.1 and 5.2, catalogs of bankruptcy and mill sale references.

12. Glos. Jnl ., 17 October 1829.

13. See Gayer, et al., Growth , p. 244; Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 175-177; and R. C. O. Matthews, A Study in Trade-Cycle History: Economic Fluctuations in Great Britain, 1833-1842 (Cambridge, 1954), pp. 202-209.

14. See Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 180.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 9 November 1833.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid., 22 March, 1834.

18. Ibid., 12 July 1834.

19. Ibid., 4 October 1834.

20. Ibid., 1 November 1834.

21. Ibid., 26 December 1835. The recesssion of 1834 had lasted into the early months of 1835; see Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1835, report on the state of trade.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 9 November 1833.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid., 22 March, 1834.

18. Ibid., 12 July 1834.

19. Ibid., 4 October 1834.

20. Ibid., 1 November 1834.

21. Ibid., 26 December 1835. The recesssion of 1834 had lasted into the early months of 1835; see Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1835, report on the state of trade.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 9 November 1833.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid., 22 March, 1834.

18. Ibid., 12 July 1834.

19. Ibid., 4 October 1834.

20. Ibid., 1 November 1834.

21. Ibid., 26 December 1835. The recesssion of 1834 had lasted into the early months of 1835; see Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1835, report on the state of trade.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 9 November 1833.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid., 22 March, 1834.

18. Ibid., 12 July 1834.

19. Ibid., 4 October 1834.

20. Ibid., 1 November 1834.

21. Ibid., 26 December 1835. The recesssion of 1834 had lasted into the early months of 1835; see Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1835, report on the state of trade.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 9 November 1833.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid., 22 March, 1834.

18. Ibid., 12 July 1834.

19. Ibid., 4 October 1834.

20. Ibid., 1 November 1834.

21. Ibid., 26 December 1835. The recesssion of 1834 had lasted into the early months of 1835; see Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1835, report on the state of trade.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 9 November 1833.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid., 22 March, 1834.

18. Ibid., 12 July 1834.

19. Ibid., 4 October 1834.

20. Ibid., 1 November 1834.

21. Ibid., 26 December 1835. The recesssion of 1834 had lasted into the early months of 1835; see Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1835, report on the state of trade.

15. Glos. Jnl ., 9 November 1833.

16. Ibid.

17. Ibid., 22 March, 1834.

18. Ibid., 12 July 1834.

19. Ibid., 4 October 1834.

20. Ibid., 1 November 1834.

21. Ibid., 26 December 1835. The recesssion of 1834 had lasted into the early months of 1835; see Glos. Jnl ., 7 February 1835, report on the state of trade.

22. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 170.

23. See chap. 5.

24. Glos, Jnl ., 15 January 1842, letter of Samuel Smith of Uley, cited at a Bath anti-Corn Law meeting.

25. Ibid., 2 November 1839.

24. Glos, Jnl ., 15 January 1842, letter of Samuel Smith of Uley, cited at a Bath anti-Corn Law meeting.

25. Ibid., 2 November 1839.

26. Urdank, "Economic Decline," p. 428.

27. See Anon., "History of the [Playne] Family Firm," ca. 1923, MS., for a discussion of the bankruptcy of Playne & Smith at Dunkirk Mills, Nailsworth, ca. 1875, a critical failure that marked the decline of the region. William Playne's neighboring firm at Longfords Mill was one of the few to persist into the twentieth century. By the 1920s, because of its reliance on Stroud's traditional indigo dye, the firm found itself unable to compete with German woolens, made with newer chemical dyes.

28. See Urdank, "Dissenting Community," appendixes 5.1 and 5.2, catalogs of bankruptcy and mill sale references.

29. The frequencies measuring turnover, more specifically, consist of notices of Commissions of Bankruptcy awarded, which have been calculated annually from April to March (those awarded between January and March of a calendar year probably reflected a bankruptcy occurring in the previous year); sales of mills and/or machinery belonging to a bankrupt, where no reference to a Commission was found; sales or lettings in which the advertisement specifically mentioned that the owner or occupier was declining trade, although was not a bankrupt; and the sale or letting of all other mills or related property, where the reasons have not been indicated.

30. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 132-133.

31. BPP , 24 (1840): 448: "The master weaver," noted a contemporary observer, "rented large premises on which were buildings to hold the looms of his journeymen."

32. Glos. Jnl ., 20 January 1812, Sale of Stonehouse Mills; the premises, however, were occupied by several "undertenants" and not by one firm, which accounts for the especially large capacity of the mill in this early period.

33. Ibid., 21 November 1829.

34. Ibid., 26 December 1829.

35. Ibid., 29 April 1837.

36. Ibid., 1 April 1837. Sale of Machinery.

37. Ibid., 20 March 1820.

38. Ibid., 26 April 1813.

39. Ibid., 5 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

40. Ibid., 18 January 1808.

32. Glos. Jnl ., 20 January 1812, Sale of Stonehouse Mills; the premises, however, were occupied by several "undertenants" and not by one firm, which accounts for the especially large capacity of the mill in this early period.

33. Ibid., 21 November 1829.

34. Ibid., 26 December 1829.

35. Ibid., 29 April 1837.

36. Ibid., 1 April 1837. Sale of Machinery.

37. Ibid., 20 March 1820.

38. Ibid., 26 April 1813.

39. Ibid., 5 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

40. Ibid., 18 January 1808.

32. Glos. Jnl ., 20 January 1812, Sale of Stonehouse Mills; the premises, however, were occupied by several "undertenants" and not by one firm, which accounts for the especially large capacity of the mill in this early period.

33. Ibid., 21 November 1829.

34. Ibid., 26 December 1829.

35. Ibid., 29 April 1837.

36. Ibid., 1 April 1837. Sale of Machinery.

37. Ibid., 20 March 1820.

38. Ibid., 26 April 1813.

39. Ibid., 5 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

40. Ibid., 18 January 1808.

32. Glos. Jnl ., 20 January 1812, Sale of Stonehouse Mills; the premises, however, were occupied by several "undertenants" and not by one firm, which accounts for the especially large capacity of the mill in this early period.

33. Ibid., 21 November 1829.

34. Ibid., 26 December 1829.

35. Ibid., 29 April 1837.

36. Ibid., 1 April 1837. Sale of Machinery.

37. Ibid., 20 March 1820.

38. Ibid., 26 April 1813.

39. Ibid., 5 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

40. Ibid., 18 January 1808.

32. Glos. Jnl ., 20 January 1812, Sale of Stonehouse Mills; the premises, however, were occupied by several "undertenants" and not by one firm, which accounts for the especially large capacity of the mill in this early period.

33. Ibid., 21 November 1829.

34. Ibid., 26 December 1829.

35. Ibid., 29 April 1837.

36. Ibid., 1 April 1837. Sale of Machinery.

37. Ibid., 20 March 1820.

38. Ibid., 26 April 1813.

39. Ibid., 5 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

40. Ibid., 18 January 1808.

32. Glos. Jnl ., 20 January 1812, Sale of Stonehouse Mills; the premises, however, were occupied by several "undertenants" and not by one firm, which accounts for the especially large capacity of the mill in this early period.

33. Ibid., 21 November 1829.

34. Ibid., 26 December 1829.

35. Ibid., 29 April 1837.

36. Ibid., 1 April 1837. Sale of Machinery.

37. Ibid., 20 March 1820.

38. Ibid., 26 April 1813.

39. Ibid., 5 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

40. Ibid., 18 January 1808.

32. Glos. Jnl ., 20 January 1812, Sale of Stonehouse Mills; the premises, however, were occupied by several "undertenants" and not by one firm, which accounts for the especially large capacity of the mill in this early period.

33. Ibid., 21 November 1829.

34. Ibid., 26 December 1829.

35. Ibid., 29 April 1837.

36. Ibid., 1 April 1837. Sale of Machinery.

37. Ibid., 20 March 1820.

38. Ibid., 26 April 1813.

39. Ibid., 5 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

40. Ibid., 18 January 1808.

32. Glos. Jnl ., 20 January 1812, Sale of Stonehouse Mills; the premises, however, were occupied by several "undertenants" and not by one firm, which accounts for the especially large capacity of the mill in this early period.

33. Ibid., 21 November 1829.

34. Ibid., 26 December 1829.

35. Ibid., 29 April 1837.

36. Ibid., 1 April 1837. Sale of Machinery.

37. Ibid., 20 March 1820.

38. Ibid., 26 April 1813.

39. Ibid., 5 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

40. Ibid., 18 January 1808.

32. Glos. Jnl ., 20 January 1812, Sale of Stonehouse Mills; the premises, however, were occupied by several "undertenants" and not by one firm, which accounts for the especially large capacity of the mill in this early period.

33. Ibid., 21 November 1829.

34. Ibid., 26 December 1829.

35. Ibid., 29 April 1837.

36. Ibid., 1 April 1837. Sale of Machinery.

37. Ibid., 20 March 1820.

38. Ibid., 26 April 1813.

39. Ibid., 5 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

40. Ibid., 18 January 1808.

41. See Richard L. Hills, Power in the Industrial Revolution (New York, 1970), p. 92; Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 131; Glos, Jnl ., 19 January 1805, 27 October 1804, 17 March 1806.

42. BPP. Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 426.

43. References from which these data have been drawn appear in Urdank, "Dissenting Community," appendixes 5.1 and 5.2.

44. The sales and lettings of workshops, because of their small frequencies, have been added to the category of machinery and stock without reference to a mill, which here represents the small clothier and to whom they were clearly related. Similarly, all mill sales—with and without machinery—have been grouped into one category. Sales of machinery at a mill (without the corresponding sale of the mill) and lettings of mills have been left to stand separately. The former indicated the turnover of lessees, who tended to be intermediary clothiers. Mill sales often indicated the turnover of owner and occupiers, but sometimes a mill was sold by its owner after the expiration of a tenant's lease or retirement from trade.

45. Although the text refers to the differences between observed and expected values, table 43 presents only the observed values gathered from the Gloucester Journal ; see Roderick Floud, An Introduction to Quantitative Methods for Historians (Princeton, 1973) PP. 131-133 for the method of calculating expected values.

46. Mules had a minimum of 100 spindles, and jennies were found to have had a maximum of 80 spindles, although 40- to 60-spindle jennies were most common in sales advertisements.

47. Glos. Jnl ., 9 September 1805; Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 129,

138, 141, 150, gives the following dates for the introduction of these types of machines in the West of England: scribbling and carding engines (1792); the gig mill for finishing (1793); and shearing frames, circa 1800.

48. Glos. Jnl ., 20 March 1824.

49. Ibid., 20 June 1829.

50. Ibid., 2 July 1836.

51. Ibid., 14 July 1832.

48. Glos. Jnl ., 20 March 1824.

49. Ibid., 20 June 1829.

50. Ibid., 2 July 1836.

51. Ibid., 14 July 1832.

48. Glos. Jnl ., 20 March 1824.

49. Ibid., 20 June 1829.

50. Ibid., 2 July 1836.

51. Ibid., 14 July 1832.

48. Glos. Jnl ., 20 March 1824.

49. Ibid., 20 June 1829.

50. Ibid., 2 July 1836.

51. Ibid., 14 July 1832.

52. See Urdank, "Economic Decline," p. 42.9.

53. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1813.

54. Ibid., 4 October 1828.

55. Ibid., 6 March 1820.

56. Ibid., 16 June 1832.

57. Ibid., 17 January 1835.

53. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1813.

54. Ibid., 4 October 1828.

55. Ibid., 6 March 1820.

56. Ibid., 16 June 1832.

57. Ibid., 17 January 1835.

53. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1813.

54. Ibid., 4 October 1828.

55. Ibid., 6 March 1820.

56. Ibid., 16 June 1832.

57. Ibid., 17 January 1835.

53. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1813.

54. Ibid., 4 October 1828.

55. Ibid., 6 March 1820.

56. Ibid., 16 June 1832.

57. Ibid., 17 January 1835.

53. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1813.

54. Ibid., 4 October 1828.

55. Ibid., 6 March 1820.

56. Ibid., 16 June 1832.

57. Ibid., 17 January 1835.

58. Anon., "History of the [Playne] Family Firm."

59. Ibid.

58. Anon., "History of the [Playne] Family Firm."

59. Ibid.

60. PRO B3/629, Bankruptcy Examination of Edward J. Blackwell, Woolen Manfacturer, Nailsworth; Commission awarded July 14, 1829. Blackwell had occupied Egypt Mill.

