1. Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990).

2. John Ruskin, Modern Painters, in The Works of John Ruskin, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn (London: George Allen, 1904-12), 3:4.16.28.

3. Thomas Carlyle, On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History, in The Works of Thomas Carlyle (New York: Scribner, 1899-1901), 1:104.

4. John Stuart Mill, "Tennyson's Poems," in Literary Essays, ed. Edward Alexander (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1967), 105.

5. "On Some of the Characteristics of Modern Poetry and on the Lyrical Poems of Alfred Tennyson," in The Writings of Arthur Hallam, ed. T. H. Vail Motter (New York: MLA, 1943), 186-87.

6. In Henry James, "The Art of Fiction," in Literary Criticism (New York: Library of America, 1984), 53.

7. George Eliot, Adam Bede (Boston: Houghton Mufflin, 1968), 152 (chapter 27).

8. Thomas Hardy, as quoted in Ian Gregor, introduction to The Woodlanders (London: Penguin, 1981), 13.

9. Sec Crary, 3-19, for an account of the two arguments based in art history and the history of technology. Similar arguments can be made about literary history.

10. (Princeton: Princeton University Press), 1983.

11. Some sample titles are Richard Altick, Paintings From Books: Art and Literature in Britain, 1760-1900 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1985); Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1860 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986); Rhoda L. Flaxman, Victorian Word Painting and Narrative: Toward the Blending of Genres (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, 1987); Peter Galassi, Before Photography: Painting and the Invention of Photography (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1981); Michael Irwin, Picturing: Description and Illusion in the Nineteenth-Century Novel (London: Allen and Unwin, 1979); George Landow, William Holman Hunt and Typological Symbolism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979); Richard L. Stein, The Ritual of Interpretation: The Fine Arts as Literature in Ruskin, Rossetti, and Pater (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975); Herbert Sussman, Fact and Fiction: Typology in Carlyle, Ruskin, and the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1979).

12. Jacques Lacan, The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psycho-Analysis, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Norton, 1981); Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage Books, 1979); Guy Debord, Society of the Spectacle, rev, edition (Detroit: Black and Red, 1977).

13. Roland Barthes, Mythologies, trans. Annette Lavers (London: Jonathan Cape, 1972); Image—Music—Text, trans. Stephen Heath (New York: Hill and Wang, 1977); Camera Lucida, trans. Stephen Heath (New York: Hill and Wang, 1981).

14. Martin Jay, "Scopic Regimes of Modernity," in Vision and Visuality, ed. Hal Foster (Seattle: Bay Press, 1988). This volume also contains relevant essays by Jonathan Crary, Rosalind Krauss, Norman Bryson, and Jacqueline Rose.

15. See especially Svetlana Alpers, The Art Of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); Mieke Bal, Reading Rembrandt: Beyond the Word-Image Opposition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Norman Bryson, Word and Image: French Painting of the Ancien Régime (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), Vision and Painting: The Logic of the Gaze (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983), and Tradition and Desire: From David to Delacroix (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); Michael Fried, Absorption and Theatricality: Painting and Beholder in the Age of Diderot (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980), and Realism, Writing, Disfiguration: On Thomas Eakins and Stephen Crane (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). In her first chapter, Ba] provides a useful summary of recent work and of central methodological issues in the field of word-and-image studies.

16. See, in particular, W. T. J. Mitchell, Iconology: Image, Text, Ideology (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), which analyzes various theoretical answers to the questions what is an image and what is the difference between images and words; and Murray Krieger, Ekphrasis: The Illusion of the Natural Sign (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), which argues that the ekphrastic impulse in literary theory is companion to the semiotic desire for the natural sign. For a more distinctly post-structuralist approach to the relationship between word and image, see Françoise Meltzer, Salomé and the Dance of Writing: Portraits of Mimesis in Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); and J. Hillis Miller, Illustration (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992).

17. George Eliot, Middlemarch (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1956), 194-95 (chapter 27).

18. Walter Pater, The Renaissance (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980), 186-87.

19. Alexander Welsh, Strong Representations: Narrative and Circumstantial Evidence in England (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), ix.

1. Dombey and Son, p. 34. This and other references to Dickens's novels are to volumes in the Oxford Illustrated Edition. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

2. Jonathan Crary, "Modernizing Vision," in Vision and Visuality, ed. Hal Foster, Dia Art Foundation Discussions in Contemporary Culture, vol. 2. (Seattle: Bay Press, 1988), 34-35.

3. A staple in the discourse of recent art history, the word visuality does not refer either just to the visual or to the physiological characteristics of vision. To use the word visuality rather than the word vision is to signal an attempt to problematize the act of seeing and to turn into a field of inquiry such issues as how human beings construct and then construe both their seeing and their being seen and, in particular, the ways in which artists take as their subject the nature of seeing itself.

4. Rosalind Krauss, The Originality of the Avant-Garde and Other Modernist Myths (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1985), 163.

5. Richard Altick, in The Shows of London (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), notes that phantasmagorias opened in London as early as late 1801 or early 1802 and remained popular there for the next two decades (217-18). In Movement in Two Dimensions: A Study of the Animated and Projected Pictures Which Preceded the Invention of Cinematography (London: Hutchinson, 1963), Olive Cook suggests that slides like those described here were extremely popular from 1820 to 1895 (20, 88ff.).

6. In her "Phantasmagoria: Spectral Technology and the Metaphorics of Modern Reverie," Critical Inquiry 15, no. 1 (1988): 26-65, Terry Castle suggests that the phantasmagoria had been invented at precisely the moment in Western history when actual belief in ghosts was giving way to scientific rationalism. By the early nineteenth century, ghosts and specters came to be seen, not as "out there," but as "in here,'' in the mind, Walter Cooper Denby's Philosophy of Mystery (1841) proclaiming "only a difference in degree'' between an idea and a phantom (57). In the "Natural Supernaturalism" section of Sartor Resartus Carlyle refers to the very Cock Lane ghost that Castle suggests had faded from popular belief by the 1760s, insisting nonetheless that "there are nigh a thousand-million walking the Earth openly at noontide" ( Sartor Resartus, ed. Kerry McSweeney and Peter Sabor [New York: Oxford University Press, 1987], 200).

7. Baudelaire and Marx and Engels, as quoted in Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990), 114.

8. Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor, ed. Victor Neuburg (New York: Penguin, 1985), 343.

9. See Altick, 165.

10. See Helmet Gernsheim, The Origins of Photography (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1982), for numerous beautiful daguerreotypes or color slides of such nudes or seminudes from the 1850s, designed for use in stereoscopic viewers.

11. See Crary, "Modernizing Vision," 30-31.

12. See Crary, Techniques of the Observer, 30-34.

13. Quoted in Jennifer M. Green, "In Pursuit of Wild Models: P. J. Emerson Frames the Norfolk Broads," Dickens Project, Santa Cruz (August 1992).

14. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The German Ideology, trans. S. Ryazanskaya (Moscow: Professional Publishers, 1964), 11-13.

15. Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire (New York: International Publishers, 1964), 20.

16. Cook, Movement in Two Dimensions, 88.

17. Helmut Gernsheim and Alison Gernsheim, The History of Photography: From the Earliest Use of the Camera Obscura in the Eleventh Century up to 1914 (London: Oxford University Press, 1955), 1.

18. Cook, 24.

19. Ibid., 28.

20. Thomas Carlyle, Sartor Resartus, 126.

21. Quoted in Cook, 77.

22. Quoted in Cook, 19.

23. Rosalind Krauss, "The Im/Pulse to See," in Vision and Visuality, ed. Foster, 58.

24. Crary, Techniques of the Observer, 69.

25. See Terry Eagleton, The Ideology of the Aesthetic (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990); Barbara Claire Freeman, "The Rise of the Sublime: Sacrifice and Misogyny in Eighteenth-Century Aesthetics," Yale Journal of Criticism 5, no. 3 (1991): 81-99; and Vassilis Lambropoulos, "Violence and the Liberal Imagination: The Representation of Hellenism in Matthew Arnold," in The Violence of Representation: Literature and the History of Violence, ed. Nancy Armstrong and Leonard Tennenhouse (New York: Roudedge, 1989). Each of these critics considers how writers' invoking of the sublime sacrifices, subordinates, or, as Freeman suggests, "scapegoats'' the imagination.

26. Marx and Engels, The German Ideology, 23.

27. Ibid., 55.

28. Ibid., 43.

29. Karl Marx, The Gründrisse, ed. and trans. David McLellan (New York: Harper and Row, 1971), 47.

30. Oscar Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray, in The Complete Works of Oscar Wilde, intro. Vyvyan Holland (New York: Harper and Row, 1989), 32.

31. Ibid., 43.

32. That Whoopi Goldberg would undoubtedly refer to the top slide of Figure 4 as an instance of "Negrobilia" should not pass unnoticed here, suggesting as it does another piece of the relation between Victorians and the visual that cries out for exploration: how representations of people of color in popular entertainments contributed to Europeans' construction of others. This topic is explored most notably by Sander Gilman in "Black Bodies, White Bodies: Toward an Iconography of Female Sexuality in Late Nineteenth-Century Art, Medicine, and Literature," Critical Inquiry 12, no. 1 (1985): 204-42; reprinted in Difference and Pathology: Stereotypes of Sexuality, Race, and Madness (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985).

33. Cook, 31.

34. Honoré de Balzac, Le Père Goriot (Paris: Éditions Gamier Frères, n.d.), 62-63. "As a consequence of the recent invention of the optical illusion called the Diorama, which had quite surpassed the earlier Panoramas, artists and their friends had taken to ending every word they thought fit with 'rama.' A young painter . . . had infected his fellow guests with the habit. 'Well, Monsieur-r-r Poiret, . . . how is your little healthorama?' A bit later, Vautrin observes, 'It's desperately chillyorama,' to which Bianchon retorts, 'Why do you call it coldorama? There's just a little nipporama in the air?'"

35. Cook, Movement in Two Dimensions, 89.

36. Ibid., 40.

37. See Cook, 36-46. Only one of these buildings was still standing as of 1965, Daguerre's London Diorama at Park Square East, Regent's Park, which first opened in 1823. John Nash designed its facade and Augustus Pugin the Elder its rotunda.

38. Christian Metz, The Imaginary Signifier: Psychoanalysis and the Cinema, trans. Celia Britton, Annwyl Williams, Ben Brewster, and Alfred Guzzetti (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977), 7.

39. Wilkie Collins, The Woman in White, ed. Julian Symons (London: Penguin, 1974), 512. See also The Moonstone, ed. J. I. M. Stewart (London: Penguin, 1966).

40. See Cook, 14-15.

41. Ibid., 81-83. Dissolving slides depicting the evils of drink designed for magic lanterns were popular on both sides of the Atlantic. Numerous collectors have a slide like the one reproduced here as Figure 6.

42. Cook, 85.

43. E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Vintage Books, 1966), 740.

44. In his Musical Memoirs, published in 1830, W. D. Parke describes a collaboration between Philip Jacob de Loutherbourg and the painter Gainsborough to produce at the Eidophusikon a performance entitled "Satan Arraying His Troops." Its realistic fake storm, with thunder and lightning, made it especially popular. There was real thunder and lightning outside the theater during one performance. Olive Cook reports that "some of the spectators were terrified, believing this to be a warning sent by God against presumption. . . . But Loutherbourg was transported with pleasure. 'By God, Gainsborough,' he cried, seizing the painter by the arm, 'our thunder's best!'" (30).

