1. Very recently, there has been additional interest in western regional studies in religion. See Carl Guarneri and David Alvarez, editors, Religion and Society in the American West (forthcoming: University Press of America) and, for bibliographical assistance, essays on religious archives in Doyce B. Nunis, Jr., and Gloria R. Lothrop, editors, A Guide to the History of California (forthcoming: Greenwood Press). Regional American religious history has also received some general attention; see, for example, Samuel Hill, "Religion and Region in America," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (July 1985).

1. Joseph A. Benton, California As She Was: As She Is: As She Is to Be (San Francisco, 1850), 5, 12. Kenneth L. Janzen, in "The Transformation of the New England Tradition in California, 1849-1860" (Ph.D. thesis, Claremont Graduate School, 1964), uses Benton as the prime example of the New England mind. For an Episcopal bishop's version of the transformation hoped for from civilized cultivation of the land, see William Ingraham Kip, A California Pilgrimage (Fresno, Calif., 1921), 26.

2. William C. Pond, Gospel Pioneering: Reminiscences of Early Congregationalism in California 1833-1920 (Oberlin, Ohio, 1921).

3. James A. Woods, A Sermon at the Dedication of the Presbyterian Church of Stockton, California, May 5, 1850 (Barre: Patriot Press, 1851), 14. Woods added the hope that now, through California, Christianity could shed its light on China and "Hindostan." The Pacific orientation recurs throughout California literature, but its effects on religion are small in the early period. As we will see, a few Protestant ministers, notably the Reverends A. W. Loomis and Wil-

liam Speer, tried to pass on to their fellow Protestants an appreciation of Chinese culture while at the same time trying to convert the Chinese to Christianity.

4. California Christian Advocate , October 10, 1851.

5. Darius Stokes, A Lecture Upon the Moral and Religious Elevation of the People of California (San Francisco, 1853), delivered June, 1853, at the AME Church, Sacramento. Compare Mifflin Wister Gibbs, another black minister, who claimed to see in the American expansion into California the exemplary fulfillment of moral law ( Shadow and Light: An Autobiography [Washington, D.C., 1902]). In this kind of imperial consciousness, black Protestants were in accord with their white counterparts. They also had to struggle, however, for their own rights in a California that was as discriminatory as most northern states at this time. See Douglas Henry Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980).

6. Lorenzo Waugh, Autobiography , 3rd edition (San Francisco: S. P. Taylor & Co., 1885), 194-95, 217-19. Waugh came to California in part because of a vision in 1851 of a beautiful valley, which he claimed to recognize when he arrived in Petaluma. This is the same Waugh who was a famous midwestern circuit rider and Indian missionary. For similar glorification of California, see J. C. Simmons, My Trip to the Orient (San Francisco: Whitaker and Ray, 1902), 182: "Of all the lands I have seen, there is none to compare with America, and in America, none to compare with California."

7. William Taylor, a Methodist street preacher and later a famous bishop, saw San Francisco as "the Sebastopol of his Satanic majesty" (referring not to California's town of that name, but to the seige of the Russian city Sebastopol). See Taylor's Seven Years Street Preaching in San Francisco (New York, 1856), 342; and Douglas Anderson, "Give Up Strong Drink, Go to Work, and Become a Man: William Taylor in Gold Rush San Francisco," paper presented at the American Academy of Religion, Western Region, March 1982. For other concerns about the temptations of California, see the Pacific and the California Christian Advocate in their early years. As late as 1868 the Occident was complaining about the lack of home influence, of respect for reputation, and of watchful neighbors to keep society's morals in order. On the lack of unity, see Albert Williams, A Pioneer Pastorate and Times (San Francisco: Wallace & Hassett, 1879), 193. For an excellent description of the subtle differences in ministers' attitudes and aims, see Kevin Starr, Americans and the California

Dream, 1850-1915 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), especially 87-97; see also Richard Lyle Power, "A Crusade to Extend Yankee Culture," New England Quarterly 13 (1940): 638-53; and the comments on manifest destiny by Colin B. Goodykoontz, "Protestant Home Missions and Education in the Trans-Mississippi West, 1835-1860," in The Trans-Mississippi West , edited by James F. Willard and Colin B. Goodykoontz (Boulder: University of Colorado, 1930).