61. Glos. Jnl ., 14 March 1829, sale by Nathaniel Wathen of his machinery at Hope Mills.

62. A possible exception was Stonehouse Mills, near Stroud, which in 1812. contained weaving shops, and was capable of employing between £20,000 and £60,000 of capital ( Glos. Jnl ., 14 March 1812.). When the machinery was sold in 1814, it included twenty-six 80-spindle jennies, ten 80-spindle reels, thirteen new shearing frames, and several narrow-looms and broadlooms ( Glos. Jnl ., 3 January 1814). These instruments clearly belonged to the principal lessee and his undertenants; a mill of such capacity could not be run at this early date, except with the resources of several intermediary firms. Such a pattern of mill occupation approximated the one prevailing in the Manchester cotton industry; see R. Lloyd-Jones and A. A. LeRoux, "The Size of Firms in the Cotton Industry: Manchester, 1815-1841," Ec. HR ., 2.d ser., XXXIII (February 1980): 73.

63. Urdank, "Economic Decline," p. 429.

64. Gloucester had actually kept pace with Yorkshire in powerlooms by 1838; thereafter, Gloucester clothiers who remained in businesss adopted them even more widely. In aggregate, however, Gloucester continued to lag behind Yorkshire, although not always on a per capita basis; in 1861 Gloucester regained a per capita parity but was rapidly outpaced by Yorkshire from 1867; see Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 188 and the tables on p. 220.

65. Glos. Jnl ., 22 September 1815.

66. See Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 127, 188.

67. Glos. Jnl ., 4 October 1828, at Dyehouse Mills; ibid., 20 September 1828, Nathaniel Driver's stock at Peghouse near Stroud.

66. See Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 127, 188.

67. Glos. Jnl ., 4 October 1828, at Dyehouse Mills; ibid., 20 September 1828, Nathaniel Driver's stock at Peghouse near Stroud.

68. Stonehouse Mills, cited above, n. 55, was an exception.

69. Glos. Jnl ., 27 April 1818 and 6 March 1820, respectively.

70. Ibid., 9 June 1827, 2 August 1828, and 6 March 1830, respectively.

71. Ibid., 21 July 1827, ''Loom Factories," a notice placed by the executive committee of the weavers' union.

69. Glos. Jnl ., 27 April 1818 and 6 March 1820, respectively.

70. Ibid., 9 June 1827, 2 August 1828, and 6 March 1830, respectively.

71. Ibid., 21 July 1827, ''Loom Factories," a notice placed by the executive committee of the weavers' union.

69. Glos. Jnl ., 27 April 1818 and 6 March 1820, respectively.

70. Ibid., 9 June 1827, 2 August 1828, and 6 March 1830, respectively.

71. Ibid., 21 July 1827, ''Loom Factories," a notice placed by the executive committee of the weavers' union.

72. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 163, notes that the building of new factories and the extension of old ones "went on vigorously."

73. Anon., "History of the [Playne] Family Firm." Between 1811 and 1814, capital increased from £3,000 to £4,000, following the transfer of management from Martha Playne to her two sons, William and Peter. The firm was said to have prospered at the same rate of growth until 1824.

74. PRO B3/629, Bankruptcy Examination of Edward J. Blackwell, Woolen Manufacturer. At his bankruptcy examination, Blackwell, Egypt Mill's previous tenant, indicated that two pair of stocks, one gig mill, and four waterwheels had been constructed by the owner, Samuel Webb, while "the other part has since been erected at the joint expense of Mr. Webb and myself."

75. Glos. Jnl ., 14 July 1829.

76. See Esther Moir, "Marling and Evans, King's Stanley and Ebley Mills," Textile History , I (1971).

77. Urdank, "Economic Decline," p. 428, n. 9.

78. Gregory, Regional Transformation , pp. 72-74.

79. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 190; ibid., p. 74.

78. Gregory, Regional Transformation , pp. 72-74.

79. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 190; ibid., p. 74.

80. Gregory, Regional Transformation , pp. 200-201; in the East Riding, he notes, the stream only "trickled." Steam engines began to substitute for water power in the West Riding much later: by the 1820s and then largely in response to conditions of overcrowding on rural streams; see D. T. Jenkins, The West Riding Wool Textile Industry, 1770-1835: A Study of Fixed Capital Formation (Edington, 1975), P. 47.

81. Ibid., Gregory, p. 203; ibid., Jenkins, pp. 76-77.

80. Gregory, Regional Transformation , pp. 200-201; in the East Riding, he notes, the stream only "trickled." Steam engines began to substitute for water power in the West Riding much later: by the 1820s and then largely in response to conditions of overcrowding on rural streams; see D. T. Jenkins, The West Riding Wool Textile Industry, 1770-1835: A Study of Fixed Capital Formation (Edington, 1975), P. 47.

81. Ibid., Gregory, p. 203; ibid., Jenkins, pp. 76-77.

82. BPP , XLII (1839): 1-799, "Accounts and Papers."

83. See Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 186 and Gregory, Regional Transformation , p. 72.

84. Ibid.; Mann, p. 190. The earliest reference to a steam mill in Gloucester, in fact, occurred in 1818 in the sale of J. C. Hamblin's property. An earlier reference for the West Country occurred in 1815 in the sale of a 30-horsepower Boulton & Watt at Radstock, Somerset, but

perhaps the earliest took place at Chippenham, Wiltshire, where a factory, four stories high with rooms fifty feet by thirty-two feet, and housing six to ten machines, was said to "be driven by either steam or water." See Glos. Jnl ., 2 April 1804, 22 May 1815, and 12 November 1818; see also Albion M. Urdank, "Custom, Conflict and Traditional Authority in the Gloucester Weaver Strike of 1825," Journal of British Studies 25, (April 1986): 195, n. 7.

83. See Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 186 and Gregory, Regional Transformation , p. 72.

84. Ibid.; Mann, p. 190. The earliest reference to a steam mill in Gloucester, in fact, occurred in 1818 in the sale of J. C. Hamblin's property. An earlier reference for the West Country occurred in 1815 in the sale of a 30-horsepower Boulton & Watt at Radstock, Somerset, but

perhaps the earliest took place at Chippenham, Wiltshire, where a factory, four stories high with rooms fifty feet by thirty-two feet, and housing six to ten machines, was said to "be driven by either steam or water." See Glos. Jnl ., 2 April 1804, 22 May 1815, and 12 November 1818; see also Albion M. Urdank, "Custom, Conflict and Traditional Authority in the Gloucester Weaver Strike of 1825," Journal of British Studies 25, (April 1986): 195, n. 7.

85. For further discussion, see below.

86. See table 42.

87. See Robert B. Gordon, "Cost and Use of Water Power during Industrialization in New England and Great Britain: A Geological Interpretation," Ec. HR , 2d ser., XXXVI (May 1983).

88. See Stanley Chapman, "The Cost of Power in the Industrial Revolution in Britain: The Case of the Textile Industry," Midland History , I (Spring 1971): 6-8, 12-13.

89. See Tann, "Employment of Power" and Gordon, "The Cost and Use of Water Power."

90. See Chapman, "The Cost of Power," pp. 8-11, especially the examples of Thackery and Arkwright.

91. Urdank, "Economic Decline," p. 429, n. 14.

92. Ibid., n. 13; Chapman, "The Cost of Power."

91. Urdank, "Economic Decline," p. 429, n. 14.

92. Ibid., n. 13; Chapman, "The Cost of Power."

93. Anon., "History of the [Playne] Family Firm": "The new north mill [at Dunkirk Mills]," complained a younger member of the Playne family ''has never been fully used. It is absolutely necessary that the heavy, fast-running looms should . . . be placed on the ground floor, and driven by steam at a perfectly regular speed and not by the irregular and varying water power."

94. See Urdank, "Economic Decline," pp. 430-433. Path analysis, a form of regression modeling, was used to distinguish direct and indirect causal flows and to compare the relative efficiency of large- and small-engine mills. Steam powered mills were selected from the catalog of 260 Gloucester Journal references in Urdank, "Dissenting Community," appendix 5.2. Table 46 (this chapter) contains all mills for which sales notices specifically indicated the amount of steam horsepower employed, and these numbered thirty-four. Twelve other sales notices referred to steam engines but gave no horsepower data and thus could not be included. The appearance of these data, moreover, occurs randomly throughout these notices. If we exclude the first 147 notices, which appeared prior to the advent of the earliest known steam engine in Gloucester (e.g., November 1818), the sample of thirty-four then represents 30.08 percent of the remaining sales notices, while the upper-bound

sample of forty-six represents 40.7 percent. A sample of thirty-four, in any case, is not unduly small, despite the fact that the true universe of steam-powered mills remains unknown. Adopting a confidence interval of 90 percent, with an error range of plus or minus 3.5 horsepower, and using the standard deviation of 15.245 of the thirty-four steam engines in our sample, we obtain an expected sample size of 34.066. See Blalock, Social Statistics , pp. 213-215 for the method of estimating sample sizes when the standard error of the population is unknown. Blalock indicates that the real difficulty in making such estimations comes when estimating the standard error of the population; according to him, we have to rely on a "best guess" or a pilot study if practicable. In our case, the standard deviation of the thirty-four mills is better than a "best guess" and at least as good as a pilot study.

95. A to-horsepower engine, used to pump water for waterwheels, would not produce to horsepower in the machinery, according to a contemporary expert; to produce to horsepower of energy would require instead 16 to 20 horsepower. See R. L. Hills and A. J. Pacey, "The Measurement of Power in Early Steam-driven Textile Mills," Technology and Culture , XIII, (January 1972): 31.

96. BPP , XXIV (1840): 362; W. A. Miles, the Assistant Commissioner for Gloucester, sent to investigate the condition of handloom weavers, pointed to the concentration of capital and the growth in productive capacity of the remaining mills.

97. Ibid., p. 435.

98. Ibid., p. 434.

96. BPP , XXIV (1840): 362; W. A. Miles, the Assistant Commissioner for Gloucester, sent to investigate the condition of handloom weavers, pointed to the concentration of capital and the growth in productive capacity of the remaining mills.

97. Ibid., p. 435.

98. Ibid., p. 434.

96. BPP , XXIV (1840): 362; W. A. Miles, the Assistant Commissioner for Gloucester, sent to investigate the condition of handloom weavers, pointed to the concentration of capital and the growth in productive capacity of the remaining mills.

97. Ibid., p. 435.

98. Ibid., p. 434.

99. See above, n. 93; by 1870, the date of the quotation cited, the "fast-running [power]looms," referred to by the younger Playne, had clearly replaced the handloom weavers.

100. BPP , XXIV (1840): 386-387: W. A. Miles calculated that of the 3,000 weavers remaining in Gloucester in 1839, only 2,666 were needed to meet current production levels, leaving a surplus of 334, or 16 percent of an outdoor weaver population of 2,089.

101. See n. 127, 130, 132 and text, for a comparison of the number of spindles, and below for the mule's impact on labor.

102. J. W. Scott and L. A. Tilly, "Women's Work and the Family in nineteenth Century Europe," Comparative Studies in Society and History , XVII (1975): 46.

103. GRO, P181/OV7/1. Horsley Parish Census Enumerator's List, ca. 1811.

104. "There were many master weavers who were rather respectable men and who kept four to six looms in their houses if they had room,"

Mann quotes one contemporary source. "They kept journeymen and women and gave the journeyfolk about two-thirds the price of the work." Quoted in Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 229-230.

105. Glos. Jnl ., 24 February 1817; see also Glos. Jnl ., 20 August 1836, sale of two tenements at Wotton with a four-loom weaving shed attached to one of them.

106. Craftsmen, such as carpenters, masons, and blacksmiths, have been grouped separately from weavers; and both categories have been distinguished from laborers. The enumerator's list did not distinguish between agricultural laborers and day laborers employed in the cloth trade.

107. Testing the difference in proportions between craftsmen-landlords and weaver-landlords, Z = 1.200, Prob Z > 1.200 = 0.12; the probability, in other words, of obtaining a Z value greater than or equal to 1.2 is 88.0 percent, which falls below the usual 0.05 level, suggesting no difference, but is an acceptably high level of significance to suggest the beginning of erosion of the status of master weaver.

108. Nor was there a significant difference in mean household size between any occupational group. By this date, journeymen and apprentices were unlikely to have lived in the master's house, especially if the master rented his work premises.

109. This point is worth emphasizing because we have become accustomed erroneously to regard country weavers as mere cottagers. See, for instance, Hans Medick, "The Proto-industrial Family Economy: The Structural Function of Household and Family During the Transition From Peasant Society to Industrial Capitalism," Social History , I (1976): 291-315; Buchanan Sharp, In Contempt of All Authority: Rural Artisans and Riot in the West of England, 1588-1660 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1980) and Charles Tilly, As Sociology Meets History (New York, 1981).

110. See Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 143-149 for an account of early weaver resistance to repeal of the apprenticeship statutes.

111. See the debates among the weavers in the Glos. Jnl ., 21 March, 4 and 11 April 1829.

112. GRO, P181/OV7/1, Horsley Census List, ca. 1811; PRO Home Office 107/362, 1841 census enumerators' lists.

113. See Scott and Tilly, "Women's Work," p. 52, quoting Neil Smelser, Social Change in the Industrial Revolution: An Application of Theory to the British Cotton Industry (Chicago, 1959), p. 188.