45. Craig Owens (quoting Heidegger), "The Discourse of Others: Feminism and Post-Modernism," in The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Post-Modern Culture, ed. Hal Foster (Seattle: Bay Press, 1983), 66.

46. T. J. Clark, The Painting of Modern Life: Paris in the Art of Manet and His Followers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 63.

47. Louis Althusser, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes toward an Investigation)," in Lenin and Philosophy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), 174.

1. Alfred, Lord Tennyson, "To E. L., on His Travels in Greece," quoted in Ruth Pitman, Edward Lear's Tennyson (Manchester: Carcanet, 1988), 17.

2. Throughout The Artist and the Author Cruikshank stresses the "partnership" of these productions, as opposed to those other times when his role is that of an illustrator of Ainsworth's or Dickens's ideas. The Artist and the Author originally appeared as a letter in the Times, and then as a pamphlet: George Cruikshank, The Artist and the Author: A Statement of Facts, by the Artist George Cruikshank: proving that the Distinguished Author, Mr. W. Harrison Ainsworth is "labouring under a singular delusion" with respect to the origin of ''The Miser's Daughter," ''The Tower of London," etc., 2nd edition (Covent Garden: Bell and Daldy, 1872).

3. What follows in the next four paragraphs is paraphrased and expanded from my article "The Art of Seeing: Dickens in the Visual Market," in Literature in the Marketplace: Nineteenth-Century British Publishing and Reading Practices, ed. John O. Jordan and Robert L. Patten (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).

4. Copybooks are a neglected area of research for this structural foundation of word and image association. Ambrose Heal's The English Writing-Masters and Their copy-Books, 1570-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1931), is an early biographical dictionary on the tradition of writing masters. See also Stanley Morison, American Copy Books: An Outline of Their History to Modern Times (Philadelphia: W. M. Fell, 1951); and Vivian Henry Crellin's master's thesis on the history of the copybook, and the copybook line, "The Teaching of Writing and the Use of Copybooks in Schools," University of London, 1976. Stanley Morison's numerous texts on handwriting provide historical links between the visual arts and text (see also his introduction to Heal's book). Molly Nesbit has presented research on the subject of French educational training in drawing and line work, particularly as regards the teaching of art and language, and its influence on painters like Picasso, Braque, and Duchamp ("The Language of Industry," During Lawrence Lectures, University College London, May 1991). These lectures enabled me to develop my own thoughts and research in this area; portions of Nesbit's lectures have been published as "The Language of Industry," in The Definitively Unfinished Marcel Duchamp, ed. Thierry De Dove (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991), 351-94.

5. Gilbert Malcolm Sproat, Education of the Rural Poor (London: Robert John Bush, 1870), 33.

6. For a discussion of the role of writing in Dickens's novels, see Murray Baumgarten, "Calligraphy and Code: Writing in Great Expectations, " Dickens Studies Annual 11 (1983): 61-72, and "Writing and David Copperfield, " Dickens Studies Annual 14 (1985): 39-59.

7. The Universal Instructor; or, Self Culture for All, 3 vols. (London: Ward Lock, 1880-84).

8. See Albert Boime's discussion of drawing schools in his Art in the Age of Revolution, 1750-1800, vol. 1 of A Social History of Modern Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), particularly his section on William Blake (309-12).

9. See Boime, 320.

10. An excellent example of the lettering used by signwriters can be found in the color plates of William Sutherland's Practical Guide to Sign Writing (1860), reproduced in A. J. Lewery, Signwritten Art (London: David and Charles, 1989), 17. Henry Mayhew mentions street stencilers in London Labour and the London Poor, 4 vols. (1861-62; reprint, New York: Dover, 1968), 1:4.

11. Mayhew, 3:213-14. Mayhew also discusses the "Screevers or Writers of Begging-Letters and Petitions" who supplied the illiterate with begging letters (1:311) and a "Chalker on Flagstones" who did images of Napoleon and Christ for a living (3:214).

12. Martin Meisel, Realizations: Narrative, Pictorial, and Theatrical Arts in Nineteenth-Century England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 33.

13. Advertisement for the Illustrated London News, in serial issue of Charles Dickens, Martin Chuzzlewit (London: Chapman and Hall), no. 1 (January 1843), 12.

14. William Andrew Chatto, "Wood-Engraving: Its History and Practice," Illustrated London News, 20 April 1844, 251.

15. John Ruskin, "Academy Notes, 1875," in The Lamp of Beauty, ed. Joan Evans (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1959), 136. Ruskin goes on to compare the Academy show of 1875 to "a large coloured Illustrated Times folded in saloons,—the splendidest May number of the Graphic, shall we call it?" (135). The best work of the year, he declares, is a watercolor illustration to a story by the woodblock engraver Mrs. Allingham (136).

16. E. Seymour, in a letter reprinted in Hippisley Tuckfield, Education for the People (London: Taylor Walton, 1839), 150. For maps that display unusual combinations of words and images, particularly from the nineteenth century, see Gillian Hill, Cartographical Curiosities (London: British Library, 1978). Noteworthy examples reproduced in Hill's text include "Hunting in Troubled Waters" (plate 58), where figures and text are used to make up European countries, and the Bellman's map in Lewis Carroll's Hunting of the Snark .

17. Copybooks from the Bowles School, circa 1820-30, are in the Dickens House Museum, London.

18. Examples of copybooks from the Bowles School (see n. 57) showing such flourishes are housed in the Dickens House Museum, London.

19. Isaac Disraeli, Curiosities of Literature, quoted in Heal, The English Writing-Masters and Their Copy-Books, xvi.

20. The painter Thomas Eakins (1844-1916) was the son of a writing master.

21. Walter Crane, Line and Form (London: George Bell and Sons, 1912), 23.

22. Ibid., 4.

23. Ibid., 6.

24. Jack Stephens, Curator of the Alexander Graham Bell National Historic Site, Baddeck, Nova Scotia, has kindly provided information on this unique system.

25. I am presently researching the numerous images of scribes, and the transcultural importance of showing the moment of the trace, in cultures ranging from ancient Egypt to the Victorian period.

26. Wilkie Collins, The Woman in White (London: Oxford University Press, 1975), 372-73.

27. James Isham's book is in the Hudson Bay Archives, Winnipeg, Manitoba; Tom Koppel, "Treasure-Trove of History," Canadian Geographic, (October/November 1991), shows a photograph of Isham's book (72).

28. Illustrated London News, 10 February 1952, 208, 209; Christian Science Monitor (Boston), 7 February 1912.

29. Joss Marsh (Stanford University), who kindly provided me with this information, also noted du Maurier's importance to the issue of the interrelatedness of the drawn and written line. In 1992 a record price of $1.3 million was set in the United States for a signed portion of a manuscript by Abraham Lincoln.

30. Autographic Mirror (issued from 1865; n.d. for this issue), 130.

31. Autographic Mirror, 26 August 1865, quotation on 37, image on 71.

32. Philip Gilbert Hamerton, The Graphic Arts: A Treatise on the Varieties of Drawing, Painting, and Engraving (London: Seeley, Jackson and Halliday, 1882), 13.

33. Ibid., 302.

34. Stephen Bann, The Clothing of Clio (London: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 155.

35. See Wayne Senner, "Theories and Myths on the Origins of Writing: A Historical Overview," in The Origins of Writing, ed. Wayne Senner (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 2, 15.

36. The disruption was not absolute. See, for example, The Dial magazine, published by Charles Ricketts and Charles Shannon, with its stylized plates and text, or the expensive and limited publications of the Kelmscott Press.

37. The poem, entitled "George Cruikshank," is signed V.V.D.D. (it appears on the verso of the contents page). Cruikshank's name appeared prominently in the magazine's promotion. Ainsworth's Magazines 1 (June 1842): n.p.

38. James McNeill Whistler, Ten O'Clock Lecture (London: Chatto and Windus, 1888), 17-18.

39. Joseph Pennell, The Illustration of Books (London: Unwin, 1896), II, 26: Pennell believed a second renaissance for the illustrator would emerge out of the present "dark moment" (11); see also his Pen Drawing and Pen Draughtsmanship (London: Macmillan, 1889), 2, 306-07. Henry Blackburn, "Cantor Lectures on the Art of Book and Newspaper Illustration," Journal of the Royal Society of Arts (27 November and 4 and 11 December 1893), 4, 11.

40. William Henry Fox Talbot, The Pencil of Nature (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1844); for the text of the notice, see Robert Lassam, Fox Talbot: Photographer (Dorset: Dovecote Press, 1979), 22.

41. Quotation provided by Aynsley MacFarlene (Area Interpretation Officer), Alexander Graham Bell National Historic Site, Baddeck, Nova Scotia.

42. Blackburn, "Cantor Lectures," 2.

43. Blackburn, "The Art of Illustration," Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 23 (12 March 1875), 373.

44. See Leonee Ormond, George Du Maurier (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969).

45. Mary Barton, "Art Teaching in Schools," in Transactions of the National Association for the Advancement of Art and Its Application to Industry: Edinburgh Meeting (London, 1890), 438, 444.

46. Ibid., 444.

47. Walter Crane, Of the Decorative Illustration of Books Old and New (London: George Bell and Sons, 1896), 5.

48. Walter Crane, Ideals in Art: Papers Theoretical, Practical, Critical (London: George Bell and Sons, 1905), 90. See also Crane, Of the Decorative Illustration of Books, 208.

49. William Holman Hunt, "The Proper Mode and Study of Drawing.—1: Addressed to Students," Magazine of Art 14 (1891): 81, 83.

50. Blackburn, "Cantor Lectures," 15-16.

1. The change in style that signaled the subordination of image to text was in part caused by, and was indicative of, the increasing industrialization of book production itself. With the move from monthly publication to weekly serialization in magazines such as the Graphic, fiction became part of a proto-assembly line. Not only did authors find their labor increasingly controlled by the magazine, and its intended readers, but illustrations were often produced piecemeal. The sketching and engraving of an illustration could proceed simultaneously, with each section passed along after drafting to the engraver, so that neither artist perceived or controlled the whole; thus the ''artist'' disappears into the technician. See N. N. Feltes, Modes of Production of Victorian Novels (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 65.

2. Beardsley and Morris are exceptions to this tendency: Beardsley's "decorations" are distinctly shocking while Morris's illustrated works, such as the Kelmscott Chaucer, harken back to Blake and illuminated manuscripts, not George Cruikshank. But neither artist really involves his images with the narrative process, as Thackeray or Cruikshank did. Thus their excessive decorativeness excludes them from my consideration here.

3. Actually Cruikshank advanced this claim in the 1870s. Shelton Mackenzie first reported it in the American Roundtable, and then Cruikshank seconded it in The Artist and the Author in 1872 (Hilary Evans and Mary Evans, The Life and Art of George Cruikshank, 1792-1878 [New York: Phillips, 1978], 92-96).

4. J. H. Stonehouse, Catalogue of the Libraries of Charles Dickens and W. M. Thackeray (London, 1935). See especially the section "Relics from the Library of W. M. Thackeray," 163-82. For a list of Thackeray's prepublication drawings, done while he was a child and at Cambridge, see Lewis Melville, "Thackeray as Artist," Connoisseur 8 (1904): 25-31, 152-55.