8. Quoted in Power, "Crusade," 645.

9. Ibid., 647.

8. Quoted in Power, "Crusade," 645.

9. Ibid., 647.

10. S. D. Simonds, in the California Christian Advocate of July 1, 1852, was proud that the first ceremonial cornerstone laying he had seen was at a church in Sacramento, suggesting that churches were indeed the pillars of society.

11. Pacific , August 1, 1851, 1.

12. Occident , January 4, 1868, 2.

13. California Christian Advocate , October 10, 1851, 1.

14. Ibid., August 22, 1867, 2.

15. Ibid., November 7, 1867, 1.

13. California Christian Advocate , October 10, 1851, 1.

14. Ibid., August 22, 1867, 2.

15. Ibid., November 7, 1867, 1.

13. California Christian Advocate , October 10, 1851, 1.

14. Ibid., August 22, 1867, 2.

15. Ibid., November 7, 1867, 1.

16. Occident , January 4, 1868, 1.

17. Evangel , January 29 and February 6, 1874.

18. California Christian Advocate , November 7, 1867, 1.

19. For accounts of various aspects of California religious enterprises, see Starr, California Dream , chapter 3; William Hanchett, "The Question of Religion and the Taming of California, 1849-1854," California Historical Society Quarterly 32 (1953): 49-56, 119-44; William Warren Ferrier, "The Origins and Growth of the Protestant Church on the Pacific Coast," in Religious Progress on the Pacific Slope, edited by Charles Sumner Nash and John Wright Buckham (Boston: Pilgrim Press, 1917); Norton Wesley, "'Like a Thousand Preachers Flying': Religious Newspapers on the Pacific Coast to 1865," California Historical Society Quarterly 56 (1977): 194-209; Charles S. Greene, Magazine Publishing in California (San Francisco: Library Association of California, 1898). Denominational histories include Sandford Fleming, God's Gold: The Story of Baptist Beginnings in California, 1849-60 (Philadelphia: Judson Press, 1949); C. V. Anthony, Fifty Years of Methodism (San Francisco: Methodist Book Concern, 1901); Arnold Crompton, Unitarianism on the Pacific Coast: The First Sixty Years (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957); Clifford M. Drury, "The Beginnings of the Presbyte-

rian Church on the Pacific Coast," Pacific Historical Review 9 (June 1940): 195-204, and The Centennial of the Synod of California (Presbyterian Synod, 1951); Janzen, "Transformation"; Floyd Looney, History of California Southern Baptists (Fresno, Calif., 1954); E. B. Ware, History of the Disciples of Christ in California (Healdsburg, Calif., 1916); W. B. West, Jr., "Origin and Growth of the Churches of Christ in California" (M.A. thesis, University of Southern California, 1936). See also Kenneth Wilson Moore, "Areas of Impact of Protestantism upon the Cultural Development of Northern California, 1850-1870" (M.A. thesis, Pacific School of Religion, 1970). It is no accident that most of these studies deal with the first ten to twenty years of California Protestantism; for, as I will show below, after that time much of the energy of church leaders goes into maintaining what they have built and dealing with the challenges of other groups.

20. On schools, see Clifford M. Drury, "Church-Sponsored Schools in Early California," Pacific Historian 20 (1976): 158-66; on Sabbatarian agitation, William Hanchett, "The Blue Law Gospel in Gold Rush California," Pacific Historical Review 24 (1955): 361-68, and below, Chapter 4.

21. The Vigilantes appear in any basic California history; for their connection with evangelical Protestantism, see Starr, California Dream , 106. Starr argues that the mercantile establishment controlled the whole enterprise and that the ministers simply allowed themselves and their pulpits to be used because the Vigilantes represented their fantasies of cleansing regeneration. Such an extreme interpretation is unnecessary; it is likely that the Protestant leadership for the most part shared the same social and moral values as the merchants. Most preferred not to see that the Vigilantes were sometimes perpetrating evils as great as their opponents were.