114. Gloucester City Library, The Hyett Collection, Gloucestershire Tracts , ser. C, III, 1832-1882, Speech on the Factories Regulation Bill, 1833.

115. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1827, "Loom Factories."

116. Functional differentiation of occupations accompanied the new pattern of labor recruitment; see Neil Smelser, Social Change in the Industrial Revolution ; for a different finding, cf. Patrick Joyce, Work, Society and Politics: The Culture of the Factory in Later Victorian England (New Brunswick, N.J., 1981), pp. 53ff., who argues for the persistence of work and family ties in the factory after 1840. For a summary of research on this issue, see E. H. Pleck, "Two Worlds in One: Work and Family," Journal of Social History , X (1976).

117. BPP , XXIV (1840): 445-449.

118. See Scott and Tilly, "Women's Work," pp. 60-61, the case of Francesca F.

119. Clothworkers included quillers, burlers, reelers, pickers, and warpers.

120. BPP , XXIV (1840): 400-401, evidence given by Peter Playne. Male factory weavers earned 11s. per week, and male outdoor weavers earned

121. This was especially true in the case of spinning; see Joyce, Work, Society and Politics , p. 55 for the Lancashire cotton trade.

122. BPP ., XXIV (1840): 374.

123. See Ivy Pinchbeck, Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1850 (New York, 1969), pp. 121, 126, 162-166.

124. In a difference-of-proportions test, Z = 6.33, significant at 0.00 probability.

125. The 1841 census for Horsley parish listed thirty-eight women and sixty-seven men as weavers.

126. BPP , XXIV (1840): 377; the proportion was 184 in 694, or 26.5 percent; Z = 2.068, significant at the 0.02 level.

127. H. Catling, "The Evolution of Spinning," in J. G. Jenkins, ed., The Wool Textile Industry in Great Britain (London, 1972), p. 110.

128. GRO, P181/OV7/1, MS. Census List, Horsley Parish.

129. BPP , XXIV (1840): 337.

130. Catling, "The Evolution of Spinning," p. 110.

131. The 1841 census for Horsley listed six males and fourteen females as spinners.

132. Catling, "The Evolution of Spinning," p. 110.

133. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 140, 229. Although the fly shuttle shortened the average weaving time, some weavers still took longer than on the double loom.

134. Ibid., see P. Ellis, "The Techniques of Weaving," in Jenkins, ed., Wool Textile Industry , pp. 125-127 for a careful description of handlooms.

133. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 140, 229. Although the fly shuttle shortened the average weaving time, some weavers still took longer than on the double loom.

134. Ibid., see P. Ellis, "The Techniques of Weaving," in Jenkins, ed., Wool Textile Industry , pp. 125-127 for a careful description of handlooms.

135. See below, chap. 7, the 1825 weaver strike.

136. Ibid.

135. See below, chap. 7, the 1825 weaver strike.

136. Ibid.

137. Glos. Jnl ., 20 June 1825.

138. Synchronization was the crucial variable. See E. P. Thompson, "Time, Work-Discipline and Industrial Capitalism," Past and Present , 38 (1967): 76-86; cf. David Landes, Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World (Cambridge, Mass., 1983).

139. BPP , XXIV (1840): 389; the combined productivity of males and females was 1,974 yards per weaver per annum. The male rate was 52.8 percent of the total, while the female rate was 47.1 percent. Male weavers numbered 655, and female weavers numbered 167. In a difference-of-proportions test, Z = 2.533, significant at the 0.005 probability level.

140. Quoted by Miles, in BPP , XXIV (1840): 389.

141. Warping, for instance, required "care and art," and warpers had to keep pace with the weaver; piecers, similarly, followed the pace set by the spinner. Since warping and piecing were essentially female occupations, women workers tended to imbibe factory discipline indirectly, through structural dependence on male work rhythms.

142. BPP , XXIV (1840): 389.

143. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 106-107.

144. Master weavers tried less sucessfully to expedite the journeyman's work; see ibid., pp. 229-230 and below, Thomas Cole's comments on journeymen weavers.

143. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 106-107.

144. Master weavers tried less sucessfully to expedite the journeyman's work; see ibid., pp. 229-230 and below, Thomas Cole's comments on journeymen weavers.

145. John Foster, Class Struggles and the Industrial Revolution: Early Industrial Capitalism in Three English Towns (London, 1977), PP. 91-93, cites the impact of disease, which was, however, more the consequence of urbanization. The same factory inspectors, Horner and Woolrich, who condemned northern cotton manufacturers, gave Gloucester factories a favorable report; see Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 247.

146. BPP , XXIV (1840): 389.

147. Ibid., p. 415.

146. BPP , XXIV (1840): 389.

147. Ibid., p. 415.

148. See table 51 for a survey of weavers' attitudes toward the factory.

149. BPP , XXIV (1840): 415.

150. On the symbiosis between deference and empathy, see chap. 7, section on the 1825 weaver strike.

151. Other master weavers reacted competitively. Their wish to retain control over their craft produced considerable militancy among them, as we shall see. However, many also wished to become clothiers and regarded the factory system as a threat to this ambition.

152. GRO D2424/3/658, Shortwood Baptist Church Roll, baptized September 28, 1806 and excluded October 9, 1834. His brother and father, both named Jonathan Cole, were weavers and Baptists: D2424/3/ 385 and 763.

153. See Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 241, on the strike at Playne's in 1834.

154. See Chap. 7.

155. BPP , XXIV (1840): 415.

156. See tables 52 to 54.

157. BPP , XXIV (1840): 442: Cole returned to outdoor work, this time as a journeyman weaver, but still could not find enough employment and had to resort to potato digging, for which he was paid 4d. per bag; his wages were paid in potatotes instead of money, that is, in truck.

158. Ibid., pp. 417-419. The master weaver deducted from the journeyman's gross earnings 3d. for materials and 2d. for fetching and carrying back the work. Miles, the parliamentary commissioner, also reduced the gross earnings of the master weaver by 16 percent, in order to adjust for the effect of surplus labor.

157. BPP , XXIV (1840): 442: Cole returned to outdoor work, this time as a journeyman weaver, but still could not find enough employment and had to resort to potato digging, for which he was paid 4d. per bag; his wages were paid in potatotes instead of money, that is, in truck.

158. Ibid., pp. 417-419. The master weaver deducted from the journeyman's gross earnings 3d. for materials and 2d. for fetching and carrying back the work. Miles, the parliamentary commissioner, also reduced the gross earnings of the master weaver by 16 percent, in order to adjust for the effect of surplus labor.

159. See chap. 7, the 1825 weaver strike.

160. "Colts" were youths who were only partially initiated into the trade and served master weavers as assistants. The surplus of colts made it easier for clothiers to establish loom factories, since colts usually welcomed the chance to learn all of the "mysteries" of the trade. See Glos. Jnl ., 21 March 1829, a weaver's rebuttal against the claims made by the Association of [Master] Weavers.

161. See BPP , XXIV (1840): 442-446, 439 for a summary of Miles's other findings.

162. Figure 18 is based on a sample of weekly prices drawn from the Gloucester Journal ; one week per month was selected, and a yearly average based on twelve months was computed and plotted in two time series, the regressions of which are also given. For treatments of the agricultural depression, see Hilton, Corn, Cash and Commerce , chaps. III-V, and Pamela Horns, The Rural World: Social Change in the English Countryside, 1780-1850 (London, 1980), pp. 71-83.

163. BPP , XXIV (1840): 421, budget of James Risby; rent, at 9 percent of the total budget, was the next largest item. Wheat prices tended to correlate with the movement of prices of other consumables; see R. D. Lee, "Short-Term Variations: Vital Rates, Prices and Weather," in Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England , p. 353.

164. This finding partly affirms the view advanced by Deane and Cole that the trend in living standards rose at least until 1825, although their optimism regarding the period of the Napoleonic wars seems question-

able; see P. Deane and W. A. Cole, British Economic Growth, 1688-1959: Trends and Structure (Cambridge, 1962), p. 27, and below, n. 169. The most recent restatement of the optimists' case dates the ostensible rise in living standards only from 1820; see Peter Lindert and Jeffrey G. Williamson, "English Workers' Living Standards: a New Look," Ec.HR , 2d ser., XXXVI (1983); however, see a careful critique and downward revision of their estimates in N. F. R. Crafts, British Economic Growth during the Industrial Revolution (Oxford, 1985), p. 101.

165. BPP , XXIV (1840): 459, 458ff. for all other comments related to truck unless otherwise indicated. Littleton, an M.P. from Straffordshire, reported that the difference was between 20 and 25 percent; see Glos. Jnl ., 24 April 1830.

166. Ibid.; Glos. Jnl ., 5 May 1832: Prosecutions were made under the Act of first and second William IV, clause 37; for weavers debating the origin of truck, see Glos. Jnl ., 21 March and 4 and 11 April 1829.

165. BPP , XXIV (1840): 459, 458ff. for all other comments related to truck unless otherwise indicated. Littleton, an M.P. from Straffordshire, reported that the difference was between 20 and 25 percent; see Glos. Jnl ., 24 April 1830.

166. Ibid.; Glos. Jnl ., 5 May 1832: Prosecutions were made under the Act of first and second William IV, clause 37; for weavers debating the origin of truck, see Glos. Jnl ., 21 March and 4 and 11 April 1829.

167. BPP , XXIV (1840): 459; evidence of Mr. Ross, a Woodchester shopkeeper.

168. See Taylor, ed., Standard of Living , p. xlv.

169. The point of controversy is whether wage levels could have risen at all during the war. Deane and Cole have implied that both nominal and real wages had increased between 1795 and 1816; see ibid., p. xliii. Crafts has shown that their real wage estimates for 1780-1820 were very nearly correct, while those of Phelps-Brown and Hopkins and Lindert and Williamson were far too low; see Crafts, British Economic Growth , p. 103, table 5.5.

168. See Taylor, ed., Standard of Living , p. xlv.

169. The point of controversy is whether wage levels could have risen at all during the war. Deane and Cole have implied that both nominal and real wages had increased between 1795 and 1816; see ibid., p. xliii. Crafts has shown that their real wage estimates for 1780-1820 were very nearly correct, while those of Phelps-Brown and Hopkins and Lindert and Williamson were far too low; see Crafts, British Economic Growth , p. 103, table 5.5.

170. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 250-251.

171. See Thompson, Making of the English Working Class , p. 203 and R. M. Hartwell and S. Engerman, "Models of Immiseration: The Theoretical Basis of Pessimism," in Taylor, ed., The Standard of Living , pp. 190-191.

172. See Wrigley, "The Process of Modernization."

1. Detailed examination of the 1825 strike serves partly for this reason as a surrogate for analysis of the type of conflict represented by these earlier struggles. We find in them the same deferential appeal to authority, the same call for standardizing pay rates, the same paternalism of the Justices of the Peace, and even the same connivance in the weavers' activities by figures of authority, following the outbreak of genuine conflict; for a glimpse of such connivance, which lay at the heart of the argument presented below, see J. L. and B. Hammond, The Skilled

Labourer, 1760-1832 (London, 1927), p. 158. However, see also Adrian J. Randall, "Labour and the Industrial Revolution in the West of England Woollen Industry" (Univ. Birmingham, Ph.D. dissertation, 1979), for a recent study of these earlier strikes, albeit from a Thompsonian perspective; cf. n. 44, below, and the accompanying text.

2. See Hammond, Skilled Labourer , pp. 156ff.; Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 167-168, 235-236; and Randall, "Labour and the Industrial Revolution," chap. 3.

3. E. P. Thompson has offered a nominalist definition of class, based largely on the mentalité of the subject and the broader category of culture to which it gave rise. For his now classic study, see Thompson, Making of the English Working Class ; idem, "Eighteenth Century English Society: Class Struggle without Class," Social History , III (1978); and idem, "Patrician Society, Plebeian Culture," Journal of Social History , VII (1974). See, also Harold Perkin, The Origins of Modern English Society, 1780-1880 (London, 1969), especially chap. VI, and Trygve Tholfsen, Working Class Radicalism in Mid-Victorian England (New York, 1977), especially chaps. 2-4. But cf. Robert Glen, Urban Workers in the Early Industrial Revolution (London, 1984).

4. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 371, 451. The "chain" and "abb" are Gloucester terms for warp and weft, respectively; see Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 292. The length of the chain was measured by the number of threads, which were counted by the "hundred"; the hundred was a customary measure consisting of 190 threads. Two smaller customary measures were also used: One "beer" equaled thirty-eight threads, five beers equaled a hundred, and eighty beers equaled a 16-hundred chain; one "ell'' equaled 84.4 threads, and thirty-six ells equaled a 16-hundred chain.