5. J. R. Harvey, Victorian Novelists and Their Illustrators (New York: New York University Press, 1971); Joan Stevens, "Thackeray's Pictorial Capitals," Costerus: Essays in English and American Language and Literature, n.s. 2 (1974): 113-40, and "Thackeray's Vanity Fair, " Review of English Literature 6 (1965): 19-38; Patricia Sweeney, "Thackeray's Best Illustrator," Costerus: Essays in English and American Language and Literature, n.s. 2 (1974): 83-112. Subsequent citations of Harvey's and Stevens's works are given parenthetically in the text.

6. Thackeray drew three kinds of illustrations: pictorial capitals at the beginning of a chapter, usually metaphoric; intratextual illustrations deliberately placed to affect the reading of the text; and full-page illustrations, with titles that seem to be simple realizations of the text. Meisel notes that Thackeray's full-page illustrations are most closely bound by the conventions of straightforward "realization," but there are quite a few exceptions to this rule besides the familiar "Second Appearance of Clytemnestra," especially if one takes Meisel's own advice to look for Thackeray's illustrations as embodiments of states of mind or feeling (Martin Meisel, Realizations: Narrative, Pictorial, and Theatrical Arts in Nineteenth-Century England [Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983], 335; subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text).

7. Henry Kingsley, "Thackeray," Macmillans 9 (1864): 360. Kingsley, in nineteenth-century terms, also confronts the paradoxical experiential realism created by Thackeray's self-conscious mode. Vanity Fair merged its fiction with its readers' lives so well that Kingsley felt it "had taken entire possession of us and of the world. Through the exquisite perfection of the art, the art itself was not only ignored, but indignantly denied" (357).

8. The editions of Vanity Fair and Pendennis cited in this essay are those issued by Garland Publishing, complete with all illustrations. All citations are given parenthetically in the text ( Vanity Fair, ed. Peter L. Shillingsburg [New York, 1989]; The History of Pendennis, ed. Peter L. Shillingsburg [New York, 1991]).

9. This is a fairly traditional function for book illustration. Cruikshank, for example, often composed his illustrations from the point of view of one or more characters. A familiar instance of this technique is the illustration "Fagin in the Condemned Cell" for Oliver Twist, where we see the cowering Fagin from Oliver's and Mr. Brownlow's sympathetic point of view.

10. W. M. Thackeray, "Caricatures and Lithography In Paris," Fraser's Magazine 32 (1839): 295-300.

11. The ensuing conversation about the "moral sheepdog" and "shearing" Lord Southdown affirms the moral judgment of readers.

12. As Nina Auerbach notes, the publicness of nineteenth-century life demanded acting that did not seem to be acting: "To be was to be seen" (Nina Auerbach, Private Theatricals [Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990], 32). Meisel discusses the handbooks for theater style in Realizations, part 1. Henry Siddons's Practical Illustrations of Rhetorical Gesture and Action is actually an adaptation of M. Engels's German handbook. Siddons was the son of Sarah Siddons. The numbering of the illustrations is from an 1822 edition of Siddons's handbook.

13. Robert Colby, Thackeray's Canvass of Humanity: An Author and His Public (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1979), 235.

14. Catherine Peters, Thackeray's Universe: Shifting Worlds of Imagination and Reality (Boston: Faber and Faber, 1987), 169. Peters identifies the church in the frontispiece as the one in Ottery St. Mary, an identification made earlier by S. M. Ellis, who explained it as "an allegorical fancy that amid all the vanities and sins and turmoil of life there remain in the background of memory scenes from far-off happy days of youth and innocence and peace" ("Thackeray's Illustrations: Their Personal and Topographical Interest," Athenaeum [September 1916]: 404).

15. John Loofbourow, Thackeray and the Form of Fiction (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964).

16. The Letters and Private Papers of William Makepeace Thackeray, ed. Gordon Ray, 4 vols. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1946-54), 2:423.

17. For an excellent discussion of the necessity for role-playing that does not, however, consider the visual role-playing of illustrations, see Edgar F. Harden, "Theatricality in Pendennis, " Ariel 4 (1973): 74-94.

18. English pantomime developed from commedia dell' arte and was a favorite Christmas entertainment. Usually, the play began as a mimetic comedy or burlesque with old Pantaloon, aided by Clown, tying to thwart the love of Harlequin and Columbine. At a crucial moment in the action, the Good Fairy would descend with the magic bat and she or Harlequin (after she gave him the bat) would transform the scene into a harlequinade, an acrobatic chase culminating in the shift of the entire set into a fantasy world. Thackeray suggests some of the extravagance of this transformation scene in the title and beginning of the last chapter of The Adventures of Philip, "The Realms of Bliss."

19. W. M. Thackeray, "Swift," in The Four Georges and the English Humourists, Everyman's Library (New York: Dutton, 1968), 3-4.

20. Donald Hannah, "The Author's Own Candles': The Significance of the Illustrations to Vanity Fair, " Renaissance and Modern Essays Presented to Vivian de Sola Pinto (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966), 127.

21. Amy Wilkinson calls such haphazard collection of information a "Tomeavesian" way of knowing the world, after Tom Eaves, a convenient gossip in Vanity Fair who provides the "narrator" with much of his information about high society (Amy Wilkinson, "The Tomeavesian Way of Knowing the World: Technique and Meaning in Vanity Fair, " English Literary History 32 (1965): 370-87. Wilkinson's emphasis is less on these multiple conflicting voices than on the way that gossip, as an epistemology, constructs its own truth, obviating any truth of event.

22. Jerry Williamson, "Thackeray's Mirror," Tennessee Studies in Literature 22 (1977): 134.

1. Peter Henry Emerson, with T. F. Goodall, Life and Landscape on the Norfolk Broads (London, 1886), preface. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

2. See, for example, Nancy Newhall, P. H. Emerson: The Fight for Photography as a Fine Art (New York: Aperture, 1975), 141.

3. Peter Henry Emerson, Naturalistic Photography for Students of the Art (London, 1889; 2nd edition, 1890; reprint, New York: Arno, 1973), 210.

4. Peter Henry Emerson, "Science and Art," a paper read to the third annual Camera Club conference, 26 March 1889; published in the American Journal of Photography (May 1889): 170-75; reprinted in the British Journal of Photography, 12 August 1889, 252-55, and 19 August 1889, 269-70; and in Naturalistic Photography, 2nd edition (1890).

5. Peter Henry Emerson, Naturalistic Photography for Students of the Art, 3rd edition, revised (London, 1899).

6. Photographic News, 19 August 1887, 514.

7. Newhall, 5. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

8. Carol Fabricant, Swift's Landscape (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982), 1.

9. John Barrell, The Idea of Landscape and the Sense of Place, 1730-1840: An Approach to the Poetry of John Clare (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 1.

10. "Figures in Landscapes," British Journal of Photography, 13 May 1887, 291.

11. Andrew Pringle, "Selection in Landscape," British Journal of Photography, 17 September 1886, 585.

12. Henry Peach Robinson, The Elements of a Pictorial Photograph (London, 1896; reprint, New York: Arno, 1973), 104. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

13. John Barrell, The Dark Side of the Landscape: The Rural Poor in English Painting, 1750-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), 92. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

14. As Ellen Handy observes, Emerson's photographs at times resemble Constable's works as Barrell describes them, with laborers represented indistinctly, as only a part of the landscape; the artist, writes Barrell, hides "the poor in the middle ground, where we can see their labour but not their expressions" ( The Dark Side of the Landscape, 21; Ellen Handy, "Art and Science in P. H. Emerson's Naturalistic Vision," in British Photography in the Nineteenth Century: The Fine Art Tradition, ed. Mike Weaver [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989], 190).

15. Life and Landscape: P. H. Emerson: Art and Photography in East Anglia, 1885-1900, exhibition catalogue, ed. Neil McWilliam and Veronica Sekules (Sainsbury Center for Visual Arts, University of East Anglia, 1986), 28.

16. Thomas Hardy, Tess of the D'Urbervilles [1891] (New York: Penguin, 1978), 151.

17. See Handy for a more elaborate and helpful reading of this photograph, 185-87. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

18. Elizabeth Eastlake, "Photography," Quarterly Review 101 (London; April 1857): 466. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

19. Wolfgang Kemp, "Images of Decay: Photography in the Picturesque Tradition," October 54 (1990): 104.

20. Kemp, 105, quoting Walter John Hipple, The Beautiful, the Sublime and the Picturesque in Eighteenth-Century British Aesthetic Theory (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1957), 210.

21. Kemp, 105, quoting John Constable, Memoirs of the Life of John Constable, ed. Charles Robert Leslie and Andrew Shirley (London: Medici Society, 1937), 118.

22. Peter Henry Emerson, Pictures of East Anglian Life (London, 1888), 119.

23. Kemp, 107, quoting John Ruskin, Modern Painters (London: J. M. Dent, 1906), 9-10.

24. Photographic News, 19 August 1887, 515.

25. Amateur Photographer, 25 March 1887, 145.

26. Photographic News, 19 August 1887, 514.

27. Henry Peach Robinson, Letters on Landscape Photography (London, 1888; reprint, New York: Arno, 193), 12.

28. Journal of the Photographic Society, 3 March 1853, 6.

29. O. E. Rejlander, "Desultory Reflections on Photography and Art," Year-Book of Photography, and Photographic New's Almanac (London, 1866), 46.

30. Journal of the Photographic Society, 21 April 1853, 44.

31. "Our Illustration," American Journal of Photography (February 1887): 30.

32. "Science and Art," American Journal of Photography (May 1889): 172.

33. John Bartlett, "The Short-comings of Photography in Relation to Art," American Journal of Photography (December 1887): 208-9.

34. Emerson, Naturalistic Photography (1890), introduction.

1. Lytton Strachey, ''Lancaster Gate," 1922, quoted in Michael Holroyd, Lytton Strachey: A Biography (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1986), 45.

2. F. B. Smith, The People's Health, 1830-1910 (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1979), 197.

3. Anthony Wohl, Endangered Lives: Public Health in Victorian Britain (London: J. M. Dent, 1983), 86, 81.

4. Friedrich Engels, The Condition of the Working Class in England [1845], ed. W. O. Henderson and W. H. Chaloner (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1958), 33.

5. Edwin Chadwick, Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain, 1842, ed. M. W. Flinn (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1965).

6. Sigmund Freud, "Repression," 1915, in General Psychological Theory: Papers on Metapsychology, ed. Philip Rieff (New York: Collier, 1965), 107.

7. John Kucich, "Repression and Representation: Dickens's General Economy," Nineteenth Century Fiction (June 1983): 64.

8. Chadwick, 99.

9. "On the Health of the Working Classes in Large Towns," Artizan (October 1843): 230; quoted in Engels, p. 43.

10. Glasgow City Improvement Act, 1866, quoted in A. L. Fisher, "Thomas Annan's Photographs of Old Closes and Streets of Glasgow, " Scottish Photography Bulletin (Spring 1982): 13.

11. Margaret Harker, "From Mansion to Close: Thomas Annan, Master Photographer," Photographic Collector 5, no. 1 (1984): 88.