22. Josiah Royce, California: From the Conquest in 1846 to the Second Vigilance Committee in San Francisco: A Study of American Character (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1948), 316-17. There is considerable evidence supporting Royce's contention that people wanted churches to prosper, in the first ten or fifteen years of the American period in California. Despite clerical complaints about an unsympathetic press, the early papers, especially those outside San Francisco, urged the importance of religion without favoring denominations as such. See, for example, the Petaluma Journal and the Sonoma County Journal (Santa Rosa), both of which extolled the

spiritual influences of home and mother and carried occasional reports of camp meetings or revivals in the churches. In the mining country, when the Placerville Herald in 1853 published "The Miner's Ten Commandments," reminding the men especially of the duty of Sabbath observance, the paper sold triple editions. See also Rodman Paul, Mining Frontiers of the Far West 1848-1880 (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1963), 46, 164-65. Even in San Francisco, the Herald was kind enough to report in 1856 that religion there would compare well with that in any northern city (cited in Fleming, God's Gold , 118). It is true, however, that the secular papers declined over the years in their promotion of, or kind words for, specific religious activities.

23. Denominational and general secular histories of California usually do not mention the 1858 revival; an exception is Fleming in God's Gold . Starr, California Dream , reports simply that "a religious revival followed the upheavals" of 1856 (p. 95), thus linking it to the Vigilantes. Revivals in general were far less popular than on earlier frontiers. Anthony's Methodism mentions a few traveling evangelists, notably Maggie Van Cott and A. B. Earle (Earle's were holiness revivals); Pond, in Gospel Pioneering , also refers to an Earle revival in Petaluma in 1866. Anthony mentions that the Methodists did not do well at union (that is, interdenominational) meetings. For a treatment of later mass revivals held by D. L. Moody, see Douglas F. Anderson, "'You Californians': San Francisco Evangelicalism, Regional Religious Identity, and the Revivalism of D. L. Moody," Fides et Historia 15 (Spring/Summer 1983): 44-66.

24. Williams, Pioneer Pastorate , 158.

25. Philo F. Phelps, The Relief Signal in the Hour of Need , sermon at First Presbyterian Church (San Francisco, 1880).

26. Pacific Methodist , December 21, 1871.

27. Petaluma Daily Crescent , December 11, 1870, 2.

28. "Selected Letters of Osgood Church Wheeler," edited by Sandford Fleming, California Historical Society Quarterly 27 (1948): 9-18, 123-31, 229-36, 301-9; letter of August 1, 1849. A similar observation was made in later years by Presbyterian minister Robert Mackenzie, reviewing the history of his denomination in California: the pressure of material things was always so great that it took a great effort to make people pay attention to the cause of the kingdom of God (in Californian Illustrated [April 1892]: 441). Charles A. Farley, a Unitarian minister, wrote that in California "a

nation has literally been born in a day; a nation the strangest and most miscellaneous ever brought together . . . animated primarily, it must be confessed, by . . . a passion for money.'' See "The Moral Aspect of California: A Thanksgiving Sermon of 1850," introduction by Clifford M. Drury, California Historical Society Quarterly 19 (1940): 302.

29. William Taylor, Seven Years , 342.

30. For some description see Paul, Mining Frontiers , and Earl Pomeroy, The Pacific Slope: A History of California, Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Utah, and Nevada (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1966). Dorothy O. Johansen has argued persuasively that California immigrants were self-selected to be of a different temperament than other westward migrants who went, at roughly the same time, to Oregon. Because of different kinds of promotion and publicity, the Oregon fever of 1842 had attracted more sober, conservative, and "respectable" people; California attracted the risk-takers. See "A Working Hypothesis for the Study of Migrations," Pacific Historical Review 36 (1967): 1-12.

31. The cosmopolitan character of early California is treated in Pomeroy, Pacific Slope , 160-62; Moses Rischin, "Immigration, Migration, and Minorities in California," in Essays and Assays: California History Reappraised , edited by George H. Knoles (California Historical Society, Ward Ritchie Press, 1973); and Doris Marion Wright, "The Making of Cosmopolitan California, 1840-1870: An Analysis of Immigration," California Historical Society Quarterly 19 (1940), 20 (1941).

32. See, for example, the comments on Californians' independence in religion in Ella M. Robinson, Lighter of Gospel Fires, John N. Loughborough (Mountain View, Calif.: Pacific Press, 1954), 129. The struggles to organize the state, its legal system, and its government, as well as the battles over land titles, are recounted in any good general history of the state.