5. Glos. Jnl ., 22 November 1824.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid., 20 June 1825.

5. Glos. Jnl ., 22 November 1824.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid., 20 June 1825.

5. Glos. Jnl ., 22 November 1824.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid., 20 June 1825.

8. While the absolute length of the chain increased, the number of threads per inch remained constant at 27.4. The number of shoots in the abb increased with the progressive rise in the length of the chain. If parity had been maintained, two shoots of abb per thread of chain would have been required at the 20-hundred chain level; instead we find an estimated 2.5 shoots of abb per thread.

9. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 451, 454.

10. Ibid., Samuel Marling of Ham Mills, for example, paid about of 27.5 percent below the weavers' reduced scale.

9. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 451, 454.

10. Ibid., Samuel Marling of Ham Mills, for example, paid about of 27.5 percent below the weavers' reduced scale.

11. Based on an averaged of 40.5 ells per piece, covering the new range of 16- to 20-hundred length chains, an increase of 1d. per ell based

on the weavers' scale amounted to only 3s.

12. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 452; Glos. Jnl ., 22 November 1824; the weavers' petition stated that the master weaver's profit per piece came to 4s. 3d., or 8.8 percent of the total price paid by the clothier, in what appears to have been a considerable underestimation.

13. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 386.

14. Ibid., Wage Series, 1808-1838, p. 374; PRO Home Office 40/18/ 169-170, Letter to Hobhouse, 4 May 1825.

13. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 386.

14. Ibid., Wage Series, 1808-1838, p. 374; PRO Home Office 40/18/ 169-170, Letter to Hobhouse, 4 May 1825.

15. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 452; Glos. Jnl ., 20 June 1825, letter from a journeyman weaver. Master weavers probably earned about 24s. per week, if 17s. 6d. was the average for all weavers and 11s. the average for journeymen.

16. Glos. Jnl ., 22 November 1824.

17. See table 57; the observations are three-month moving averages of one-week-per-month samples, drawn from the market chronicle of the Gloucester Journal . Growth rates were calculated from the first and last trend values of the regression lines effected on the basis of the sample of weekly prices. Wheat prices, furthermore, correlated with the movement of prices of other consumables; see R. D. Lee, "Short-Term Variation: Vital Rates, Prices and Weather," in Wrigley and Schofield, Population History of England , p. 357. John Bohstedt has shown that the correlation between prices and popular disturbances, while statistically significant, was weak; see John Bohstedt, Riots and Community Politics in England and Wales, 1790-1810 (Cambridge, Mass., 1983), pp. 18-21. Master weavers, unlike their journeymen, would appear to have had different reasons for striking.

18. See BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 421, budget of James Risby; also Glos. Jnl ., 20 June 1825, letter from a journeyman weaver, which suggests that journeymen were peculiarly sensitive to short-term variations in prices. In complaining about his low wages (10s. to 12s. per week), the writer gives their amount as a three-year average. By comparison, the nominal weekly wages of ordinary Gloucester laborers amounted to 9s. 3d. in 1824; see Gregory, Regional Transformation , p. 76.

19. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 451-452.

20. This finding affirms Eric Hobsbawm's original observation regarding the influence of custom on wages; see E. J. Hobsbawm, "Custom, Wages and Work-Load in Ninetenth Century Industry," in Asa

Briggs and John Saville, eds., Essays in Labour History in Memory of G. D. H. Cole , (London, 1960), pp. 114-115.

21. See PRO B3, Court of Bankruptcy Registers, in which examples of employees receiving promissory notes from employers for services rendered abound; see also Glos. Jnl ., 21 March, 4 April, and 11 April 1829, in which master weavers complained about the practice.

22. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 386. "The journeyman is always in so depressed a state," noted one contemporary, "that the moment the master weaver employs him he is obliged to give him his daily food; and hence, in a great degree, the origin of truck."

23. Ibid.

22. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 386. "The journeyman is always in so depressed a state," noted one contemporary, "that the moment the master weaver employs him he is obliged to give him his daily food; and hence, in a great degree, the origin of truck."

23. Ibid.

24. E. P. Thompson, "Patrician Society," p. 397.

25. See Joyce, Work, Society and Politics ; also Howard Newby, "The Deferential Dialectic," Comparative Studies in Society and History , XV (1975); Moore, The Politics of Deference ; and Roberts, Paternalism in Early Victorian England .

26. See Joyce, Work, Society and Politics , pp. 144, 148-149, 151-152, and passim.

27. Ibid., p. 95.

26. See Joyce, Work, Society and Politics , pp. 144, 148-149, 151-152, and passim.

27. Ibid., p. 95.

28. Newby, "Deferential Dialectic," p. 149; for studies of the limits of deference, see J. R. Fisher, "The Limits of Deference: Agricultural Communities in a Mid-Nineteenth Century Election Campaign," Journal of British Studies , XXI (1981) and Frank O'Gorman, "Electoral Deference in Unreformed England,'' Journal of Modern History 56 (1984).

29. In doing so, they have emphasized the persistence of face-to-face relations and have thereby undermined the Durkheimian notion that urban-industrial life was necessarily governed by a pervasive anomie. See Joyce, Work, Society and Politics , pp. 93-94 and Newby, "Deferential Dialectic," pp. 156-157.

30. Wood-pasture regions usually gave rise to scattered rather than nucleated settlements because of their hilly terrain and woodlands; see chap. 1, n. 2.

31. Some have argued that wood-pasture settlements weakened social control from the manor house and parish church and induced an antagonistic relationship between the Establishment and the lower classes; see above, chap. 2, n. 2.

32. See the remarks by W. H. Hyett, M.P. for Stroud, quoted above, chap. 6, n. 114; also Joyce, Work, Society and Politics , pp. 111-116.

33. Quoted in Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 247; Horner and Woolrich, the factory inspectors who rendered such harsh judgments of the Yorkshire clothiers, evidently concurred.

34. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 451. He did so, ostensibly, to compensate for the increase in the size of the chain; see above.

35. Ibid., p. 454.

34. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 451. He did so, ostensibly, to compensate for the increase in the size of the chain; see above.

35. Ibid., p. 454.

36. See Joyce, Work, Society and Politics , pp. 93-94; also Newby, "Deferential Dialectic," pp. 150-151.

37. PRO Home Office 40/18/185-186, May 8, 1825.

38. Uley Mills was sold as part of Sheppard's landed estate, described in the sales advertisement as "all that manor or lordship of Woodmanscote, or otherwise Woodmanscote with Nibley, within the parish of Dursley"; Glos. Jnl ., 29 April 1837.

39. See Moir, "Gentlemen Clothiers"; for other gentlemen-clothier families, see above, chap. 1.

40. This phrase belongs to Howard Newby; see Newby, "Deferential Dialectic," pp. 152-155.

41. See Landau, Justices of the Peace , chap. 6, especially pp. 175 and 193; for instances of J.P. paternalism, see Eric Hobsbawm, "Machine Breakers," in Labouring Men (London, 1964), p. 16; Gregory, Regional Transformation , pp. 166-184; and Frank Munger, "Contentious Gatherings in Lancashire, England, 1750-1830," in Louise A. and Charles Tilly, eds., Class Conflict and Collective Action (Beverly Hills, Calif., 1981), pp. 75-76.

42. See chaps. 2 and 4 for the social integration of the governing class.

43. See Joyce, Work, Society and Politics , pp. 93-94 and Newby, "Deferential Dialectic," pp. 150-151.

44. For a different view, see Thompson, "Moral Economy of the English Crowd" and George Rudé, "The Pre-industrial Crowd," in G. Rude, Paris and London in the Eighteenth Century (New York, 1973). Thompson emphasizes the autonomy of the crowd even where he glimpses obliquely the license accorded it by figures of authority; Rudé takes the same view even in cases where such figures assume the leadership of the crowd directly. For a recent defense of Thompson, see Andrew Charlesworth and Adrian J. Randall, "Comment: Morals, Markets and the English Crowd in 1766," Past and Present , 114 (February 1987). John Bohstedt has more convincingly modified Thompson's approach, however, by describing crowd action as only partly autonomous and by according the "vertical, reciprocal relationships between the plebs and the powerful'' a central place in its dynamics; see Bohstedt, Riots and Community Politics , p. 203. See also David Rollison, "Property, Ideology and Popular Culture in a Gloucestershire Village, 1660-1740," Past and Present , 93 (1981), a compelling reconstruction of a charivari . Rollison depicts the conflict of interests between a capitalist farmer and his rentier landlord, with the local community mobilized in

support of the former. Rollison's anthropological characterization of the farmer as a "Big Man" is another way of describing a structure of paternalism and deference.

45. See John Walsh, "Methodism and the Mob in the Eighteenth Century," in G. J. Cumming and Derek Baker, eds., Popular Belief and Practices: Studies in Church History , III (Oxford, 1972); Walter Shelton, English Hunger and Industrial Disorders: A Study of Social Conflict during the First Decade of George III's Reign (Toronto, 1973); and M. E. James, "Obedience and Dissent in Henrician England: The Lincolnshire Rebellion, 1536," Past and Present , 48 (1970). These studies place the initiative for crowd action more directly in the hands of the governing class than do Bohstedt and Rollison (cited above) and thereby deprive the crowd of an even greater measure of autonomy.

46. James, "Obedience and Dissent," p. 7.

47. See this chapter, subsections entitled "First stage" (of the 1825 strike), especially comments by William Playne, cited in n. 61, and "Third Stage," n. 82.

48. Glos. Jnl . 13 June 1825.

49. PRO Home Office 40/18/190-191, May, 10, 1825.

50. Quoted in Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 237; see also Eric Hobsbawm, "Machine Breakers," in Labouring Men , pp. 14-15 for a similar assessment of the role of clothiers in the genesis of Luddism.

51. See subsection below on third phase of the 1825 strike and Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 111, for weavers desiring to become clothiers. Also see Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 229-230 for examples of prosperous weavers. This self-perception was especially obvious in the debates between master weavers regarding the issue of the origin of truck; see Glos. Jnl ., 21 March, 4 April, and 11 April, 1829. R. S. Neale has also classified artisans of this period as "petit bourgeois"; see R. S. Neale, Class in English History, 1680-1850 (Oxford, 1981), p. 133.

52. See below, Wooton riots, ca. 1825.

53. In "Deferential Dialectic," pp. 149-150, Newby points out that empathy must occur within a framework of suitable social distance to act as a psychological basis of deference.

54. PRO Home Office 40/19/1, January 31, 1826.

55. Glos. Jnl ., 16 May 1825.

56. PRO Home Office 40/18/185-186, May 8, 1825.

57. PRO Home Office 40/18/202-203, May 18, 1825, Letter from Edward Sheppard to the Home Office.

58. Glos. Jnl ., 15 May 1825.

59. PRO Home Office 40/18/190-191, May 10, 1825.

60. Glos. Jnl ., 30 May 1825, Letter from An Old Manufacturer."

61. PRO Home Office 40/18/190-191, May 10, 1825.

62. Ibid. Claiming the need for speed, he apologized for not addressing himself first to Edward Sheppard, who normally served as the clothiers' intermediary with the government. Distrust, very likely, was the real reason for Playne's contacting the government directly.

61. PRO Home Office 40/18/190-191, May 10, 1825.

62. Ibid. Claiming the need for speed, he apologized for not addressing himself first to Edward Sheppard, who normally served as the clothiers' intermediary with the government. Distrust, very likely, was the real reason for Playne's contacting the government directly.

63. PRO Home Office 40/18/202-203, May 18, 1825.

64. Glos, Jnl ., 13 June 1825.

65. GRO Q/SG2 TRN 1825, Quarter Sessions Proceedings.

66. PRO Home Office 40/18/216-217, June 4, 1825.

67. Glos. Jnl ., 13 June 1825.

68. PRO Home Office 40/18/227-228, June 7, 1825.

69. Glos. Jnl ., 13 June 1825.

70. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 237.

71. Glos. Jnl ., 10 April 1826; the following account is drawn from the trial report, appearing in this issue. Cf. Julia de Lacey Mann, "Clothiers and Weavers in Wiltshire during the Eighteenth Century," in L. S. Pressnell, ed., Studies in the Industrial Revolution Presented to T. S. Ashton (London, 1960), pp. 72-73 for a Wiltshire counterpart to Aldridge in 1739. The activities of the paternalist gentleman cited by Mann seem to have been confined, however, to pamphleteering on behalf of rioting weavers.

72. This was done perhaps deliberately, and in complicity with the judge's own bias, in order to prevent the reader of the Gloucester Journal from arriving at an independent judgment of this delicate matter.

73. Master weavers, in 1825, did not complain about truck because many paid their own journeymen and apprentices in this way; only in 1829, under the pressure of the growth of loom factories, would they take up the issue as a vehicle of protest: see this chapter, section on strikes and protests, 1827-1848.