12. Anita Ventura Mozley, introduction to Thomas Annan, Photographs of Old Closes and Streets of Glasgow 1868/1877 (New York: Dover, 1977), ix. This facsimile edition of Annan's book is an invaluable resource despite the poor quality of the reproductions.

13. Maria Morris Hambourg, "Charles Marville's Old Paris," in Maria Morris Hambourg and Marie de Thézy, Charles Marville (New York: French Institute, 1981), 11.

14. Mozley, v.

15. Dr. Neil Arnott, quoted in Chadwick, Report on the Sanitary Condition, 98.

16. Harker, 91.

17. Julie Lawson, "The Problem of Poverty and the Picturesque: Thomas Annan's Photographs of Old Closes and Streets of Glasgow 1868/1871, " Scottish Photography Bulletin, no. 2 (1990): 42.

18. Such exterior sinks were wretchedly inadequate but nonetheless they represent the most tangible and effective progress of the Glasgow sanitary reform movement to that date.

19. Lawson, 43.

20. Presbytery of Glasgow, Report of the Commission on the Housing of the Poor in Relation to Their Social Condition, 1891; quoted in Andrew Gibb, Glasgow: The Making of a Great City (London: Croom Helm, 1983), 142.

21. J. C. Symons, ''Reports From Assistant Handloom Weaver's Commission," Parliamentary Papers, 1839, vol. 42, no. 159, p. 52.

22. Catherine Gallagher, "The Body versus the Social Body in the Works of Thomas Malthus and Henry Mayhew," in The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century, ed. Catherine Gallagher and Thomas Laqueur (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987), 90.

23. Wohl, Endangered Lives, 81.

24. Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor [1861-62], ed. Victor Neuherg (London: Penguin, 1985), 249.

25. H. B. Cresswell, quoted in Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961), 341. I am indebted to Michael Young, who directed my attention to this passage. Jane Jacobs helpfully provides a footnote indicating that the "mud" mentioned by Cresswell is a euphemism. Cresswell's essay was published in Architectural Review (December 1958).

26. Charles Dickens, Our Mutual Friend [1864—65] (London: Penguin, 1971), 179.

27. Dickens, 56.

28. Symons, 65.

29. "A Suburban Connemara," Household Words, 5 March 12 1851, 563. The intermittent attentions of authorities and the public's ignorance about the relation of sanitation to disease cited in Household Words were common, and thus cholera recurred frequently. In Glasgow, there were epidemics in 1832, 1848-49, 1853-54, and 1866.

30. Mayhew, 230.

31. Humphrey House, The Dickens World (1941; London: Oxford University Press, 1960), 167. An extensive body of subsequent literature on this topic exists, without consensus. Rather than rehearsing all aspects of this debate among literary scholars, I have relied upon contemporary sources and the work of historians of sanitation, which seem to me more authoritative in their interpretation of the documentation available.

32. Chadwick, Report on the Sanitary Condition, 118.

33. Charles Kingsley, Yeast (New York: J. F. Taylor, 1903), chapter 15; quoted in Christopher Hamlin, "Providence and Putrefaction: Victorian Sanitarians and the Natural Theology of Health and Disease," Victorian Studies 28 (Spring 1985): 403.

34. Hamlin, 382ff.

35. Justus von Liebig, Agricultural Chemistry (Chemistry in Its Applications to Agriculture and Physiology) (London: Taylor and Walton, 1842); quoted in Chadwick, 123.

36. Henry Bowditch, "Letter on Sewage," Second Annual Report of the State Board of Health of Massachusetts (Boston: Wright and Potter, 1871), 235; quoted in Hamlin, 396.

37. Dickens, Our Mutual Friend, 76. The phrase "suburban Sahara" echoes "suburban Connemara," used in the Household Words thirteen years earlier (see note 29).

38. Dickens, 257.

39. Dickens, 862.

40. Kucich, "Repression and Representation," 65.

41. Dickens, 876-77.

42. Quoted in Wohl, Endangered Lives, 101.

43. Gustave Flaubert, letter to Louise Colet, 25-26 June 1853; quoted in Donald Reid, Paris Sewers and Sewermen (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990), 110.

1. Arthur Conan Doyle, ''A Scandal in Bohemia," in The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes (Harmondsworth: Penguin), 9.

2. Walter Benjamin, "The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction," in Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn (New York: Schocken Books, 1969), 220.

3. "A Case of Identity," The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes, 42.

4. John Tagg, The Burden of Representation: Essays on Photographies and Histories (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988), 64.

5. Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991), 17.

6. "A Scandal in Bohemia," The Adventures of Sherlock Holmes, 11. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

7. These two essay's appeared in the April and May 1840 issues of Burton's Gentleman's Magazine, which merged later that year into Graham's Magazine, where "The Murders of the Rue Morgue" was published in April 1841.

8. Edgar Allan Poe, "The Daguerreotype," Alexander's Weekly Magazine, January ,15 1840.

9. For a discussion of what Lacan calls "the fallacious complementarity of the glance" in Poe's tale, see Barbara Johnson's investigation of Lacan's and Derrida's exchange on the subject in "The Frame of Reference: Poe, Lacan, Derrida," in Psychoanalysis and the Question of the Text, ed. Geoffrey H. Hartman (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), 149-71.

10. Edgar Allan Poe, "The Purloined Letter," Selected Tales (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), 213.

11. Other, earlier, Dickens novels contained characters who performed investigations. Mr. Nadgett of Martin Chuzzlewit (1843-44) is one example, a man also distinguished by his powers of observation: "he saw so much," we are told, "every button on his coat might have been an eye" (chapter 38). Elizabeth Gaskell's Mary Barton (1848) mentions a minor character who is an officer of the Detective Service. But Bucket is generally regarded as the first fictional police officer in the detective branch of the English police force to play a significant part in an English novel.

12. Charles Dickens, Bleak House (New York: Norton, 1977), 275. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

13. That the magic lantern was a device used to create visual images before photography but came into its own once photographic images could be projected by it reinforces the point I make below: since this novel is set before but written after the invention of photography, Bucket stands as a personified harbinger of that technology.

14. Beaumont Newhall, The History of Photography (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1982), 59.

15. For a detailed study of the impact of the carte de visite on European society, see Elizabeth Anne McCauley, A. A. E. Disderi and the Carte de Visite Portrait Photograph (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985).

16. Benjamin, 220. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

17. Audrey Jaffe demonstrates how in "The Man with the Twisted Lip" Sherlock Holmes inhabits a similar contradiction. "The story raises the possibility that the gentleman and the beggar are the same only to repudiate it," she claims; "its ostensibly democratizing identification of the two figures, like that of Victorian popular ideology in general, in fact [is] the expression of anxiety about such potential transformation (''Detecting the Beggar: Arthur Conan Doyle, Henry Mayhew, and 'The Man with the Twisted Lip,''' Representations 31 [Summer 1990]: 107).

18. Flash photography would not be practiced regularly until the invention of flashlight powder in Germany in 1887. As early as 1867, however, Timothy H. O'Sullivan would use dangerous and unpredictable magnesium flares to illuminate his subjects in the mines and caves of the Sierra Nevada (see Newhall, 94-95, 133). Once more Bucket seems to anticipate the eventual possibilities and deployments of a technology that had only recently been invented.

19. See T. W. Hill's note in the Norton critical edition of Bleak House, establishing the novel's setting in the 1830s, a finding based upon the development of the railroad in rural England (654).

20. W. H. Wills and Charles Dickens, "The Modern Science of Thief-Taking," Household Words 1 (13 July 1850): 371. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

21. Charles Dickens, "The Demeanor of Murderers," Household Words 13 (14 June 1856): 505.

22. Henry Morley and W. H. Wills, "Photography," Household Words 7 (19 March 1853): 55. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

23. John Payn, "Photographees," Household Words 16 (10 October 1857): 352-54. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

24. John Tagg, The Burden of Representation, 53.

25. "London From Aloft," Strand Magazine 2 (1887): 492-98.

26. Quoted in Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), 187.

27. Quoted in Asa Briggs, Victorian Things (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 135.

28. Derek Longhurst has argued that women in the Holmes canon are generally rendered as both the agents and victims of criminality based upon a certain conception of "natural" gender difference. Whenever women, who are understood to be essentially passive, become active figures, they violate the natural (as well as the social) order. See Longhurst, "Sherlock Holmes: Adventures of an English Gentleman, 1887-1894," in Gender, Genre, and Narrative Pleasure, ed. Derek Longhurst (London: Unwin Hyman, 1989), 51-66.

29. Arthur Conan Doyle, "The Case of the Illustrious Client," in The Complete Sherlock Holmes (Garden City N.Y.: Doubleday, c. 1930), 2:990. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

30. So profound was Doyle's own belief in the authority of photography and in its value for protecting ancient powers that he ardently defended his belief in fairies and the spirit world with the evidence of spirit photography. See Doyle, "Fairies Photographed," Strand Magazine 60 (December 1920): 463-68, and "The Evidence for Fairies," Strand Magazine 61 (March 1921): 199-206.

31. Catherine Belsey has shown that this same ambivalence between authentication and manipulation occupies the Holmes stories' frequent textual digressions about their own truth and fictionality. "Through their transgression of their own values of explicitness and verisimilitude," she claims, "the Sherlock Holmes stories contain within themselves an implicit critique of their limited nature as characteristic examples of classic realism" ("Deconstructing the Text: Sherlock Holmes," in Popular Fiction: Technology, Ideology, Production, Reading, ed. Tony Bennett [London: Routledge, 1990], 284).

32. Allan Sekula, "The Body and the Archive," in The Contest of Meaning: Critical Histories of Photography, ed. Richard Bolton (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989), 348.

33. Arthur Conan Doyle, "The Adventure of the Naval Treats," in The Memoirs of Sherlock Holmes (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987), 221.

34. Arthur Conan Doyle, "The Hound of the Baskervilles," in The Complete Sherlock Holmes (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, c. 1930), 2:672-73.

35. See Allan Sekula's elaborate and informative treatment of the uses of photography by Bertillon (the "compulsive systematizer") and Galton (the "compulsive quantifier"). Sekula makes a case for the centrality of these two figures in establishing the concept of the photographic archive as a means to honor the bourgeois self and delimit the terrain of a threatening other ("The Body and the Archive," 353-75).

36. Francis Galton, "Composite Portraiture," in Inquiries into Human Faculty and Its Development (London: J. M. Dent, n.d.), 223-24. First published in 1883. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

1. Dorothy Thompson, Queen Victoria: The Woman, the Monarchy, and the People (New York: Pantheon, 1990), 98. The second epigraph to this essay is quoted from p. 38 of the same work. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

2. Adrienne Auslander Munich, "Queen Victoria, Empire, and Excess," Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature 6, no. 2 (1987): 265.

3. Nancy Armstrong, Desire and Domestic Fiction (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 8.

4. Thompson argues (98) that whatever popular dislike of Victoria there was arose chiefly from the expense of her growing family to the taxpayers (along with Albert's foreign birth); this point suggested to me the analogy between queen and wife. Thomas Richards argues, with reference to the Great Exhibition and the queen's two jubilees, that the monarch was constituted as consumer and as promoter of consumption: the culture of advertising and the success of the monarchy depended on each other; see The Commodity Culture of Victorian England: Advertising and Spectacle, 1851-1914 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1990), 17-118. While Richards does not focus on the monarch's gender, Nancy Armstrong argues specifically that Victorian women (but not the queen in particular) were seen as consumers, especially of goods coming in from the empire, whose desires were both dangerous and essential to commerce; see "The Occidental Alice," Differences 2, no. 2 (1990): 3-40. Putting these two arguments together, one might discuss how Victoria's identification with the middle classes came about through representations of her as consumer; this essay instead explores how she came to be constructed as middle class through another mechanism, that of marital hierarchy.