33. Janzen, "Transformation," chapter 3; Starr, California Dream , 106.

34. Contemporary men's experience was not emphasized in midcentury Anglo-Protestantism; as many recent studies have noted, this was the period of "feminization" in American religion. See especially Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1977); and Sandra S. Sizer [Frankiel], Gospel Hymns and Social Religion: The Rhetoric of Nineteenth-Century

Revivalism (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978), chapter 4. The 1857-58 "businessmen's revival" might be seen as an early attempt to reclaim Christianity for men, but it was not until the Moody revivals with their young men's meetings, and even more Billy Sunday with his sportsman's appeal, that we find specific attention to the male side.

35. Horace Bushnell, on a visit to California in 1856, exhorted Californians to support the churches precisely because they were guardians of order. This was, of course, the disturbing Vigilante period. See Bushnell's Society and Religion: A Sermon for California (San Francisco, 1856).

36. On the insanity issue, see the discussion in Crerar Douglas, "The Gold Rush and the Kingdom of God: The Rev. James Woods' Cure of Souls," in The American West and the Religious Experience , edited by William M. Kramer (Los Angeles: Will Kramer, 1975).

37. John Higham has argued persuasively that the midcentury years marked a transition from expansiveness to control in his From Boundlessness to Consolidation: The Transformation of American Culture (Ann Arbor, Mich.: William L. Clements Library, 1969). In religion, one can certainly observe that movement from open, highly emotional revivals to sentimentalism in Henry Ward Beecher and Dwight L. Moody. I have traced some of this trend in my Gospel Hymns . Lawrence Foster has identified similar dynamics in the areas of family and sexuality, in his Religion and Sexuality: Three American Communal Experiments of the Nineteenth Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981). California, for the reasons of social history I have already presented, was a special case of this broader trend.

38. On interdenominational cooperation in the early years, see California Christian Advocate , April 23, 1868, and Kip, California Pilgrimage , 27-28. Janzen argues as a primary thesis that the California situation led to Congregationalists becoming nondenominational in ideology; Fleming's God's Gold shows the Baptist contrast. The quotation is from the Occident , February 13, 1869, 85.

39. Williams, Pioneer Pastorate , 119, 193.

40. Josiah Royce, Race Questions, Provincialism, and Other American Problems (New York: Macmillan, 1908), 70.

41. For one example among many, see William Ingraham Kip, Early Days of My Episcopate (New York: Thomas Whittaker, 1892).

42. James A. Woods, Recollections of Pioneer Work in California (San Francisco: Joseph Winterburn, 1878), 47; Joseph J. McCloskey in Christmas in the Gold Fields, 1849 (San Francisco: California Historical Society, 1959).

43. Starr, California Dream , 413; his entire discussion, pp. 374-423, is highly illuminating.

44. See the California Christian Advocate , October 17, 1867, for comments on how the Chinese were showing fewer of these bad traits after having been in America.

45. Pacific , May 7, 1852.

46. It seems that some clergymen were wont to engage in self-deception about the effects of missions to Asians—or at least to exaggerate them. For example, the Evangel (Baptist) printed a letter from a missionary to Japan claiming not only that many Japanese were now looking to Western culture and religion for inspiration but also that "all feel that Bhudisha [ sic ] is a sham" (January 29, 1874). They also assumed, as hinted in the California Christian Advocate article cited above, n. 44, that a decrease in the Asian peoples' presumed negative traits meant a greater openness to Christianity.

47. California Christian Advocate , October 10, 1851.

48. New Englander 60 (1858): 157.

49. Occident , February 1, 1868.

50. O. P. Fitzgerald, California Sketches (Nashville, Tenn.: Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 1896), 208.

51. There were, of course, Eastern churchmen who were known for their responsiveness to and sermons upon the beauties of nature and the inner meaning of nature. Some were in the dissident liberal tradition, like Theodore Parker and Ralph Waldo Emerson; others were closer to the mainstream, like Henry Ward Beecher. Emerson, of course, became the inspiration for many who were spiritually drawn to nature as well as for people in the alternative metaphysical traditions that we will consider in Chapter 5.