74. PRO Home Office 40/19/1, January 31, 1826.

75. PRO Home Office 40/18/231, June 8, 1825.

76. PRO Home Office 40/19/1, January 31, 1826.

77. Glos. Jnl ., 23 January 1826.

78. PRO Home Office 40/18/392, November 25, 1825.

79. PRO Home Office 40/18/393, December 11, 1825.

80. Glos Jnl ., 23 January 1826. This pattern of leniency was common practice; "mercy," writes Douglas Hay of the eighteenth-century legal system, "was part of the currency of patronage." See Douglas Hay, "Property, Authority and the Criminal Law," in Douglas Hay et al., Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth Century England (New York, 1975), P. 45.

81. PRO Home Office 40/19/1ff., January 31, 1826.

82. Both were producers of cassimeres, and Plomer seems to have been the "Old Manufacturer" who had written to the Gloucester Journal in May 1825, for he reiterated the same position almost verbatim after the attack had been made on his mill; see Glos. Jnl ., 12 December 1825.

83. PRO Home Office 40/19/1ff., January 31, 1826.

84. See Craig Calhoun, Class Struggle , chaps. 3 and 6 for a characterization of artisan radicalism as "reactionary."

85. See Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 144-148.

86. PRO Home Office 40/19/1ff., January 31, 1826.

87. See Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 249.

88. Lawrence Stone has rightly criticized Thompson on this point, although he is wrong to think that the struggle of the "poor" against industrialism was any less defensive; see L. Stone, "The New Eighteenth Century," New York Review of Books , 29 March 1984, p. 45.

89. PRO Home Office 40/19/119-120.

90. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 234 dates the rise of loom factories belatedly from 1829.

91. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1827.

92. Ibid.

93. Ibid., 29 December 1827.

94. Ibid.

91. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1827.

92. Ibid.

93. Ibid., 29 December 1827.

94. Ibid.

91. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1827.

92. Ibid.

93. Ibid., 29 December 1827.

94. Ibid.

91. Glos. Jnl ., 21 July 1827.

92. Ibid.

93. Ibid., 29 December 1827.

94. Ibid.

95. See chap. 6, section on capital and labor for a comparison between factory and outdoor weavers' wages.

96. See Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 237-238.

97. Glos. Jnl ., 28 June 1828, 5 July 1828, 12 July 1828, contains three communications, one from a manufacturer and two from weavers, all of whom opposed the position of the union, which had claimed that, as a result of the lowering of wages, weavers could earn only 9s. to 12s. per week on average. The manufacturers claimed that for weavers in full employ the average was between 16s. and 20s., and the weaver who wrote in support of this view suggested that it was closer to 20s.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 4 April 1829, Veritas received a letter from "Brother Stand firm" warning him to "Remember they declaration [to support the union] in the presence of a numerous assembly," which he then passed on to the Gloucester Journal .

99. Ibid., 21 March 1829.

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid., 4 April 1929.

102. Ibid., 10 April 1826.

103. Ibid., 11 April 1829.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 4 April 1829, Veritas received a letter from "Brother Stand firm" warning him to "Remember they declaration [to support the union] in the presence of a numerous assembly," which he then passed on to the Gloucester Journal .

99. Ibid., 21 March 1829.

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid., 4 April 1929.

102. Ibid., 10 April 1826.

103. Ibid., 11 April 1829.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 4 April 1829, Veritas received a letter from "Brother Stand firm" warning him to "Remember they declaration [to support the union] in the presence of a numerous assembly," which he then passed on to the Gloucester Journal .

99. Ibid., 21 March 1829.

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid., 4 April 1929.

102. Ibid., 10 April 1826.

103. Ibid., 11 April 1829.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 4 April 1829, Veritas received a letter from "Brother Stand firm" warning him to "Remember they declaration [to support the union] in the presence of a numerous assembly," which he then passed on to the Gloucester Journal .

99. Ibid., 21 March 1829.

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid., 4 April 1929.

102. Ibid., 10 April 1826.

103. Ibid., 11 April 1829.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 4 April 1829, Veritas received a letter from "Brother Stand firm" warning him to "Remember they declaration [to support the union] in the presence of a numerous assembly," which he then passed on to the Gloucester Journal .

99. Ibid., 21 March 1829.

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid., 4 April 1929.

102. Ibid., 10 April 1826.

103. Ibid., 11 April 1829.

98. Glos. Jnl ., 4 April 1829, Veritas received a letter from "Brother Stand firm" warning him to "Remember they declaration [to support the union] in the presence of a numerous assembly," which he then passed on to the Gloucester Journal .

99. Ibid., 21 March 1829.

100. Ibid.

101. Ibid., 4 April 1929.

102. Ibid., 10 April 1826.

103. Ibid., 11 April 1829.

104. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 239, indicates that the union was willing to drop this proposal when it joined with representatives of the mid-

dle classes in an antitruck association; the weaver, Veritas, argued that it dropped the demand for tactical reasons in order to assure a wide measure of support. See Glos. Jnl ., 11 April 1829.

105. Glos Jnl ., 21 March 1829.

106. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 241.

107. Glos. Jnl ., 10 August 1833.

108. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 241-242, seems to regard this strike as an isolated occurrence, whereas the weavers claimed to be supported "by all other weavers in the country." Nor does she distinguish its distinctively proletarian character, in contrast to the 1825 or 1828/29 strikes. According to Playne, moreover, the strike began in December 1833, and the weavers' committee established its headquarters at the Kings Head Inn, Nailsworth; see Glos. Jnl ., 1, 15, and 22 February and 8 March 1834 for coverage of the strike.

109. Glos. Jnl ., 22 February 1834.

110. Ibid., 15 February 1834.

111. Ibid., 22 February 1834.

112. Ibid.

113. Ibid.

109. Glos. Jnl ., 22 February 1834.

110. Ibid., 15 February 1834.

111. Ibid., 22 February 1834.

112. Ibid.

113. Ibid.

109. Glos. Jnl ., 22 February 1834.

110. Ibid., 15 February 1834.

111. Ibid., 22 February 1834.

112. Ibid.

113. Ibid.

109. Glos. Jnl ., 22 February 1834.

110. Ibid., 15 February 1834.

111. Ibid., 22 February 1834.

112. Ibid.

113. Ibid.

109. Glos. Jnl ., 22 February 1834.

110. Ibid., 15 February 1834.

111. Ibid., 22 February 1834.

112. Ibid.

113. Ibid.

114. Mann, Cloth Industry , pp. 174-175.

115. Glos. Jnl ., 22 February 1834.

116. Ibid.

115. Glos. Jnl ., 22 February 1834.

116. Ibid.

117. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 241.

118. BPP, Sessional Papers , 24 (1840): 376-377.

119. See chap. 6 for broader treatment of capital formation processes and their impact on labor.

120. See chap. 2.

121. See Hobsbawm, "Machine Breakers," in which he suggests that worker opposition to machinery was neither blind nor always consistent, and Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Working Class History, 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1982) on the social implications of language.

122. Glos. Jnl ., 23 June 1838, "Labourers' Meeting." The Stroud protest was coordinated with the one occurring at the Forest of Dean, near Gloucester. The Dean Foresters had had a long history of resistance to enclosure; for accounts, see Sharp, In Contempt of All Authority .

123. J. F. C. Harrison, The Second Coming: Popular Millenarianism, 1780-1850 (London, 1979), p. 25: "A situation of misery, oppression and seemingly hopeless struggle against powerful tyrants [are] the classic conditions for the emergence of chiliasm."

124. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , pp. 44-45.

125. Ibid., p. 45.

126. Ibid.

127. Ibid.

128. Ibid., p. 47.

129. Ibid.

124. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , pp. 44-45.

125. Ibid., p. 45.

126. Ibid.

127. Ibid.

128. Ibid., p. 47.

129. Ibid.

124. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , pp. 44-45.

125. Ibid., p. 45.

126. Ibid.

127. Ibid.

128. Ibid., p. 47.

129. Ibid.

124. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , pp. 44-45.

125. Ibid., p. 45.

126. Ibid.

127. Ibid.

128. Ibid., p. 47.

129. Ibid.

124. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , pp. 44-45.

125. Ibid., p. 45.

126. Ibid.

127. Ibid.

128. Ibid., p. 47.

129. Ibid.

124. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , pp. 44-45.

125. Ibid., p. 45.

126. Ibid.

127. Ibid.

128. Ibid., p. 47.

129. Ibid.

130. Glos. Jnl ., 4 April 1829.

131. Glos. Jnl ., 12 July 1828.

132. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 251; in the 1870s one Gloucester manufacturer announced that he would change his wage policy if other clothiers followed suit; they chose not to.

133. Ibid., p. 249, 298.

132. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 251; in the 1870s one Gloucester manufacturer announced that he would change his wage policy if other clothiers followed suit; they chose not to.

133. Ibid., p. 249, 298.

134. Glos. Jnl ., 30 November, 7 December 1833, "Trade and the Corn Laws," two letters from Nailsworth.

135. Ibid., 29 January 1839, Anti-Corn Law Meeting, 29 February, 7 March 1840, at Tewkesbury and Gloucester.

136. Ibid., 29 January 1839.

137. Ibid.

138. Ibid., 22 May 1841; one Chartist spokesman, who apologized to Fewster for not getting a better hearing, had heard him "speak much on behalf of the poor many times." All other references to this meeting are drawn from this issue of the Gloucester Journal .

134. Glos. Jnl ., 30 November, 7 December 1833, "Trade and the Corn Laws," two letters from Nailsworth.

135. Ibid., 29 January 1839, Anti-Corn Law Meeting, 29 February, 7 March 1840, at Tewkesbury and Gloucester.

136. Ibid., 29 January 1839.

137. Ibid.

138. Ibid., 22 May 1841; one Chartist spokesman, who apologized to Fewster for not getting a better hearing, had heard him "speak much on behalf of the poor many times." All other references to this meeting are drawn from this issue of the Gloucester Journal .

134. Glos. Jnl ., 30 November, 7 December 1833, "Trade and the Corn Laws," two letters from Nailsworth.

135. Ibid., 29 January 1839, Anti-Corn Law Meeting, 29 February, 7 March 1840, at Tewkesbury and Gloucester.

136. Ibid., 29 January 1839.

137. Ibid.

138. Ibid., 22 May 1841; one Chartist spokesman, who apologized to Fewster for not getting a better hearing, had heard him "speak much on behalf of the poor many times." All other references to this meeting are drawn from this issue of the Gloucester Journal .

134. Glos. Jnl ., 30 November, 7 December 1833, "Trade and the Corn Laws," two letters from Nailsworth.

135. Ibid., 29 January 1839, Anti-Corn Law Meeting, 29 February, 7 March 1840, at Tewkesbury and Gloucester.

136. Ibid., 29 January 1839.

137. Ibid.

138. Ibid., 22 May 1841; one Chartist spokesman, who apologized to Fewster for not getting a better hearing, had heard him "speak much on behalf of the poor many times." All other references to this meeting are drawn from this issue of the Gloucester Journal .

134. Glos. Jnl ., 30 November, 7 December 1833, "Trade and the Corn Laws," two letters from Nailsworth.

135. Ibid., 29 January 1839, Anti-Corn Law Meeting, 29 February, 7 March 1840, at Tewkesbury and Gloucester.

136. Ibid., 29 January 1839.

137. Ibid.

138. Ibid., 22 May 1841; one Chartist spokesman, who apologized to Fewster for not getting a better hearing, had heard him "speak much on behalf of the poor many times." All other references to this meeting are drawn from this issue of the Gloucester Journal .

139. The trend in grain prices had declined markedly since the war, although a slight upturn was noticeable between 1836 and 1840. The "high price" of bread had certainly been overplayed; it became a problem only relatively, in relation to falling wage rates. See chap. 6 for a fuller treatment of the relationship between wheat price fluctuations and wage rates.

140. Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 250.

141. The Stroud Anti-Corn Law meeting of 1839 attracted between 1,700 and 2,000; and the one in 1841 had been attended by a "vast multitude."

142. Glos. Jnl ., 17 June 1848, "Extension of the Franchise Meeting—Stroud." The meeting started slowly and attracted only 250 to 300 people.

143. See Mann, Cloth Industry , p. 250.

144. "Tension management" is Howard Newby's phrase; see Newby, "Deferential Dialectic," pp. 150-151.

1. For a theoretical discussion of the concept of an "introversionist sect," see Wilson, "An Analysis of Sect Development," pp. 22-45.

2. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , p. 5.

3. GRO D1340/A1/Z5, Quaker Membership Listing, Nailsworth Monthly Meeting; D1340/B1/M3-4, Nailsworth Monthly Meeting

Minutes, 1786-1854; D1340/A1/R3, Quaker Marriage Records, 1684-1838.

4. For the importance of group endogamy in defining the Society as a sect, see Elizabeth Isichei, "Organization and Power in the Society of Friends, 1852-1859," in Wilson, ed., Patterns of Sectarianism , pp. 170, 173.

5. Richard T. Vann, The Social Development of Early Quakerism, 1655-1755 (Cambridge, Mass., 1969), P. 77, points to the extremely rapid disappearance of the gentry among Quakers after 1662; see also Barry Reay, "The Social Origins of Early Quakerism," Journal of Interdisciplinary History , XI (1980): 55-72 for a discussion of early Quaker social structure.