5. See the discussion of the advantages and drawbacks of the assignment of "influence" to middle-class wives in Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 149, 183, and passim.

6. David Cannadine argues that in England royal ritual became elaborate and well staged in inverse proportion to the actual power of the monarchy; see "The Context, Performance, and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the 'Invention of Tradition,' c. 1820-1977," in The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 121 and passim. For the media's construction of the spectacular ordinariness of the present royal family, see Judith Williamson, "Royalty and Representation," in her Consuming Passions: The Dynamics of Popular Culture (London: Marion Boyars, 1986), 75-89.

7. Letter of 29 October 1844, The Letters of Queen Victoria: A Selection from Her Majesty's Correspondence between the Years 1837 and 1861, 3 vols., ed. Arthur C. Benson and Viscount Esher (London: John Murray, 1908), 2:27.

8. See Caroline Chapman and Paul Raben, eds., Debrett's Queen Victoria's Jubilees, 1887 and 1987 (London: Debrett's, 1977).

9. Sarah Ellis, The Women of England: Their Social Duties, and Domestic Habits (London, 1838; Philadelphia: E. L. Cares' and A. Hart, 1839), 68. See also Elizabeth Langland's discussion of this and other passages in Ellis, in Nobody's Angels: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Ideology in Victorian Culture (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995). According to Langland, Ellis uses Victoria to represent her own claims for domestic women's moral authority.

10. Giles St. Aubyn, Queen Victoria: A Portrait (New York: Atheneum, 1992), 146.

11. Entry dated 18 April 1839, The Girlhood of Queen Victoria: A Selection from Her Majesty's Diaries between the Years 1832 and 1840, ed. Viscount Esher, 2 vols. (London: John Murray, 1912), 2:153-54.

12. Laurence Lerner, "Private Feelings: Public Forms (Are Elizabeth Browning's Letters Literature?)," in the manuscript "Disciplines and the Canon," ed. Jay Clayton, Jean Bethke Elshtain, and H.-J. Schultz.

13. St. Aubyn, 130.

14. Anne Hollander, Seeing through Clothes (New York: Viking, 1975), 425.

15. See William Gaunt, Court Painting from Tudor to Victorian Times (London: Constable, 1980), 211-14.

16. Marina Warner, Queen Victoria's Sketchbook (London: Unwin Hyman, 1987), 112.

17. Warner, 112.

18. Patrick J. Noon, "Miniatures on the Market," in John Murdoch, Jim Murrell, Patrick J. Noon, and Roy Strong, The English Miniature (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), p. 201; see also Peter Galassi, Before Photography: Painting and the Invention of Photography (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1981), 12.

19. The royal family's patronage had much to do with the rapid early development of photography, and by the end of her life the queen had amassed 110 albums containing 100,000 "photos" (Victoria's coinage), largely of herself and her family. See Helmut Gernsheim and Alison Gernsheim, Victoria R.: A Biography with Four Hundred Illustrations Based on Her Personal Photoqraph Albums (New York: Putnam, 1959), 256-66; see also Frances Dimond and Roger Taylor, Crown and Camera: The Royal Family and Photography, 1842-1910 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1987). On the relation of oils to portrait photography at mid-century, see Lauren Chattman, "Pictures of Privacy: Femininity on Display in the Nineteenth-Century British Novel," Dissertation, Yale University, 1993.

20. Gernsheim and Gernsheim report that "[h]undreds of thousands of Mayall's cartes were quickly sold" (261), and that the English craze for collecting and trading cartes began with Mayall's publications.

1. With the idea of a "literary sphere," I am following sociologists of literature such as Alain Viala and Pierre Bordieu, who identify a relatively autonomous grouping of institutions, discourses, and forces as a "literary field" in a culture. This "field" is composed and restructured by struggles for legitimacy and control within it. See Pierre Bordieu, ''Flaubert's Point of View'' and Alain Viala, "Prismatic Effects," trans. Paula Wissing, both in Critical Inquiry 14 (Summer 1988): 539-62 and 563-73.

2. Leo Braudy, The Frenzy of Renown (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 398. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

3. Matthew Arnold, "The Buried Life," in Victorian Poetry and Poetics, ed. Walter E. Houghton and G. Robert Stange, 2nd edition (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1968) 446-47, line 21. Other poems referred to are included in the same volume.

4. For a provocative discussion of theatricality and the buried life, see Nina Auerbach, Private Theatricals: The Lives of the Victorians (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990). "The process of living," for Victorians, she says "was the acting of a role; yet it also entailed a fear of performance" (4-5).

5. Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England: Advertising and Spectacle, 1851-1914 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1990), 14. These social phenomena are discussed pertinently in relation to the rise of capitalism by Richard Sennett, The Fall of Public Man: On the Social Psychology of Capitalism (New York: Random House, 1976). On artists and changing market conditions, see Janet Wolff, The Social Production of Art (New York: New York University Press, 1984).

6. Regenia Gagnier has discussed the commodification of the dandy and the late-Victorian society of the spectacle in Idylls of the Marketplace (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1986).

7. Meredith Raymond and Mary Rose Sullivan, eds., Women of Letters: Selected Letters of Elizabeth Barrett Browning and Mary Russell Mitford (Boston: Twayne, 1987), 155. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text. For a thorough examination of the important influence of George Sand on English novelists and poets alike, see Patricia Thomsen, George Sand and the Victorians (London: Macmillan, 1977).

8. Betty Miller, Elizabeth Barrett to Miss Mitford (London, J. Murray, 1954), 145, as quoted in Thomsen, p. 44. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

9. Elizabeth Barrett Browning, The Complete Poetical Works, ed. Harriet Waters Preston (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1900), 103. Subsequent quotations from Browning's other poems are also from this edition.

10. Letter to Elizabeth Barrett Browning, 2 April 1861, in Gordon Ray, ed., The Letters and Private Papers of William Makepeace Thackeray (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1946) 4:229.

11. Elizabeth Barrett Browning, letter to W. M. Thackeray, 21 April 1861, in ibid. The exchange of letters is on 226-29.

12. See Michael Millgate, Thomas Hardy (New York: Random House, 1982); and Robert Gittings, Young Thomas Hardy (London: Penguin, 1978), for detailed descriptions of Hardy's initial sorties into the London literary world and his luck in impressing powerful men such as George Meredith and Leslie Stephen.

13. As quoted in Laurence Lerner and John Holmstrom, eds., Hardy and His Readers (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1968), 23.

14. Robert Gittings, introduction to The Hand of Ethelberta (New York: Macmillan, 1975), 21.

15. Penny Boumelha, "A Complicated Position for a Woman: The Hand of Ethelberta, " in The Sense of Sex: Feminist Perspectives on Hardy, ed. Margaret R. Higonnet (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 244.

16. Hardy's mother, Jemima Hand, Millgate reminds us, was not only a fatalist but also a fiercely determined woman who wished to move her family forward in the world. She, like Ethelberta's family, had been in service. Her ambitions for her eldest son, Thomas, resemble those of Ethelberta for herself But, perhaps even more significant, Jemima kept Hardy supplied with books, including Johnson's Rasselas, Dryden's translation of Vergil, and Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress . See Peter Widdowson, Hardy in History (New York: Routledge, 1989), 157. Subsequent citations of Widdowson are given parenthetically in the text.

17. Florence Emily Hardy, The Early Life of Thomas Hardy: 1840-1891, ghostwritten for and edited by Thomas Hardy (London: Macmillan, 1928), 134.

18. John Goode, Thomas Hardy: The Offensive Truth (New York: Blackwell, 1988).

19. Thomas Hardy, The Complete Poems, ed. James Gibson (New York: Macmillan, 1976), 85.

20. Elizabeth Barrett Browning, letter to W. M. Thackeray, 21 April 1861, in Ray (as in note 10).

21. In this closing assessment of Barrett Browning I do not underestimate the importance of her own creation or manipulation of her audience. Anne Thackeray Ritchie, for instance, who from her youth was a devoted admirer of Mrs. Browning, regarded her first as a mother and wife, and only second as a writer. In her widely appreciated Records of Tennyson, Ruskin, and Browning (London: Macmillan, 1892), 208, Ritchie notes that this mother bemoaned the loss (in boxes in transit) of her son's velvet suits more than that of the manuscript of Aurora Leigh . Moreover, by choosing to publish certain poems such as Sonnets from the Portuguese, Barrett Browning helped further the view that her career and domestic life were inseparable—and helped ensure that they were seen as a romance plot. Many reviewers on both sides of the Atlantic held Mrs. Browning in the highest esteem as wife, mother, and poet. For a summary of some of the more famous reviews, see Elizabeth Helsinger, Robin Sheets, and William Veeder, eds., The Woman Question (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), vol. 3, chapter 2.

1. Jerome Buckley, The Victorian Temper (New York: Vintage Books, 1964), 37.

2. Thomas Carlyle, Sartor Resartus and On Heroes and Hero-Worship (London: Everyman's Library, 1908), 205. Subsequent citations of both works are given parenthetically in the text.

3. Albert Camus, The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt, trans. Anthony Bower (New York: Vintage Books, 1956), 51.

4. Letter to William Olen, 22 February 1833, in The Collected Letters of Thomas and Jane Welsh Carlyle, ed. Charles R. Sanders (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1970-), 6:334. Subsequent citations from the Letters are given parenthetically in the text. Teufelsdröckh is similarly "a wild Seer, shaggy, unkempt, like a Baptist living on locusts and wild honey" ( Sartor, 21).

5. Charles Baudelaire, "The Painter of Modern Life," in The Painter of Modern Life and Other Essays, trans. and ed. Jonathan Mayne (New York: Da Capo, 1986), 24.

6. This visual dependency complements the dandy's dependence on the economic system for which he expresses disdain—a dependence that Baudelaire readily admits. See Peter Zima, "From Dandyism to Art, or Narcissus Bifrons," Neohelicon 12, no. 2 (1985): 201-38; and Camus, The Rebel, 47-54.

7. Ellen Moers, The Dandy: Brummell to Beerbohm (1960; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1978), 178.

8. The use of theatrical terms to describe social action is laden with conceptual problems that cannot be addressed here. But I wish to preserve the important distinction between "spectacle" and "sight," and use the former term to identify a fantasy not merely of being visible, but of calculated self-presentation to all imagined gaze. See John J. MacAloon, "Introduction: Cultural Performances, Culture Theory" in Rite, Drama, Festival, Spectacle: Rehearsals toward a Theory of Cultural Performance, ed. John J. MacAloon (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1984), 1-15; and Dean MacCannell, "Sights and Spectacles,'' in Iconicity: Essays on the Nature of Culture, ed. Paul Bouissac, Michael Herzfeld, and Roland Posner (Tübingen: Stauffenberg, 1986), 421-35.