1. Thomas Starr King, quoted in Richard Frothingham, A Tribute to Thomas Starr King (Boston: Ticknor and Fields, 1865), 200. Among the others pleading the Union cause was another minister, Martin C. Briggs of the Methodist Church (see Anthony, Methodism , 34). On the Southern sympathizers in California, see Benjamin

Franklin Gilbert, ''The Confederate Minority in California," California Historical Society Quarterly 20 (1941). The "Pacific Republic" idea was espoused by Governor Weller and many in the Democratic party. Starr King was careful not to antagonize that element directly by attacking the idea of independence; but he was merciless in his attacks on the South's "treachery." He countered the independence idea indirectly, by appealing to a sense that California's destiny was interrelated with that of the rest of the nation.

2. The phrase is the title of one of King's lectures on Unitarianism; see below.

3. Edwin P. Whipple, Introduction to Substance and Show, and Other Lectures , by Thomas Starr King (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1877), xvii.

4. Information about Starr King's life is taken from the (mostly eulogistic) biographies. Notable among them is Arnold Crompton's Apostle of Liberty: Starr King in California (Boston, 1950); others include Frothingham's Tribute , cited in n. i; William Day Simonds, Starr King in California (San Francisco: P. Elder, 1917); and Charles W. Wendte, Thomas Starr King, Patriot and Preacher (Boston, 1921). A critical biography of King is very much needed.

5. Edwin P. Whipple, Introduction to Christianity and Humanity , by Thomas Starr King (Boston: James R. Osgood, 1877), xlv.

6. On his nearness to orthodoxy, see the comments in the Pacific , January 10, 1861, on his sermon on the Lord's Prayer. The Pacific was glad to see him preaching obedience to God's will, since (the editors assumed) that would mean he would advocate the proper worship of Jesus Christ as divine. His admirer Whipple actually claimed (in his Introduction, cited in n. 5) that King was as much an evengelical as Jonathan Edwards, because he believed in the transforming power of the Holy Spirit! King's public attitude to orthodoxy was tolerant, but he wrote privately to a friend that he found among California ministers "the tightest orthodoxy, in connection with a noble large-heartedness among the people" (quoted in Frothingham, Tribute , 191).

On his preaching in a conservative church, see Frothingham, Tribute , 193. King was also much in demand by reform, philanthropic, and charitable societies; see ibid., 181.

7. King, Spiritual Christianity (Boston: American Unitarian Association, n.d.), 5-6.

8. Ibid., 20. 27.

7. King, Spiritual Christianity (Boston: American Unitarian Association, n.d.), 5-6.

8. Ibid., 20. 27.

9. King, "Living Water from Lake Tahoe," in Substance and Show , 314.

10. Ibid., 316-17.

11. Ibid., 321.

12. Ibid., 323-24.

9. King, "Living Water from Lake Tahoe," in Substance and Show , 314.

10. Ibid., 316-17.

11. Ibid., 321.

12. Ibid., 323-24.

9. King, "Living Water from Lake Tahoe," in Substance and Show , 314.

10. Ibid., 316-17.

11. Ibid., 321.

12. Ibid., 323-24.

9. King, "Living Water from Lake Tahoe," in Substance and Show , 314.

10. Ibid., 316-17.

11. Ibid., 321.

12. Ibid., 323-24.

13. His "comet" and "metallurgy" sermons appear in the same volume, as does "The Earth and the Mechanic Arts" (1861).

14. King, American Nationality (San Francisco, 1863), 6.

15. King, "The Privileges and Duties of Patriotism," in Substance and Show , 394.

16. King, "Substance and Show," in Substance and Show , 3, 8.

17. Ibid., 11.

18. Ibid., 20, 27.

16. King, "Substance and Show," in Substance and Show , 3, 8.

17. Ibid., 11.

18. Ibid., 20, 27.

16. King, "Substance and Show," in Substance and Show , 3, 8.

17. Ibid., 11.

18. Ibid., 20, 27.

19. On David Starr Jordan, see Starr, California Dream 308-309; Widney's reference to King appears in The Three Americas (Los Angeles: Pacific Publishing, Times-Mirror Press, 1935), 65.