6. t = 6.25, df = 8, Prob t at 0.01 > 2.306.

7. GRO D1340/B1/M3, September 10, 1795.

8. Ibid., June 13, 1805.

9. Ibid., March 10, 1808.

10. Ibid., February 14, 1822.

11. Ibid., September 13, 1838.

7. GRO D1340/B1/M3, September 10, 1795.

8. Ibid., June 13, 1805.

9. Ibid., March 10, 1808.

10. Ibid., February 14, 1822.

11. Ibid., September 13, 1838.

7. GRO D1340/B1/M3, September 10, 1795.

8. Ibid., June 13, 1805.

9. Ibid., March 10, 1808.

10. Ibid., February 14, 1822.

11. Ibid., September 13, 1838.

7. GRO D1340/B1/M3, September 10, 1795.

8. Ibid., June 13, 1805.

9. Ibid., March 10, 1808.

10. Ibid., February 14, 1822.

11. Ibid., September 13, 1838.

7. GRO D1340/B1/M3, September 10, 1795.

8. Ibid., June 13, 1805.

9. Ibid., March 10, 1808.

10. Ibid., February 14, 1822.

11. Ibid., September 13, 1838.

12. Glos. Jnl ., 19 June 1837; Elizabeth Isichei, Victorian Quakers (Oxford, 1970), p. 111, fig. 3, shows a sharp decline in membership nationally, circa 1800-1860.

13. GRO D1340/B1/M3, January 19, 1854.

14. BM PP5.85, Friends Monthly Meeting Magazine , I (Bristol, 1830): 55.

15. See Isichei, Victorian Quakers , chap. III, for an overview of the structure of meetings and the functions of offices. She appears reluctant, however, to acknowledge the Society's undemocratic character; cf. Elizabeth Isichei, "Organization and Power," p. 190.

16. GRO D1340/B1/M5, February 22, 1757.

17. Ibid. See the eighth-minute, [Men's] Gloucester Quarterly Meeting. September 20, 1842.

16. GRO D1340/B1/M5, February 22, 1757.

17. Ibid. See the eighth-minute, [Men's] Gloucester Quarterly Meeting. September 20, 1842.

18. Isichei, "Organization and Power," p. 188.

19. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Queries to Women's Meeting.

20. Ibid., D1340/A3/M2, testimony concerning Henry Wilkins.

19. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Queries to Women's Meeting.

20. Ibid., D1340/A3/M2, testimony concerning Henry Wilkins.

21. Isichei, "Organization and Power," p. 186.

22. Ibid.

21. Isichei, "Organization and Power," p. 186.

22. Ibid.

23. BM PP5.85, "First Principles," in Friends Monthly Magazine , I: 61.

24. The relationship between "humility" and the exercise of power, as manifest in the workings of the Society, recalls Friedrich Nietzsche's concept of "resentiment"; see Friedrich Nietzsche (trans., ed., Walter Kaufmann), On the Geneology of Morals (New York, 1969).

25. See Patrick Collinson, The Elizabethan Puritan Movement (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1976) on early Presbyterian church organization.

26. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes.

27. Ibid., D1340/B1/M3, December 9, 1790.

28. Ibid., September 10, 1795 and July 14, 1796. In 1795 and 1796, the Women's Particular Meeting ceased forwarding the Queries for want of members, while the men's meeting nearly united with that of Painswick, for much the same reason, and had ceased to hold more than one Sunday service.

29. Ibid., "A Selection of Rules established since the printing of the Book of Extracts in 1782," Yearly Meeting, 1806; hereafter, "Selections."

26. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes.

27. Ibid., D1340/B1/M3, December 9, 1790.

28. Ibid., September 10, 1795 and July 14, 1796. In 1795 and 1796, the Women's Particular Meeting ceased forwarding the Queries for want of members, while the men's meeting nearly united with that of Painswick, for much the same reason, and had ceased to hold more than one Sunday service.

29. Ibid., "A Selection of Rules established since the printing of the Book of Extracts in 1782," Yearly Meeting, 1806; hereafter, "Selections."

26. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes.

27. Ibid., D1340/B1/M3, December 9, 1790.

28. Ibid., September 10, 1795 and July 14, 1796. In 1795 and 1796, the Women's Particular Meeting ceased forwarding the Queries for want of members, while the men's meeting nearly united with that of Painswick, for much the same reason, and had ceased to hold more than one Sunday service.

29. Ibid., "A Selection of Rules established since the printing of the Book of Extracts in 1782," Yearly Meeting, 1806; hereafter, "Selections."

26. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes.

27. Ibid., D1340/B1/M3, December 9, 1790.

28. Ibid., September 10, 1795 and July 14, 1796. In 1795 and 1796, the Women's Particular Meeting ceased forwarding the Queries for want of members, while the men's meeting nearly united with that of Painswick, for much the same reason, and had ceased to hold more than one Sunday service.

29. Ibid., "A Selection of Rules established since the printing of the Book of Extracts in 1782," Yearly Meeting, 1806; hereafter, "Selections."

30. G. F. Nutall, The Holy Spirit in Puritan Faith and Experience (Oxford, 1946), p. 89; cf. Isichei, Victorian Quakers , pp. 94-96, 107-110.

31. GRO D1340/B1/M4, August 14, 1823.

32. Ibid.; Isichei, Victorian Quakers , p. 108. Indeed, the Minutes of the Nailsworth Monthly Meeting, our principal source, are really the minutes of the men's meeting.

31. GRO D1340/B1/M4, August 14, 1823.

32. Ibid.; Isichei, Victorian Quakers , p. 108. Indeed, the Minutes of the Nailsworth Monthly Meeting, our principal source, are really the minutes of the men's meeting.

33. GRO D1340/B1/M3, Selections, 1819.

34. Ibid., D1340/B1/M4, testimony concerning Richard Gilkes, March 13, 1823.

33. GRO D1340/B1/M3, Selections, 1819.

34. Ibid., D1340/B1/M4, testimony concerning Richard Gilkes, March 13, 1823.

35. BM PP5.85, Friends Monthly Magazine , II: 624.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., I: 20.

38. Ibid., II: 623; Isichei, "Organization and Power," p. 170, 173; idem, Victorian Quakers , pp. 115, 136, 146-147, 158-159. The Ban on "mixed marriages" lasted nationally until 1860.

35. BM PP5.85, Friends Monthly Magazine , II: 624.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., I: 20.

38. Ibid., II: 623; Isichei, "Organization and Power," p. 170, 173; idem, Victorian Quakers , pp. 115, 136, 146-147, 158-159. The Ban on "mixed marriages" lasted nationally until 1860.

35. BM PP5.85, Friends Monthly Magazine , II: 624.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., I: 20.

38. Ibid., II: 623; Isichei, "Organization and Power," p. 170, 173; idem, Victorian Quakers , pp. 115, 136, 146-147, 158-159. The Ban on "mixed marriages" lasted nationally until 1860.

35. BM PP5.85, Friends Monthly Magazine , II: 624.

36. Ibid.

37. Ibid., I: 20.

38. Ibid., II: 623; Isichei, "Organization and Power," p. 170, 173; idem, Victorian Quakers , pp. 115, 136, 146-147, 158-159. The Ban on "mixed marriages" lasted nationally until 1860.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

39. GRO D1340/B1/M5, Quaker Women's Meeting Minutes, December 12, 1754.

40. Ibid., December 1755.

41. Ibid., November 1756.

42. Ibid., M4, March 12, 1807.

43. Ibid.; Anthony Fewster, for example, was expelled for marrying "a person not of our religious faith in the Baptist Meeting House." See ibid., 9 November 1837.

44. Ibid., August 13, 1807.

45. Ibid., M3, September 10, 1810.

46. Ibid., March 14, 1811.

47. Ibid., November 14, 1811.

48. Ibid.

49. Ibid., M3, December 14, 1809.

50. Ibid., March 4, 1810.

51. Ibid., March 10, 1796.

52. Ibid., June 8, 1797.

53. See Lawrence Stone, Marriage, Sex and the Family in England, 1500-1800 (New York, 1979), chap. 6.

54. GRO D1340/M3, March 8, 1792; October 10, 1793.

55. Ibid., March 7, 1804.

54. GRO D1340/M3, March 8, 1792; October 10, 1793.

55. Ibid., March 7, 1804.

56. Familial connections were always reported in candidacies. Eli Evans, moreover, had been baptized at Shortwood on May 3, 1788. The Baptist church roll notes that he had joined the Quakers but was re-admitted in 1814; yet soon thereafter, he discontinued his attendance and died in 1831; see GRO D2424/3/349.

57. GRO D1340/B1/M3, March 12, 1799.

58. BM PP5.85, Friends Monthly Magazine , I: 21, "Thoughts on Marriage."

59. GRO D1340/B1/M3, March 12, 1799.

60. See above, n. 47 and n. 48.

61. Anthony Fewster, three years after his expulsion for "mixed marriage," was readmitted to membership; see GRO D1340/B1/M4, October 8, 1840.

62. Ibid. 14 August 1828.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid., M3, January 13, 1814.

61. Anthony Fewster, three years after his expulsion for "mixed marriage," was readmitted to membership; see GRO D1340/B1/M4, October 8, 1840.

62. Ibid. 14 August 1828.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid., M3, January 13, 1814.

61. Anthony Fewster, three years after his expulsion for "mixed marriage," was readmitted to membership; see GRO D1340/B1/M4, October 8, 1840.

62. Ibid. 14 August 1828.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid., M3, January 13, 1814.

61. Anthony Fewster, three years after his expulsion for "mixed marriage," was readmitted to membership; see GRO D1340/B1/M4, October 8, 1840.

62. Ibid. 14 August 1828.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid., M3, January 13, 1814.

61. Anthony Fewster, three years after his expulsion for "mixed marriage," was readmitted to membership; see GRO D1340/B1/M4, October 8, 1840.

62. Ibid. 14 August 1828.

63. Ibid.

64. Ibid.

65. Ibid., M3, January 13, 1814.

66. See below, n. 70-79.

67. Max Weber suggested that Protestant restraint might have served as a "rational temporing of th[e] irrational impulse" to acquire wealth; see Weber, Protestant Ethic , p. 17. Rather than refining capitalism, as Weber concluded, the Protestant ethic can be treated as a defensive reaction against the uncontrollable growth of market transactions and as potentially anticapitalistic, or at least customary. See Thomas Haskell, "Capitalism and the Origins of the Humanitarian Sensibility," AHR , 90 (1985); this, I believe, is the real implication of his argument.

68. GRO D1340/B1/M3, September 20, 1804.

69. Ibid., October 11, 1804; March 1805; July 11, 1805.

68. GRO D1340/B1/M3, September 20, 1804.

69. Ibid., October 11, 1804; March 1805; July 11, 1805.

70. BM PP5.85, Friends Monthly Magazine , I: 200. The Quakers, quite early in their history, required of their members that "none launch into trading and worldly business beyond what they can manage honourably, and with reputation; so that they may keep their words with all men."

71. GRO D1340/B1/M3, April 9, 1809; April 13, 1809; July 12, 1810.

72. Ibid., M4, January 8, 1829.

71. GRO D1340/B1/M3, April 9, 1809; April 13, 1809; July 12, 1810.

72. Ibid., M4, January 8, 1829.

73. Nineteenth-century legal practice gradually abandoned the "doctrine of consideration" (which considered circumstances in determining contract liability) in favor of unrestricted promise keeping; see P.S. Atiyah, Promises, Morals and Law (Oxford, 1981), P. 4 and passim. Quakers may have acted more flexibly when both borrower and lender were coreligionists or kin; see L. S. Pressnell, Country Banking in the Indsutrial Revolution (Oxford, 1956), p. 114, the example of the Gurneys, and Haskell, "Capitalism."

74. GRO D1340/B1/M3, November 13, 1806.

75. Ibid., M4, July 11, 1822.

74. GRO D1340/B1/M3, November 13, 1806.

75. Ibid., M4, July 11, 1822.

76. See the bankruptcy notices for Gloucester clothiers in the Gloucester Journal (references in Urdank, "Dissenting Community," appendix 5.1, pp. 531-552), and PRO Court of Bankruptcy Registers, Class B/3.

77. GRO D1340/B1/M3 June 9, 1823.

78. Ibid., June 12, 1828; the minutes noted at this time that "though repentent, his behavior has not been good subsequently and he needs to be watched."

79. Ibid., A3/M2, Elders' Meeting Minutes.

77. GRO D1340/B1/M3 June 9, 1823.

78. Ibid., June 12, 1828; the minutes noted at this time that "though repentent, his behavior has not been good subsequently and he needs to be watched."

79. Ibid., A3/M2, Elders' Meeting Minutes.

77. GRO D1340/B1/M3 June 9, 1823.

78. Ibid., June 12, 1828; the minutes noted at this time that "though repentent, his behavior has not been good subsequently and he needs to be watched."