9. I am thus addressing obliquely a largely tacit paradox in recent writings on gender. While anthropologists and sociologists argue that norms of masculinity across a variety of cultures require, in the words of Pierre Bourdieu, that a man "constantly put himself in the gaze of others" (quoted by David D. Gilmore, Manhood in the Making [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990], 51), psychoanalytic cultural studies influenced by Jacques Lacan hold that such virile display is in fact a feminizing posture.

10. Jonas Barish, The Antitheatrical Prejudice (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), offers the most comprehensive survey of Western resistance to theatrically. On Johnson's association of the literary marketplace with theatricality, see James Eli Adams, "The Economies of Authorship: Imagination and Trade in Johnson's Dryden, " Studies in English Literature 30 (1990): 467-86.

11. John Stuart Mill, "What is Poetry?" in Literary Essays, ed. Edward Alexander (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1967), 56.

12. The Poems of Tennyson, ed. Christopher Ricks, 2nd edition, 3 vols. (London: Longmans, 1987).

13. Tennyson's anxiety is clearly central to the rise of the dramatic monologue as a literary form that, as Herbert F. Tucker, Jr., puts it, "disintegrates the implicit claim of self-presence in lyric into a rhetorical fabric of self-presentation" ("From Monomania to Monologue: 'St. Simeon Stylites' and the Rise of the Victorian Dramatic Monologue," Victorian Poetry 22 [1984]: 125).

14. Thomas Carlyle, Past and Present, ed. Richard D. Altick (New York: New York University Press, 197), 230.

15. Joseph Litvak, Caught in the Act (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991), 56, points out that the transgressive theatricality of Jane Eyre reinforces the convention "that dissociates rhetorical (and ontological) power From social power, producing a chiasmus in which the inferiority of oppressed or marginal groups virtually guarantees their latent, but all the more disruptive, eloquence."

16. Nancy Armstrong, Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), 77-78.

17. Quoted in Alan Bowness, ed., The Pre-Raphaelites (London: Tate Gallery, 1984), 204.

18. Deirdre David, Intellectual Women and Victorian Patriarchy (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987), 14, notes this as a more general phenomenon, but regards it only as a circumscription of the roles available to intellectual women, rather than a tension within "patriarchy" itself

19. [W. J. Courthope], "Modern Culture," Quarterly Review 137 (October 1874): 207.

20. For an account of Carlyle's construction of "the hero as man of letters" as an effort to reconcile conflicting models of manhood, see Norma Clarke, "Strenuous Idleness," in Manful Assertions, ed. Michael Roper and John Tosh (New York: Routledge, 1991), 25-43.

21. On continuities between the dandy and Lacan, see Robert Viscusi, Max Beerbohm, or the Dandy Dante: Rereading with Mirrors (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 23-30.

22. "His Letters and Memories of His Life," in The Life and Works of Charles Kingsley, 19 vols. (London: Macmillan, 1901), 2:189.

23. See Robin Gilmour, The Ideal of the Gentleman in the Victorian Novel (London: Allen and Unwin, 1981).

24. Charles Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities (New York: New American Library, 1965), 97. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

25. See John Kucich, "The Purity of Violence in A Tale of Two Cities," Dickens Studies Annual 8 (1980): 119-38.

26. Catherine Gallagher, "The Duplicity of Doubling in A Tale of Two Cities," Dickens Studies Annual 12 (1983): 125-45.

27. See Albert Hutter, "The Novelist as Resurrectionist: Dickens and the Dilemma of Death," Dickens Studies Annual 12 (1983): 10.

28. Letters of Oscar Wilde, ed. Rupert Hart-Davis (London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1962), 266.

29. Walter Pater, The Renaissance: Studies in Art and Poetry, ed. Donald J. Hill (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980), 92, 97, 78, 97. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

30. See James Eli Adams, "Gentleman, Dandy, Priest: Manliness and Social Authority in Pater's Aestheticism," ELH 59 (1992): 441-466.

31. Walter Pater, "Diaphaneitè," in Miscellaneous Studies (London: Macmillan, 1910), 251. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

32. Carolyn Williams, Transfigured World: Walter Pater's Aesthetic Historicism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989), 179.

33. See Geoffrey Galt Harpham, The Ascetic Imperative in Culture and Criticism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 19-88.

1. Charles Dickens, Great Expectations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1953), 308. The epigraph to this section of text is from p. 41.

2. Michael Steig, Dickens and Phiz (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1968).

3. Charles Dickens, Nicholas Nickleby (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1950), 185. The epigraph to this section of text is from p. 43. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

4. For a detailed account of the nineteenth-century perceptions of London's irregularity and the characterization of it as a "Provisional City," see Donald J. Olsen, The Growth of Victorian London (London: Penguin, 1979), esp. chapter 1, "A Topography of Values" (16-35).

5. I have discussed one manifestation of this impulse toward monumentality for its own sake in "Remember The Téméraire! " in Victoria's Year: English Literature and Culture, 1837-1838 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 239-71.

6. Stephen Bayley, The Albert Memorial: The Monument in Its Social and Architectural Context (London: Scholar Press, 1981), 100. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

7. Gavin Stamp and Colin Amery cite the original description of the memorial to suggest that the monument is at the "centre of the four quarters of the globe, 'and their production'" ( Victorian Buildings of London, 1837-1887 [London: Architectural Press, 1980], 74).

8. The central imagery of the design connotes value. According to John Summerson, Gilbert Scott "explained it as a medieval shrine or reliquary magnified to the 'natural' scale of which such objects seem to be miniatures" ( The Architecture of Victorian London [Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1976], 70).

9. Here it is worth pointing out that Scott conceived the central arched space of the memorial as a modern version of a medieval reliquary, "the realization in an actual edifice, of the architectural design furnished by the metal-work shrines of the middle ages. Those exquisite productions of the goldsmith and the jeweller profess in nearly every instance to be models of architectural structures, yet no such structures exist" (quoted in Stamp and Amery, 73).

10. Kenneth Clark regards these figures as proof of the pure philistinism" of the memorial: it "has always appealed in the same degree to the same class of people—the people who like a monument to be large and expensive-looking, and to show much easily understood sculpture, preferably of animals" ( The Gothic Revival: An Essay in the History of Taste [New York: Harper and Row, 1962], 189). Robert Furneaux Jordan observes that "the iconography, the literal representation of sentiment, the excess and the pathos are the Victorian aspects'' of the design ( Victorian Architecture [Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1966], 93).

11. According to Olsen, Victorian London was understood first in relation to the model of Paris (56-59).

12. For a different view of the development of photography, see Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990).

13. The spelling of his name varies, as in Stephen White, John Thomson: A Window to the Orient (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1985); and Street Life in London, text by Adolphe Smith, photographs by John Thompson (New York: Benjamin Blom, 1969). White points out that Smith's own real name was Adolphe Smith Headingly (31). Subsequent citations of both Street Life and White's biography of Thomson are given parenthetically in the text.

14. Roy Flukinger, The Formative Decades: Photography in Great Britain, 1839-1920 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985), 83. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

15. Publisher's note to the 1969 reprint of Street Life in London .

16. Alan Thomas speaks of the "simplicity and naturalness" of Thomson's images and of the photographer's "courage to be simple" ( Time in a Frame: Photography and the Nineteenth-Century Mind [New York: Schocken Books, 1977] 147).

17. Both quotations are from White (9); in the first he quotes Thomson, The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China, and China, or Ten Years' Travels, Adventures, and Residence Abroad (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Low, and Searle, 1875), 10.

18. White, 40-41, quoting from "Three Pictures in Wong-nei-chung," China Magazine (August 1868): 52-56.

19. I discuss some social dimensions of this ideology in Victoria's Year, 275-79.

20. Beaumont Newhall observes that Thomson turned from his "pioneering photographic documentation" in Asia to photograph the London poor "in a similar spirit" ( The History of Photography [New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1982], 103).

21. Thomas Prasch, "Mirror Images: John Thomson's Photographic Projects in the Far East and the East End," paper delivered to the Indiana University Victorian Studies Club, December 1990, 15. I am grateful to Dr. Prasch for making his work available to me. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

22. Prasch (5-10) discusses the connections between Thomson's photographic representation of racial "types" and the classificatory practices of Victorian anthropology.

23. Thomson, 135 ("Flying Dustmen"); the discussion of flooding appears in the section "Street Floods in Lambeth."

24. Prasch points out (3-4) that Thomson's Asian documentaries look forward to the commercial progress of the people and places he photographed.

25. Those "conditions"—as Raymond Williams would remind us—include the social and economic conditions that located the nineteenth-century city in a network encompassing the countryside of England and much of the rest of the world ( The Country and the City [New York: Oxford University Press, 1973], 278, passim).

26. On the recurring Victorian image of the city as an unchartable foreign world, see F. S. Schwarzbach, "'Terra Incognita'—An Image of the City in English Literature, 1820-1855," Prose Studies 5, no. 1 (1982): 61-84.

1. Among the most generally useful sources on the subject of Victorian artists' interpretations of the city are Ira Nadel and F. S. Schwarzbach, eds., Victorian Artists and the City: A Collection of Critical Essays (Elmsford, N.Y.: Pergamon Press, 1979); H. J. Dyos and Michael Wolff, eds., The Victorian City: Images and Realities (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973); Julian Treuherz, with contributions by Susan P. Casteras, Lee M. Edwards, Peter Keating, and Louis van Tilborgh, Hard Times: Social Realism in Victorian Art (London: Lund Humphries, 1987); and Celina Fox, Londoners (London: Thames and Hudson, 1987) and London—World City: 1800-1840 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992).

2. On Victorian attitudes toward poverty, see, for example, Michael E. Rose, The Relief of Poverty, 1834-1914 (London: Macmillan, 1972); and Derek Fraser, The Evolution of the British Welfare State: A History of Social Policy since the Industrial Revolution (London: Macmillan, 1973), 115-28. On the bourgeois cult of cleanliness, see especially Anthony S. Wohl, Endangered Lives: Public Health in Victorian Britain (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973), 72-73.

3. The notion of the crowd as a social as well as political force is explored in numerous recent texts, including Harvey J. Kaye, ed., The Face of the Crowd: Studies in Revolution, Ideology, and Popular Protest (Selected Essays by George Rude ) (London: Harvester/Wheatsheaf, 1988); and Mark Harrison, Crowds and History: Mass Phenomena in English Towns, 1790-1835 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

4. See Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England: Advertising and Spectacle, 1816-1914 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1990). I am grateful to Susan Lopez-Aguado, a former graduate student in one of my seminars, for sharing with me her thoughts on this subject.

5. Anxieties about the social discomfort of riding the omnibus were captured in Victorian fiction, too, as in Charlotte Riddell, A Struggle for Fame (London: Richard Bentley and Son, 1883), 81-82, where Mr. Kelly, in a fit of "wildest humor" on a West End omnibus, pretends to know a stranger, described as an older gentleman who looked like some "superannuated leader of fashion." The elderly man is so unnerved and upset by Kelly's aberrant behavior that he splutters, turns purple, and proclaims Kelly mad. The conductor is summoned, and the entire omnibus full of passengers "screamed . . . and roared in concern" at this outrageous public conduct. Clearly, Kelly erred by speaking and by ignoring proper behavior and social/psychological distance on an omnibus.