20. A Life Sketch of Mrs. E. P. Thorndyke , edited by L. M. Snow (n.p., 1906).

21. Arnold Crompton in his history of Unitarianism suggests that Hamilton was directly an heir of King's ideas, but I have found no evidence to that effect. Hamilton was the next prominent liberal in the area. He may, of course, have been influenced by King, as he would likely have heard him preach during the Civil War.

1. The paper, called Banner of Progress , ran for at least two years, until 1868; another, Light for All , appeared briefly in 1880. Sources on California Spiritualism and its opponents are scanty and do not justify separate treatment here. Of communities rooted in Spiritualism, the best known is Thomas Lake Harris's Fountaingrove (near Santa Rosa), but judging from the little attention given it by the religious media, it had small impact on the nearby Protestant population. Even when accusations against Harris broke out in 1891, the religious media paid less attention than the secular papers. For the basic story, see Robert V. Hine, California's Utopian Colonies (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1953).

For samples of orthodox churchpeople's reaction to Spiritualist writings and leaders, see the Occident , January 4, 1868 (on Andrew Jackson Davis), and March 28, 1868 (on the Spiritualists' heavenly

visitors being in fact spirits on their way to hell). The Methodist M. C. Briggs, besides being a patriot and Sabbatarian crusader, was also known for his anti-Spiritualist lectures. These seem to be no longer extant, but a sharp and witty reply to them, including what appears to be a good summary of Briggs's views, is that of N. I. Underwood, A Lecture on Spirit Communion (Sacramento: J. H. Lewis, 1857).

2. See below, Chapter 4, for a fuller description of Adventism in California.

3. See S. D. Simonds, The Doctrine Concerning God (San Francisco, 1865), reprinted from the Methodist Quarterly Review of July, 1865; on his heresy and reinstatement, see Anthony, Methodism , 36, and the Occident , June 13, 1868. California Christian Advocate issues that would cover Simonds's trial are no longer extant.

4. D. A. Dryden, Heresy in the California Conference (San Francisco: John H. Carmany, 1877).

5. Thomas Starr King, quoted in Richard Frothingham, Tribute , 191.

6. George H. Shriver, American Religious Heretics: Formal and Informal Trials (Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon Press, 1966).

7. Pacific Methodist , Feb. 27, 1869; reports of contemporary sermons in the Occident and the Pacific confirm that opinion.

8. Universalists were so named because they believed in the universal salvation of all human beings; after death, people might undergo a period of trial or purgation, but ultimately no one would be condemned eternally to hell. Unitarians held no single doctrine on this matter, but most also questioned the theory of eternal punishment. One of the sermons in Starr King's repertoire was on this topic; see "Eternal Punishment," in Christianity and Humanity .

9. Elizabeth Stuart Phelps's The Gates Ajar (1868) was an immediate best-seller; its sequels Beyond the Gates (1883) and Between the Gates (1887) were almost as well received. The famous Harriet Beecher Stowe addressed the topic in her popular The Minister's Wooing (1859). The American preoccupation with death and the afterlife in this period is treated by Ann Douglas in The Feminization of American Culture (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1977), chapter 6: "The Domestication of Death: The Posthumous Congregation."

10. This idea was first suggested to me by Michael O'Sullivan, who offers it without much elaboration in his Ph.D. dissertation, "A

Harmony of Worlds: Spiritualism and the Quest for Community in Nineteenth-Century America" (University of Southern California, 1981).

11. A brief biographical summary appeared in the San Francisco Evening Bulletin , April 10, 1882, 2.

12. Laurentine Hamilton, The Future State and Free Discussion: Four Sermons (San Francisco: John H. Carmany, 1869). This volume contains all four sermons and his defense before the Presbytery. The first sermon, "Knowledge of God Eternal Life," is primarily a critique of revivalism and emotional religion; the third, "Fear the Foe of Love," returns to the same theme of emotionalism; and the fourth, "The Uses and Dangers of Skepticism," is a defense of the critical approach Hamilton has taken. Clearly, Hamilton was aware of the radical potentials in the positions he was offering for debate.