79. Ibid., A3/M2, Elders' Meeting Minutes.

80. GRO D1340/B1/M3, November 14, 1816; December 11, 1816.

81. Ibid., M4, March 13, 1826.

82. Ibid., March 12, 1840.

83. Ibid., M3, February 12, 1807; his case is also cited in Harrison, The Second Coming , pp. 133, 252, n. 57.

84. Ibid., April 14, 1809.

85. Ibid., April 11, 1808.

86. Ibid., December 8, 1814.

80. GRO D1340/B1/M3, November 14, 1816; December 11, 1816.

81. Ibid., M4, March 13, 1826.

82. Ibid., March 12, 1840.

83. Ibid., M3, February 12, 1807; his case is also cited in Harrison, The Second Coming , pp. 133, 252, n. 57.

84. Ibid., April 14, 1809.

85. Ibid., April 11, 1808.

86. Ibid., December 8, 1814.

80. GRO D1340/B1/M3, November 14, 1816; December 11, 1816.

81. Ibid., M4, March 13, 1826.

82. Ibid., March 12, 1840.

83. Ibid., M3, February 12, 1807; his case is also cited in Harrison, The Second Coming , pp. 133, 252, n. 57.

84. Ibid., April 14, 1809.

85. Ibid., April 11, 1808.

86. Ibid., December 8, 1814.

80. GRO D1340/B1/M3, November 14, 1816; December 11, 1816.

81. Ibid., M4, March 13, 1826.

82. Ibid., March 12, 1840.

83. Ibid., M3, February 12, 1807; his case is also cited in Harrison, The Second Coming , pp. 133, 252, n. 57.

84. Ibid., April 14, 1809.

85. Ibid., April 11, 1808.

86. Ibid., December 8, 1814.

80. GRO D1340/B1/M3, November 14, 1816; December 11, 1816.

81. Ibid., M4, March 13, 1826.

82. Ibid., March 12, 1840.

83. Ibid., M3, February 12, 1807; his case is also cited in Harrison, The Second Coming , pp. 133, 252, n. 57.

84. Ibid., April 14, 1809.

85. Ibid., April 11, 1808.

86. Ibid., December 8, 1814.

80. GRO D1340/B1/M3, November 14, 1816; December 11, 1816.

81. Ibid., M4, March 13, 1826.

82. Ibid., March 12, 1840.

83. Ibid., M3, February 12, 1807; his case is also cited in Harrison, The Second Coming , pp. 133, 252, n. 57.

84. Ibid., April 14, 1809.

85. Ibid., April 11, 1808.

86. Ibid., December 8, 1814.

80. GRO D1340/B1/M3, November 14, 1816; December 11, 1816.

81. Ibid., M4, March 13, 1826.

82. Ibid., March 12, 1840.

83. Ibid., M3, February 12, 1807; his case is also cited in Harrison, The Second Coming , pp. 133, 252, n. 57.

84. Ibid., April 14, 1809.

85. Ibid., April 11, 1808.

86. Ibid., December 8, 1814.

87. Very probably, this was the same Mary who had resigned in 1826 (see above).

88. GRO D1340/B1/M3, March 12, 1818.

89. Nuttall, The Holy Spirit , p. 45.

90. Nuttall, Howel Harris , p. 54.

91. The formation of Nonconformity was based on the failure of millenarian expectations; see Christopher Hill, "Occasional Conformity," in R. Buick Knox, ed., Reformation, Conformity and Dissent: Essays in Honour of Geoffrey Nuttall (London, 1977), p.220.

92. See Vann, Early Quakerism , pp. 91, 102.

93. Nuttall, Holy Spirit , pp. 29-30; see also J. Van Den Berg, "Quaker

and Chiliast: the 'contrary thoughts' of William Ames and Petrus Serrarius,'' in Knox, ed., Reformation, Conformity and Dissent , p. 193.

94. Vann, Early Quakerism , pp. 39-40. George Fox did not draw any distinction between "convincement" and "conversion," but later Quakers did; convincement became the first step in the process of conversion.

95. It was quite the reverse, at least in practice; although the Friends adhered rigorously to the principle of the priesthood of all believers, it was felt that god preferred certain "customary vessels" to transmit his message. Preachers were therefore important among the early Friends; see ibid., p. 96 and above.

96. Quoted in ibid., p. 37.

94. Vann, Early Quakerism , pp. 39-40. George Fox did not draw any distinction between "convincement" and "conversion," but later Quakers did; convincement became the first step in the process of conversion.

95. It was quite the reverse, at least in practice; although the Friends adhered rigorously to the principle of the priesthood of all believers, it was felt that god preferred certain "customary vessels" to transmit his message. Preachers were therefore important among the early Friends; see ibid., p. 96 and above.

96. Quoted in ibid., p. 37.

94. Vann, Early Quakerism , pp. 39-40. George Fox did not draw any distinction between "convincement" and "conversion," but later Quakers did; convincement became the first step in the process of conversion.

95. It was quite the reverse, at least in practice; although the Friends adhered rigorously to the principle of the priesthood of all believers, it was felt that god preferred certain "customary vessels" to transmit his message. Preachers were therefore important among the early Friends; see ibid., p. 96 and above.

96. Quoted in ibid., p. 37.

97. Hill, Century of Revolution , pp. 168-169.

98. See Isichei, Victorian Quakers , pp. 16-19 and 90 on quietism and silent meetings and pp. 3-16 and 45-53 for the evangelical reaction among Friends that led to the Beaconite schism. Isichei notes that nationally, from about 1830, the Friends were divided between evangelicals and quietists and claims that the former were in the ascendant. At Nailsworth, the quietists remained dominant; see above, n. 83, the case of Daniel Roberts, for evidence of the Nailsworth Society's hostility to enthusiasm.

99. Nuttall, Holy Spirit , p. 29. The indwelling of the Holy Spirit was accepted in principle by the radical puritans, but the Quakers added the proviso that its inspiration was continuous and was therefore reflected in daily practice.

100. See Isichei, Victorian Quakers , pp. 188-211. As the most prominent Quaker at Nailsworth, Anthony R. Fewster had involved himself in a variety of political activities, from peace activisim to protests against capital punishment and slavery. See, respectively, GRO D1548, Uncatalogued, the Fewster Papers, letters from Henry Richards (Nov. 22, 1854) and the Peace Congress (Dec. 10, 1852); letter from W. H. Hyett (March 16, 1848), on the effects of the abolition of capital punishment for forgery; and a Draft Anti-Slavery Resolution (May 28, 1832), composed for a meeting held that day by Minchinhampton residents.

101. For the association between enthusiasm and democracy in this context, see Semmel, Methodist Revolution and Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters , especially chaps. 9 and 10.

1. See Halèvy, (trans., ed. Semmel), Birth of Methodism , pp. 75-77; idem, England in 1815 , part III, chap. I for the classic formulation of the

"Halèvy thesis." See also Peter G. Foster, "Secularisation in the English Context: Some Conceptual and Empirical Problems," The Sociological Review , new ser., XX (1972), especially pp. 157-163; L. Shiner, "The Concept of Secularization in Empirical Research," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion , VI (1967): 205-220; and Martin, General Theory .

2. See chap. 3, n. 2 and n. 3; also Gilbert, Religion and Society ; Currie, et al., Churches and Churchgoers; BPP , Religious Census Report, 1852/53, vol. 1 xxxix, pp. cxxviii, cclxxxiii; and K. S. Inglis, "Patterns of Religious Worship in 1851," Journal of Ecclesiastical History , XI (1960): 82-85.

3. GRO. D2424/3, "Shortwood Baptist Church Roll, 1732-1865."

4. Women consistently outnumbered men in most evangelical movements in both Britain and America; see Gail Malmgreen, "Domestic Discords: Women and the Family in East Chesire Methodism, 1750-1830," in James Obelkevich, Lyndal Roper and Raphael Samuel, eds., Disciplines of Faith: Studies in Religion, Politics and Partriarchy (London, 1987), p. 56.

5. Evidence cited from these letters shows that migrants died or moved around a great deal and would not necessarily have received the minister's communication. A low response rate, in other words, is not automatic evidence of lack of interest among nonrespondents, assuming that the letters that survive in the archive were all that the minister had received in the first place, and this, of course, is unlikely, since some were probably lost.

6. For the sex ratio of sample members around 1850 and conversions since 1775, see tables 62 and 65.

7. GRO D2424 Uncatalogued, M. F. Munden to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

8. Ibid., Ann Jones to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

9. Ibid., Hannah Smith to T. F. Newman, March 24, 1849.

10. Ibid., Sarah Green to T. F. Newman.

11. Ibid., Charlotte Boulton to T. F. Newman, March 28, 1849.

12. Ibid., Ann and Thomas Wheeler to T. F. Newman, February 14, 1849.

7. GRO D2424 Uncatalogued, M. F. Munden to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

8. Ibid., Ann Jones to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

9. Ibid., Hannah Smith to T. F. Newman, March 24, 1849.

10. Ibid., Sarah Green to T. F. Newman.

11. Ibid., Charlotte Boulton to T. F. Newman, March 28, 1849.

12. Ibid., Ann and Thomas Wheeler to T. F. Newman, February 14, 1849.

7. GRO D2424 Uncatalogued, M. F. Munden to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

8. Ibid., Ann Jones to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

9. Ibid., Hannah Smith to T. F. Newman, March 24, 1849.

10. Ibid., Sarah Green to T. F. Newman.

11. Ibid., Charlotte Boulton to T. F. Newman, March 28, 1849.

12. Ibid., Ann and Thomas Wheeler to T. F. Newman, February 14, 1849.

7. GRO D2424 Uncatalogued, M. F. Munden to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

8. Ibid., Ann Jones to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

9. Ibid., Hannah Smith to T. F. Newman, March 24, 1849.

10. Ibid., Sarah Green to T. F. Newman.

11. Ibid., Charlotte Boulton to T. F. Newman, March 28, 1849.

12. Ibid., Ann and Thomas Wheeler to T. F. Newman, February 14, 1849.

7. GRO D2424 Uncatalogued, M. F. Munden to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

8. Ibid., Ann Jones to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

9. Ibid., Hannah Smith to T. F. Newman, March 24, 1849.

10. Ibid., Sarah Green to T. F. Newman.

11. Ibid., Charlotte Boulton to T. F. Newman, March 28, 1849.

12. Ibid., Ann and Thomas Wheeler to T. F. Newman, February 14, 1849.

7. GRO D2424 Uncatalogued, M. F. Munden to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

8. Ibid., Ann Jones to T. F. Newman, May 3, 1849.

9. Ibid., Hannah Smith to T. F. Newman, March 24, 1849.

10. Ibid., Sarah Green to T. F. Newman.

11. Ibid., Charlotte Boulton to T. F. Newman, March 28, 1849.

12. Ibid., Ann and Thomas Wheeler to T. F. Newman, February 14, 1849.

13. Michael Anderson, Family Structure in Nineteenth-Century Lanacashire (Cambridge, 1971), chap. 6.

14. GRO D2424, Uncatalogued, Matilda Robin to T. F. Newman, March 1849.

15. These remarks are quintessentially moderate-Calvinist; on one hand they demonstrate a belief in free grace independently of good works, which is Calvinistic, and on the other hand embrace the doctrine

of universal redemption, which represents a moderation of predestinarian doctrine.

16. GRO D2424, Uncatalogued, Hannah Neale to T. F. Newman, March 2, 1849; Ann Sansom to T. F. Newman, February 25, 1849; cf. Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters , pp. 125-127.

17. Minchinhampton [Baptist] Church Book, in the possession of Revd. J. Edwards, Minchinhampton Baptist Church.

18. GRO D2698, Uncatalogued, Newman Family Papers, T. F. Newman to Mayow Newman, December 16, 1851.

19. Dr. William's Library, 5106 GL 25: R. M. Newman, "A History of the Shortwood Baptist Church, 1715-1965."

20. GRO D2424/6, "Abstract of Members from the Church Roll, with a note on their attendance."

21. PRO, Home Office 107/1966; linkages were effected by comparing the names in the enumerator's lists to the names in the church roll, and ages were compared to dates of baptism. The name of any person who appeared too young to have been baptized or who died or migrated before the census was taken was discarded. Identification of more than one person in a family as a member facilitated identification of others.

22. In order to serve as independent variables, they were slightly modified; see appendix K for the list of occupations grouped into social classes and table 65 for age cohorts.

23. See Nie et al., The Statistical Package of the Social Sciences ( SPSS ), 2d ed., pp. 416-417 for a discussion of multiple classification analysis as a form of analysis of variance.

24. A regular attendant was someone who appeared at services at least once a week or fifty times a year; those who attended only "sometimes" were assigned a score of fifteen per year, and those who "never" attended were given a score of zero.