6. See Christopher Forbes, The Royal Academy (1837-1901) Revisited: Paintings from the FORBES Magazine Collection (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1974), 52-53. For comments by the artist on the composition, see William Powell Frith, My Autobiography and Reminiscences (London: Richard Bentley and Son, 1888), 2:208-12.

7. "The Royal Academy Exhibition," Art Journal 50 (1888): 181.

8. On these distinctions between the so-called deserving and undeserving poor, see Rose, 2-6; and R. S. Neale, Class and Ideology in the Nineteenth Century (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972).

9. Gustave Doré and Blanchard Jerrold, London: A Pilgrimage (London: Grant and Co., 1872), 188.

10. For further information on this painting, see Julian Treuherz, et al., Hard Times, 83-86.

11. "The Royal Academy," Art Journal 36 (1874): 201.

12. See Treuherz, p. 84. Other details are provided in Bernard Myers, "Studies for 'Houseless and Hungry' and the 'Casual Ward' by Luke Fildes, R.A.," Apollo 116 (July 1982): 36-43.

13. As quoted in Treuherz, p. 84.

14. "The Royal Academy," Athenaeum 47 (1874): 602.

1. Millais's son, John Guille Millais, remarking on the hostile reception of this painting, writes: ''And even Charles Dickens, who in later years was a firm friend of Millais and a great admirer of his works, denounced the picture in a leading article in Household Words as 'mean, odious, revolting, and repulsive''' ( The Life and Letters of John Everett Millais, 2 vols. [London: Frederick A. Stokes, 1899], 1:75).

2. For a painter of his prominence and significance in Victorian life, Millais has received surprisingly little scholarly and critical attention. See, in addition to the indispensable Life and Letters of J. E. Millais, the following works: A. L. Baldry, Sir John Everett Millais: His Art and Influence (London: T. C. and E. C. Jack, 1908); Arthur Fish, John Everett Millais (New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1923); Geoffroy Millais, Sir John Millais (London: Academy Editions, 1979); Marion H. Spielmann, Millais and His Works (Edinburgh: W. Blackwood, 1898). Subsequent citations of Spielmann are given parenthetically in the text.

3. The Poems of Coventry Patmore (London: Oxford University Press, 1949), 24-29.

4. For a supporting interpretation of Ophelia, see Robert M. Polhemus, Erotic Faith: Being in Love from Jane Austen to D. H. Lawrence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 171-73.

5. For my reading of King Cophetua, see Erotic Faith, 76-78.

6. For a discussion of Stead and the issues of this famous case, see Judith R. Walkowitz, City of Dreadful Delight (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), chapters 3 and 4; Deborah Gorham, "The 'Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon' Re-Examined: Child Prostitution and the Idea of Childhood in Late Victorian England," Victorian Studies 21 (1978): 353-79; Glen Petrie, A Singular Identity: The Campaigns of Josephine Butler (New York: Viking Press, 1971); Raymond L. Schults, Crusader in Babylon: W. T. Stead and "The Pall Mall Gazette" (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1972); and Charles Terrot, The Maiden Tribute: A Study of the White Slave Traffic of the Nineteenth Century (London: Frederick Muller, 1959).

7. Joseph Brodsky, "In Light of Venice," New York Review of Books 39, no. 11 (11 June 1992): 32.

8. For a discussion of Sir Isumbras and the circumstances surrounding its painting, reception, and further touching up, see The Life and Letters of Sir John Everett Millais, 1:311-19.

9. Charles Dickens, David Copperfield: Authoritative Text, Backgrounds, Criticism, ed. Jerome H. Buckley (New York: Norton, 1990), 39. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

10. Laurel Bradley, "From Eden to Empire: John Everett Millais's Cherry Ripe, " Victorian Studies 34 (1991): 179.

11. Pamela Tamarkin Reis, "Victorian Centerfold: Another Look at Millais's Cherry Ripe, " Victorian Studies 35 (1992): 201. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

12. Reis is quoting Mark L. Knapp, Nonverbal Communication in Human Interaction (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1972), 132.

13. Reis quotes William L. Marshall and Sylvia Barrett, Criminal Neglect: Why Sex Offenders Go Free (Toronto: Doubleday, 1990), 67.

14. Quoted in William Holman Hunt, Pre-Raphaelitism and the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, 2 vols. (New York: Dutton, 1914), 2:205.

15. Fish, John Everett Millais, 148.

1. Tennyson: A Selected Edition, ed. Christopher Ricks (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989), line 762. Subsequent citations from this edition of Enoch Arden are given parenthetically in the text.

2. In the more inclusive use of "ekphrasis" I am following, among others, Murray Krieger, Ekphrasis: The Illusion of the Natural Sign (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); and Wendy Steiner, The Colors of Rhetoric: Problems in the Relation between Modern Literature and Painting (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).

3. Herbert F. Tucker, Tennyson and the Doom of Romanticism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), 284.

4. Karl Kroeber, British Romantic Art (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986), 57.

5. Martin Meisel, Realizations: Narrative, Pictorial, and Theatrical Arts of the Nineteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 68.

6. Rhoda L. Flaxman, Victorian Word-Painting and Narrative: Toward the Blending of Genres (Ann Arbor: UMI Press, 1987), 76.

7. Gerhard Joseph, "Tennyson's Optics: The Eagle's Gaze," PAMLA 92 (1977): 423.

8. Peter Conrad, The Victorian Treasure-House (London: Collins, 1973), 76-77.

9. See Catherine Gallagher, The Industrial Reformation of Fiction: Social Discourse and Narrative Form, 1832-1867 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985).

10. "Walter Bagehot on Enoch Arden [1864]," in Tennyson: The Critical Heritage, ed. John D. Jump (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1967), 284 (date of publication bracketed in original).

11. Joseph, "Tennyson's Optics," 425. There were, in fact, five illustrated editions of the poem, as well as several adaptations in other media including several popular stage plays and four early motion picture versions. For more information on adaptations, see P. G. Scott, Tennyson's "Enoch Arden": A Victorian Best-Seller (Lincoln, England: Tennyson Research Center, 1970), 19, 22, 23.

12. Mario Praz, Conversation Pieces: A Survey of the Informal Group Portrait in Europe and America (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971).

13. "There was a picture of the family over the mantelpiece, removed thither from the front room after Mrs. Osborne's death—George was on a pony, the elder sister holding him up a bunch of flowers; the younger led by her mother's hand; all with red cheeks and large red mouths, simpering on each other in the approved family-portrait manner. . . . Some few score of years afterwards, when all the parties represented are grown old, what bitter satire there is in those flaunting childish family portraits, with their farce of sentiment and smiling lies, and innocence so self-conscious and self-satisfied" (William Makepeace Thackeray, Vanity Fair [Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1968], 279).

14. The representative character of this scene and its emblematic power are also suggested by an earlier use of it in "Two Voices." In that poem Tennyson presents the scene in reverse—a suicidal man opens his casement window and looks out on the freshness of dawn and the restorative sight of a family (described in similarly pictorial terms) going to church.

15. Steiner, Colors of Rhetoric, 13-14.

16. Krieger, Ekphrasis, xvii.

17. W. J. T. Mitchell, "Space, Ideology, and Literary Representation," Art and Literature I, ed. Wendy Steiner, special issue of Poetics Today 10 (1989): 97.

18. The quotation at the beginning of the sentence is from Ernest B. Gilman, "Interart Studies and the 'Imperialism' of Language," in Art and Literature I, ed. Steiner, 23.

19. Kroeber, British Romantic Art, 1.

20. Robert Pattison, Tennyson and Tradition (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), 20.

21. Michel Beaujour, "Some Paradoxes of Description," Yale French Studies 61 (1981): 33.

22. The Complete Works of John Ruskin, ed. E. T. Cook and Alexander Wedderburn, 39 vols. (London: George Allen, 1909), 36:570.

23. Wendy Steiner, Pictures of Romance: Form against Context in Painting and Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 22.

24. Scott, Tennyson's "Enoch Arden" (as in note 11), 19.

25. The quotation at the beginning of the sentence is from Kroeber, British Romantic Art, 45.

26. Alexander Ross, The Imprint of the Picturesque on Nineteenth-Century British Fiction (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1986), 27.

27. See, for instance, Kroeber, 44.

28. Beaujour, "Some Paradoxes of Description," 42.

29. Ross, 23.

30. Quoted in Philippe Hamon, "Rhetorical Status of the Descriptive," Yale French Studies 61 (1981): 10.

31. Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (Indianapolis: Liberty Classics, 1969), 87.

32. Mary Shelley, Frankenstein: The Mary Shelley Reader, ed. Betty Bennett and Charles E. Robinson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 100-01.

33. Kroeber, 57.

1. Sergei Eisenstein, ''Dickens, Griffith, and the Film Today," in Film Form (New York: Harcourt, 1949), 232-33.

2. According to Christian Metz, the "regime of perception" perpetuated by cinema is one for which the spectator has been "'prepared' by the older arts of representation (the novel, representational painting, etc.) and by the Aristotelian tradition of Western art in general" ( The Imaginary Signifier: Psychoanalysis and the Cinema [Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977], 118). Subsequent references are given parenthetically in the text.

3. See Guy Debord, Society of the Spectacle (Detroit: Black and Red Press, 1983). Dickens's story has long been recognized for its unabashed celebration of excess and consumption. its alleged commercialization of the "Christmas spirit," and the seemingly infinite adaptability and marketability attested to by its annual reappearance as literary text, public reading, theatrical performance, television production, and film.

4. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1973), 13. See also note 14 for "circularity."

5. Charles Dickens, A Christmas Carol, in The Christmas Books, ed. Michael Slater (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1971), 1:68. Subsequent references are given parenthetically in the text.

6. Paul Davis, The Lives and Times of Ebenezer Scrooge (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990). Subsequent references are given parenthetically in the text.

7. The term interpellation is Louis Althusser's; I discuss below its relevance to my understanding of Dickens's story.

8. Despite the importance of feminine subjectivity to Victorian ideologies of feeling, A Christmas Carol links charity to the proper functioning of the economy: to a masculine-identified form of power. Relevant here is Kaja Silverman's discussion of the way in which "our dominant fiction calls upon the male subject to see himself, and the female subject to recognize and desire him, only through the mediation of images of an unimpaired masculinity" ( Male Subjectivity at the Margins [New York: Routledge, 1992], 42). Scrooge's miserliness is by implication a corollary of his rejection of female companionship and the family; the story presents Scrooge with images of his own impaired masculinity and permits him to restore himself, through gift giving, as a symbolic father to the Cratchit family ("to Tiny Tim, who did not die, he was a second father" [133-34]).

9. I refer to such novels as The Man of Feeling and A Sentimental Journey . The scenes detailing such encounters are themselves "culture-texts," in that they stage confrontations between characters situated in different social contexts and demonstrate emotion's inseparability from social configurations.