13. Hamilton, Future State , 44-46.

14. Ibid., 48-49.

15. Ibid., 50-54.

16. Ibid., 12-13.

17. Ibid., 18-20. Later, in his systematic treatise entitled Reasonable Christianity (San Francisco: Dewey & Co., 1881), also a sermon series, he criticized orthodoxy for its awaiting of "special expedients," as in the "showers" of a revival, and connected this with a belief in miracles. Hamilton preferred to think of God as operating within a wholesome natural order, with regularity instead of the shocks, the ups and downs, of miracles. It seems likely that we are seeing, in Hamilton's liberalism, the fruits of Bushnell's ideas of an organic "Christian nurture," possibly carried beyond what Bushnell would wish. Further, in a funeral sermon published in the Memorial to Oscar Lovell Shafter (San Francisco, 1874), Hamilton criticized both formalists who demanded adherence to specific religious structures and rites, and pietists who demanded a "mystical'' experience. Mysticism, for him, meant excessive emotionalism. Hamilton thus was advocating a steadily growing but controlled experience of religion.

13. Hamilton, Future State , 44-46.

14. Ibid., 48-49.

15. Ibid., 50-54.

16. Ibid., 12-13.

17. Ibid., 18-20. Later, in his systematic treatise entitled Reasonable Christianity (San Francisco: Dewey & Co., 1881), also a sermon series, he criticized orthodoxy for its awaiting of "special expedients," as in the "showers" of a revival, and connected this with a belief in miracles. Hamilton preferred to think of God as operating within a wholesome natural order, with regularity instead of the shocks, the ups and downs, of miracles. It seems likely that we are seeing, in Hamilton's liberalism, the fruits of Bushnell's ideas of an organic "Christian nurture," possibly carried beyond what Bushnell would wish. Further, in a funeral sermon published in the Memorial to Oscar Lovell Shafter (San Francisco, 1874), Hamilton criticized both formalists who demanded adherence to specific religious structures and rites, and pietists who demanded a "mystical'' experience. Mysticism, for him, meant excessive emotionalism. Hamilton thus was advocating a steadily growing but controlled experience of religion.

13. Hamilton, Future State , 44-46.

14. Ibid., 48-49.

15. Ibid., 50-54.

16. Ibid., 12-13.

17. Ibid., 18-20. Later, in his systematic treatise entitled Reasonable Christianity (San Francisco: Dewey & Co., 1881), also a sermon series, he criticized orthodoxy for its awaiting of "special expedients," as in the "showers" of a revival, and connected this with a belief in miracles. Hamilton preferred to think of God as operating within a wholesome natural order, with regularity instead of the shocks, the ups and downs, of miracles. It seems likely that we are seeing, in Hamilton's liberalism, the fruits of Bushnell's ideas of an organic "Christian nurture," possibly carried beyond what Bushnell would wish. Further, in a funeral sermon published in the Memorial to Oscar Lovell Shafter (San Francisco, 1874), Hamilton criticized both formalists who demanded adherence to specific religious structures and rites, and pietists who demanded a "mystical'' experience. Mysticism, for him, meant excessive emotionalism. Hamilton thus was advocating a steadily growing but controlled experience of religion.

13. Hamilton, Future State , 44-46.

14. Ibid., 48-49.

15. Ibid., 50-54.

16. Ibid., 12-13.

17. Ibid., 18-20. Later, in his systematic treatise entitled Reasonable Christianity (San Francisco: Dewey & Co., 1881), also a sermon series, he criticized orthodoxy for its awaiting of "special expedients," as in the "showers" of a revival, and connected this with a belief in miracles. Hamilton preferred to think of God as operating within a wholesome natural order, with regularity instead of the shocks, the ups and downs, of miracles. It seems likely that we are seeing, in Hamilton's liberalism, the fruits of Bushnell's ideas of an organic "Christian nurture," possibly carried beyond what Bushnell would wish. Further, in a funeral sermon published in the Memorial to Oscar Lovell Shafter (San Francisco, 1874), Hamilton criticized both formalists who demanded adherence to specific religious structures and rites, and pietists who demanded a "mystical'' experience. Mysticism, for him, meant excessive emotionalism. Hamilton thus was advocating a steadily growing but controlled experience of religion.