25. See the boundary map of the Vale in map I and fig. 2 (above); those residing in region II, within a two-mile radius, depicted in fig. 2, were most likely to have attended Shortwood and not the surrounding churches in Avening or Minchinhampton.

26. See table 62.

27. See Halèvy, Birth of Methodism ; Thompson, Making of the English Working Class , chap. XI; Semmel, Methodist Revolution ; and Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters .

28. BPP , Religious Census Report, 1852/53, pp. cxxviii, cclxxxiii; see also Inglis, "Patterns of Religious Worship in 1851," pp. 82-85 and Gilbert, Religion and Society , pp. 146-147.

29. By 1851 outdoor handloom weavers had become virtually extinct. In the sample there were twenty-one weavers out of eighty-nine in

class 2. The weavers were grouped together with artisans because they were a skilled class of factory worker, who regarded themselves as artisans, even if traditional designations of master, journeyman, and apprentice had ceased to apply.

30. See E. J. Hobsbawm, "Methodism and the Threat of Revolution in Britain," in Hobsbawm, Labouring Men , pp. 23-32; cf. Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters .

31. See chap. 7.

32. See E. P. Thompson, Making of the English Working Class , chap. XI.

33. See chap. 7.

34. Minchinhampton [Baptist] Church Book, List of Members, no. 315. Keynton's membership lapsed in 1848 but was restored in 1850; the record also notes that he committed suicide in 1854. Keynton's wife, Mary, was also a member (no. 316) but joined the Church of England, evidently following his death.

35. Stroud Journal , 27 May 1854. For comparison, see Olive Anderson, "Did Suicide Increase with Industrialization in Victorian England?" Past and Present , 86 (Feb. 1980), in which the author demonstrates that although no correlation existed between high suicide rates (calculated on the basis of government statistics) and industrialization, contemporaries believed that suicide occurred most frequently in industrial urban areas. For the definitive study of nineteenth-century English suicide to date, see Olive Anderson, Suicide in Victorian and Edwardian England (Oxford, 1987).

36. See chap. 5 section on age-sex structure in 1841 and 1851.

37. Cf. Thomas E. Jordan, "'Stay and Starve, or Go and Prosper!' Juvenile Emigration from Great Britain in the Nineteenth Century," Social Science History , IX (Spring 1985): 146-166, especially comparisons in tables 1 and 2.

38. Eleven of the twenty-five in the second (middle) cohort, or 44.0 percent, were unmarried.

39. The mean age of the cohort is 53.9, with a small standard deviation of 3.2, which means that most were still in early middle age. Thirty-six of the forty-four members, or 81.0 percent of the cohort, moreover, were married.

40. GRO D2424, Uncatalogued, Harriet Dangerfield to T. F. Newman, ca. 1849. According to the church roll she was baptized two years later at age twenty-four: D2424/3/1865; cf. Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters , p. 46, the example of Hannah Yeomans.

41. GRO D2424, Uncatalogued, Harriet Dangerfield to T. F. Newman, ca. 1849.

42. Her cousin, Elizabeth Dangerfield, was probably not much older, having been baptized in 1841; ibid., 3/1559.

43. Ibid., 6/1865. T. F. Newman's survey of 1852/53 records her attending services only sometimes; note Newman's own spiritual vacillations in his daily journal, D2698/2/5, 1834/35.

41. GRO D2424, Uncatalogued, Harriet Dangerfield to T. F. Newman, ca. 1849.

42. Her cousin, Elizabeth Dangerfield, was probably not much older, having been baptized in 1841; ibid., 3/1559.

43. Ibid., 6/1865. T. F. Newman's survey of 1852/53 records her attending services only sometimes; note Newman's own spiritual vacillations in his daily journal, D2698/2/5, 1834/35.

41. GRO D2424, Uncatalogued, Harriet Dangerfield to T. F. Newman, ca. 1849.

42. Her cousin, Elizabeth Dangerfield, was probably not much older, having been baptized in 1841; ibid., 3/1559.

43. Ibid., 6/1865. T. F. Newman's survey of 1852/53 records her attending services only sometimes; note Newman's own spiritual vacillations in his daily journal, D2698/2/5, 1834/35.

44. Minchinhampton [Baptist] Church Book, Minutes, July 1847.

45. Ibid., Minutes, March 1848.

44. Minchinhampton [Baptist] Church Book, Minutes, July 1847.

45. Ibid., Minutes, March 1848.

46. GRO D2424/3, Shortwood Church Roll, April 1856.

47. See table 65.

48. See chap. 3, n. 59 and text.

49. See n. 19, above; this is also reflected in the marginally significant interaction effect between class and region depicted in table 66 (92.0 percent probability).

50. See chap. 3.

51. The Baptist Union Library, London. "Records of the Baptist Home Missionary Society," Minutes, 1861-1865, Gloucester Auxiliary, p. 22: in 1861, for example, Uley Baptist Church was granted £30 and Painswick, £10.

52. Minchinchampton Baptist Church Book, Minutes, 1847.

53. GDR Will, Archer Blackwell, blacksmith, 1824.

54. GRO D2424/20. About 1,000 people attended his funeral.

55. Ibid.

54. GRO D2424/20. About 1,000 people attended his funeral.

55. Ibid.

56. Nuttall, Howel Harris , p. 13; see also Semmel, Methodist Revolution , chap. 5.

57. Semmel, ibid., pp. 115-116; cf. Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters , chap. 4.

56. Nuttall, Howel Harris , p. 13; see also Semmel, Methodist Revolution , chap. 5.

57. Semmel, ibid., pp. 115-116; cf. Valenze, Prophetic Sons and Daughters , chap. 4.

58. Avening Baptist Church Book, "Brief Account of the Building and Formation of the Small Baptist Church in the Village of Avening," in the possession of Mr. Frank Smith, Avening, Gloucestershire. The following account has been drawn from this source.

59. Stephen and Cornelius Blackwell were the descendants of John Blackwell, a prominent eighteenth-century Shortwood deacon. Both were listed as trustees of the preaching room established at Averting in 1805; in 1819, when the initial request to establish a Baptist church was made, Cornelius Blackwell added a note requesting his formal dismissal to Avening.

60. Avening Baptist Church Book, "Brief Account."

61. Ibid.

60. Avening Baptist Church Book, "Brief Account."

61. Ibid.

62. Minchinhampton (Baptist) Church Book, Minutes, 1848.

63. GDR Wills: Issac Hillier, September 7, 1886; Daniel Cook, March 8, 1838; Levi Chandler, June 17, 1869; PRO Home Office 107/1966, 1851 Census Enumerators' lists: Charles Jenkins, baker, Market

Street, Nailsworth Village, Horsley HH14, District 2; Simon Dodge, cloth spinner, Watledge, Amberley District, Minchinhampton, HH35; Simon Dodge's entire family were members and regular attenders of Shortwood; GRO D2424/3 and 6/1075, 1085, 1730, 1759 and 1608.

64. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , p. 43.

65. Shortwood Burial Register, 1808 to the present, in the possession of Mrs. B. Mills, Newmarket House, Nailsworth, Gloucestershire. Between 1838 and 1853, no members appear to be recorded in the register, which explains the chronological gap in table 68.

66. In table 68 t = 1.85, df = 41; t > 1.680 to be significant at the 0.05 level.

67. GRO D2424, Uncatalogued, Letters from Leonard Smith to T. F. Newman, September 20 and 28, ca. 1850.

68. Stroud Baptist Church Book, 1824-1868; in the possesstion of Revd. J. A. Baker, The Manse, Folly Lane, Stroud, Gloucestershire.

69. Quoted in G. F. Nuttall, Howell Harris , p. 17; cf. L. P. Curtis, Anglican Moods in the Eighteenth Century (Hamden, Conn., 1966).

70. See appendix M, convenant of 1735 for general guidelines.

71. GRO D2424, Uncatalogued, March 26, 1849.

72. See table 64.

73. GRO D2424/1, Shortwood Minute Book, 1732-1800.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.; March 17, 1765; October 6, 1765; October 3, 1782; July 14, 1782; December 20, 1792; September 24, 1780; June 26, 1794; August 12, 1798; August 26, 1792; August 12, 1798; September 28, 1790; April 17, 1791. Only forty-two exclusions over the entire course of Francis's ministry took place.

73. GRO D2424/1, Shortwood Minute Book, 1732-1800.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.; March 17, 1765; October 6, 1765; October 3, 1782; July 14, 1782; December 20, 1792; September 24, 1780; June 26, 1794; August 12, 1798; August 26, 1792; August 12, 1798; September 28, 1790; April 17, 1791. Only forty-two exclusions over the entire course of Francis's ministry took place.

73. GRO D2424/1, Shortwood Minute Book, 1732-1800.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.; March 17, 1765; October 6, 1765; October 3, 1782; July 14, 1782; December 20, 1792; September 24, 1780; June 26, 1794; August 12, 1798; August 26, 1792; August 12, 1798; September 28, 1790; April 17, 1791. Only forty-two exclusions over the entire course of Francis's ministry took place.

73. GRO D2424/1, Shortwood Minute Book, 1732-1800.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid.; March 17, 1765; October 6, 1765; October 3, 1782; July 14, 1782; December 20, 1792; September 24, 1780; June 26, 1794; August 12, 1798; August 26, 1792; August 12, 1798; September 28, 1790; April 17, 1791. Only forty-two exclusions over the entire course of Francis's ministry took place.

77. Quoted in Nuttall, "Questions and Answers," p. 85.

78. GRO D2698/2/15, Sermons of T. F. Newman, 1849-1852. A number of sermons in the early part of 1849 deal with the theme of the uncertainty of life and the imminence of death and the consequent need for preparation; a sermon in 1850 stressed the need to maintain diligence, virtue, temperance, and patience (August 11,1850).

79. Ibid., D2698/2/13, July 10, 1842.

80. Ibid. Metaphorically, according to Newman, the laborers hired later in the day symbolized the Christians and those hired in the morning, the Jews; alternatively, they could symbolize individuals who received grace later in life, when more mature and implicitly more worthy. In this manner, Newman gave new meaning to the biblical dictum that the "last shall come first."

78. GRO D2698/2/15, Sermons of T. F. Newman, 1849-1852. A number of sermons in the early part of 1849 deal with the theme of the uncertainty of life and the imminence of death and the consequent need for preparation; a sermon in 1850 stressed the need to maintain diligence, virtue, temperance, and patience (August 11,1850).

79. Ibid., D2698/2/13, July 10, 1842.

80. Ibid. Metaphorically, according to Newman, the laborers hired later in the day symbolized the Christians and those hired in the morning, the Jews; alternatively, they could symbolize individuals who received grace later in life, when more mature and implicitly more worthy. In this manner, Newman gave new meaning to the biblical dictum that the "last shall come first."

78. GRO D2698/2/15, Sermons of T. F. Newman, 1849-1852. A number of sermons in the early part of 1849 deal with the theme of the uncertainty of life and the imminence of death and the consequent need for preparation; a sermon in 1850 stressed the need to maintain diligence, virtue, temperance, and patience (August 11,1850).

79. Ibid., D2698/2/13, July 10, 1842.

80. Ibid. Metaphorically, according to Newman, the laborers hired later in the day symbolized the Christians and those hired in the morning, the Jews; alternatively, they could symbolize individuals who received grace later in life, when more mature and implicitly more worthy. In this manner, Newman gave new meaning to the biblical dictum that the "last shall come first."

81. See chap. 6, the example of Thomas Cole, and chap. 7, the post-

1826 strike period.

82. GRO D2698/2/13, sermon on Acts XX: 35 (Collection for the Poor), December 15, 1844.

83. GRO MF 461/1, Shortwood Baptist Church Records, Misc. D2424, acc. 3546. Minutes of the Nailsworth Tabernacle, 1866/67.

84. Smythe, Chronicles of Shortwood , pp. 81-82.

85. See above, n. 2.

1. Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society , p. 313.

2. Ibid., pp. 1-2.

1. Obelkevich, Religion and Rural Society , p. 313.

2. Ibid., pp. 1-2.

3. See Mandler, "Making of the New Poor Law," in which the author argues an old case with a new twist, namely, that paternalist values among the gentry had succumbed to the new ethos of classical liberalism in the early decades of the nineteenth century; his new twist is that the gentry did not require middle-class tutelage to arrive at this position. The argument advanced in this study, to the contrary, emphasizes the existence of a liberal paternalism among the gentry, which reconciled patriarchalism with individualism and could be traced back to John Locke. During the early nineteenth century, we see a shift within this synthesis to accommodate greater scope for the market, not the wholesale abandonment of paternalism.

4. For a cogent restatement of this thesis, see Charlesworth and Randall, "Comment: Morals, Markets and the English Crowd," p. 212.

5. The most recent study of village riots in England during the early modern period suggests the possibility of "aristocratic manipulation or gentry factionalism complicat[ing] the picture" of village revolts; see Manning, Village Revolts , p. 2.