10. See Janet Todd, Sensibility: An Introduction (New York: Methuen, 1986), 91-93; and John Mullan, Sentiment and Sociability: The Language of Feeling in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

11. See Metz, The Imaginary Signifier, for an account of techniques that emphasize the camera's control over the spectator's vision. In evoking "the boundary that bars the look," Metz suggests, the camera eroticizes seeing, in a "veilingunveiling procedure" that excites the viewer's desire (77). This kind of procedure characterizes Dickens's writing in passages such as the following:

Meanwhile the fog and darkness thickened so, that people ran about with flaring links, proffering their services to go before horses in carriages, and conduct them on their way. The ancient tower of a church . . . became invisible. . . . In the main street, at the corner of the court, some labourers were repairing the gas-pipes, and had lighted a great fire in a brazier, round which a party of ragged men and boys were gathered. . . . (52)

This description is less an attempt at mimesis than an evocation of desire for light (and heat). Other scenes, discussed in the text of this chapter similarly depend not so much on minute description as on a "strip-tease" effect that fetishizes the visual (Metz, 77). Dickens's interest in the interrelation of vision and power resembles that of numerous other Victorian novelists. But in A Christmas Carol readers "see" because of a mechanics of projection and a dynamic of spectatorial desire that produce in then a condition of consumer desire and construct the text as commodity. For discussions of vision and power in the Victorian novel and in Dickens, see D. A. Miller, The Novel and the Police (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988); and Audrey Jaffe, Vanishing Points: Dickens, Narrative, and the Subject of Omniscience (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991).

12. Mary Ann Doane, The Desire to Desire: The Woman's Film of the 1940s (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), 13-14.

13. The cultural value placed on masculine virility, for instance, is conveyed by the detail that, as the old merchant danced, "a positive light appeared to issue from Fezziwig's calves" [77].

14. As Mulvey explains, "In their traditional exhibitionist role women are simultaneously looked at and displayed, with their appearance coded for strong visual and erotic impact so that it can be said to connote to-be-looked-at-ness" ("Visual Pleasures and Narrative Cinema," in Visual and other Pleasures [Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1989], 19). This effect is what I refer to as circularity: in representing woman, A Christmas Carol (and, of course, not only that text) highlights a figure already "coded" for visual impact, culturally defined in representational terms.

15. Thomas Richards discusses the way the Great Exhibition synthesized, in the manufactured commodity, techniques associated with spectacle, such as the play of light on the object and the imposed distance between spectator and object. But the presence of these techniques in the Carol suggests that both Dickens and the Exhibition drew upon forms of representation widely present in everyday life, forms influenced perhaps most significantly by the use of plate glass ( The Commodity Culture of Victorian England: Advertising and Spectacle, 1851-1914 [Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 1990], 21).

16. This collapse of reality and illusion suggests Baudrillard's simulacra. But I am arguing, not that the commodity form dominates culture, but rather that commodity culture draws its power from its status as an exemplary form of culture—its identity with culture as a system of representations (see Jean Baudrillard, For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign, trans. Charles Levin [Saint Louis, Mo.: Telos Press, 1981]).

17. Louis Althusser, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses (Notes Toward an Investigation)," in Lenin and Philosophy (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1971), 174. Subsequent references are given parenthetically in the text.

18. This interpretation offers a solution to what Elliot Gilbert dubs "the Scrooge Problem," "the unconvincing ease and apparent permanence of Scrooge's reformation ("The Ceremony of Innocence: Charles Dickens's A Christmas Carol, " PMLA 90 [1975]: 22). Scrooge's "ease'' also suggests a projection of the text's ideal reader, compelled, as Scrooge is throughout, by the power of the story's representations.

19. The scene after the ball similarly imagines a consolidation of past and present: its fantasy of "presence" combines "the lightest licence of a child" with a man's knowledge of value.

20. My assertion is not that readers lack agency—that the story's claims are irresistible—but rather that A Christmas Carol, like any other text, will interpellate those subjects who respond to its call, those for whom the text compels or affirms belief in the feelings and cultural truths it represents. My reading thus participates to some extent in the "always already" structure of Althusser's narrative. I do not mean to suggest that such readers cannot read otherwise; my own argument, as well as discussions by Teresa de Lauretis and Kaja Silverman about the way considerations of gender complicate arguments about interpellation, may contribute to such revision. See Silverman, Male Subjectivity at the Margins; and de Lauretis, Technologies of Gender: Essays on Theory, Film, and Fiction (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987).

Silverman's discussion of Jacques Rancière's term "dominant fiction" as a story or image "through which a society figures consensus" (30) helps elucidate the claim I want to make about the Carol —that it figures consensus in the process of identification I outline here. But the best evidence for the story's success at interpellation is the spectacle of social cohesion that takes place around its images each December. Those who resist the spirit of the Carol and of the holiday are, after all, nothing but a bunch of old Scrooges.

21. Vicki Goldberg discusses the idea of images as collective culture in an article about the use, in advertising, of news photographs of catastrophes. "Whole populations," she writes, "have the same mental-image files, which constitute a large part of the common culture" ("Images of Catastrophe as Corporate Ballyhoo, New York Times, 3 May 1992, section 2, 33. Such image repertoires, while increased by the existence of cinema and television, would exist as soon as and wherever images are circulated; Elizabeth Eisenstein also suggests as much in The Printing Revolution in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 37.

The identity between culture and a series of visual images is reinforced by Dickens's description of his memories of Christmas as a series of images; see Davis, Lives and Times of Ebenezer Scrooge, 66-67.

22. Scrooge does participate in the economic system; Davis discusses the idea that before his conversion Scrooge promotes a "supply-side" economy (chapter 7).

23. Thomas Haskell, "Capitalism and the Origins of the Humanitarian Sensibility," American Historical Review 90 (1985): 560. Subsequent references are given parenthetically in the text.

24. The serialization of Scrooge's life (its division into past, present, and future) reflects the link between capitalism, serial publication, and the need for "projection"—living partly in the future—that Haskell defines as necessary to a capitalist sensibility.

Haskell (558) quotes Defoe, "An Essay upon Projects," on the connection between business and metaphorical travel:

Every new voyage the merchant contrives is a project, and ships are sent from port to port, as markets and merchandizes differ, by the help of strange and universal intelligence; wherein some are so exquisite, so swift, and so exact, that a merchant sitting at home in his counting-house, at once converses with all parts of the known world.

25. These images reflect the sense in which, by the time of Dickens's story, poverty was a spectacle rather than a visible reality for many members of the middle and upper classes. See Gareth Stedman Jones's discussion of the "separation between classes" in Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society (New York: Pantheon, 1971), part 3.

26. A Christmas Carol is concerned with relations between employer and employee—between the businessman and his clerk. But this story of class relations is mapped onto the symbolic context of a patriarchal Christian order, and its cross-class appeal attests to the consensus achieved thereby.

The story allegorizes and, in its own terms, ideally effects the inscription of its readers into Victorian culture's dominant ideological structures. To the extent that those structures remain the same for contemporary readers and spectators, the story may be said to achieve the same effects. But in that context it also serves as a different kind of "culture-text," successfully representing Victorian England for present-day readers precisely because of its ability to condense culture into a series of representations. A Christmas Carol exemplifies the way in which, in a spectacular society, images mediate cultural memory.

27. "We cannot remember when we first knew this story. It is allied in our consciousness to our awareness of day and night, winter and spring . . ." (Davis, 238).

28. A Christmas Carol was the first, and the most frequently performed, of Dickens's public readings. Although the text varied from night to night, the crucial feature of the readings was reportedly the author's impersonation of his characters and his evident identification with the "spirit" of both book and holiday. See Philip Collins, Charles Dickens: The Public Readings (London: Oxford University Press, 1975), 4-7.

1. Terry Eagleton, The Ideology of the Aesthetic (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990), 13.

2. William Makepeace Thackeray, Vanity Fair, ed. Geoffrey Tillotson and Kathleen Tillotson (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1963), 5-6; 492.

3. Maria DiBattista, in ''The Triumph of Clytemnestra: The Charades in Vanity Fair, '' PMLA 95 (1980), registers the orientalism of the charades as a strategic deflection from those issues central to the novel's tacit critique: "a universal, not a historically localized, cultural pathology: sexual bondage, enslavement, exploitation, and victimization" (829). In her exhaustive thematic treatment, DiBattista characterizes in passing the linguistic dimension of the scene's "'floating signifiers'" (828) that veil rather than reveal meaning, linking the "generic imperative" of the charades—"never to expose reality in the direct light of complete representation" (834)—with Thackeray's muted diagnosis of sexual subjection in the novel as a whole.

4. Françoise Meltzer, Salomé and the Dance of Writing: Portraits of Mimesis in Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 111.

5. Oscar Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray, ed. Donald L. Lawler (New York: Norton, 1988), 3. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

6. Jane M. Gaines, Contested Culture: The Image, the Voice, and the Law (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 43.

7. "The Magnetic Daguerreotypes," Photographic Art-Journal 3, no. 6 (1862): 353-59, is retrieved and discussed in other terms by Alan Trachtenberg, "Mirror in the Marketplace: American Response to the Daguerreotype, 1839-1851," in The Daguerreotype: A Sesquicentennial Celebration, ed. John Wood (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1989), 60-73. Subsequent citations of the story are given parenthetically in the text.

8. Charles Dickens, Great Expectations, ed. Angus Calder (New York: Penguin, 1965), 35.

9. Charles Reade, The Cloister and the Hearth (London: Collins, 1962), 193.

10. Mary Elizabeth Braddon, Lady Audley's Secret, ed. David Skilton (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965), 295.

11. H. Rider Haggard, Mr. Meeson's Will (New York: Arno Press, 1976), 135. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

12. Peter Brooks, in Body Work: Objects of Desire in Modern Narrative (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), characterizes the plight of an eponymous heroine from another nineteenth-century novella, Balzac's La Duchesse de Langeais, with a formulation apt for Mr. Meeson's Will as well. A woman only threatened with a branding by a male that is never performed, and who, when dead, passes into memory as if she were merely "a book read during childhood," the duchess locates for Brooks what Haggard's heroine represents more blatantly: "a remarkable example of both the semiotization of the body and the somatization of story" (77).

13. See my article "'Count Me In': Dracula, Hypnotic Participation, and the Late-Victorian Gothic of Reading," Lit 5 (1994): 1-18.

14. See Joss Lutz Marsh, "In a Glass Darkly: Photography, the Pre-Modern, and Victorian Horror," in Prehistories of the Future, ed. Elazar Barker and Ronald Bush (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1995).

15. Bram Stoker, Dracula (New York: Penguin, 1979), 35.

16. H. Rider Haggard, She, ed. Daniel Karlin (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 216.

17. Robert Louis Stevenson, The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, ed. Jenni Calder (London: Penguin, 1979), 50. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

18. George du Maurier, Trilby (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1894), 418. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.

19. Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness, ed. Robert Kimbrough (New York: Norton, 1988), 74. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text. Both the manuscript and magazine version of the text, before Conrad's later revisions, give an overexplicit account of this picture: ". . . sunlight can be made to lie too, yet that face on paper seemed to be a reflection of truth itself . One felt that no manipulation of light and pose could have conveyed the delicate shade of truthfulness upon those features. She looked out trustfully " (Kimbrough, notes, 74; emphasis added to phrases later excised). One readily suspects why the last adverb "trustfully" must have seemed too precise and narrow for the amorphous aura of credence/credulity meant to be evoked. One likes to think, too, that the previous deletion removes any confusion between the Intended as we have her on Conrad's ''paper" and the reductive impress(ion) of the photograph.

20. J. Hillis Miller, Illustration (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), 67.

21. Georges Poulet, "Phenomenology of Reading," New Literary History 1 (October 1969): 53-68. Subsequent citations are given parenthetically in the text.