13. Hamilton, Future State , 44-46.

14. Ibid., 48-49.

15. Ibid., 50-54.

16. Ibid., 12-13.

17. Ibid., 18-20. Later, in his systematic treatise entitled Reasonable Christianity (San Francisco: Dewey & Co., 1881), also a sermon series, he criticized orthodoxy for its awaiting of "special expedients," as in the "showers" of a revival, and connected this with a belief in miracles. Hamilton preferred to think of God as operating within a wholesome natural order, with regularity instead of the shocks, the ups and downs, of miracles. It seems likely that we are seeing, in Hamilton's liberalism, the fruits of Bushnell's ideas of an organic "Christian nurture," possibly carried beyond what Bushnell would wish. Further, in a funeral sermon published in the Memorial to Oscar Lovell Shafter (San Francisco, 1874), Hamilton criticized both formalists who demanded adherence to specific religious structures and rites, and pietists who demanded a "mystical'' experience. Mysticism, for him, meant excessive emotionalism. Hamilton thus was advocating a steadily growing but controlled experience of religion.

18. See Bishop Thompson's speech to the California Conference, reprinted in the California Christian Advocate , November 18, 1867.

19. The figure of one-half was the Occident 's estimate (April 3, 1869), based on observation of the numbers attending the respective Sunday schools of First Presbyterian and the new Independent Presbyterian Church. It may seem strange that there would be no direct

estimate of the congregation at Hamilton's main service, but then it may have been awkward for an orthodox Presbyterian reporter to show his face near Hamilton's church at the hour he should have been at his own. I have attempted to reconstruct Hamilton's following from membership lists from First Presbyterian before and after the split (there are no extant lists from Independent Presbyterian Church); the church manual lists members and new accessions for 1868 through 1873. Since only about twenty households out of about two hundred remained members of First Presbyterian after the split, I would have guessed a much higher defection, two-thirds or more going with Hamilton. But the membership lists still are uncertain, since there was also a regular high turnover among Oakland churches, probably because of the high mobility of many newcomers as well as some floating among the churches. The church manuals for First Presbyterian Church, Oakland, as well as for First Congregational (1874) are in the Bancroft Library's pamphlet collection (University of California, Berkeley).

20. The Occident on February 27 and March 6, 1869, reviewed comments by secular and denominational papers. The March 6 issue also contains a full report of the case. The favorable advertisement appears in the Directory of the City of Oakland and County of Alameda for the Year 1870 (Oakland, Calif.: Cook and Miller, 1870), 44-46. The same directory, pp. 20-22, gives an interesting summary of the great increase in real estate business in Oakland, mentioning some of the leaders in the business, several of whom were members of either First Congregational or First Presbyterian before the split.

21. See, besides the church manuals and directory cited above, William Warren Ferrier, Henry Durant, First President of the University of California (Berkeley: Ferrier, 1942).

22. Sample biographies showing this career pattern appear in James M. Guinn's chronicle, History of the State of California and Biographical Record of Oakland and Environs (Los Angeles: Historic Record Co., 1907).

23. Summaries of these thinkers appear in O'Sullivan, "A Harmony of Worlds," cited above, n. 10, and briefly in the more readily available perspective on Spiritualism by R. Laurence Moore, In Search of White Crows: Spiritualism, Parapsychology, and American Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977). Both authors emphasize the amorphous nature of spiritualist belief systems, which

makes it difficult to say what any individual Spiritualist believed. The Banner of Progress in California, however, seems to have been generally in line with A. J. Davis when it treated metaphysical matters. N. I. Underwood's Lecture on Spirit Communion , cited in n. 1, is another example; he cites Davis's theory of creation as more powerful than that of Moses!

24. Moore, White Crows , chapters 1-3.

25. Dryden, Heresy , 1-10.

26. See Leon L. Loofbourow, Those Pioneer Wives, What Women! (San Francisco: Historical Society of the California-Nevada Annual Conference of the Methodist Church, n.d. [ca. 1900]). Issues of the California Christian Advocate from 1851 on, when they mention Dryden at all, locate him in a variety of regions around the Bay Area.

27. They were indeed in the vanguard. Most eastern liberals are advancing these views after 1880. See James H. Moorhead, "The Erosion of Postmillenialism in American Religious Thought, 1865-1925," Church History 53 (March 1984): 61-77.

28. Most of them also lacked in their theologies any connection with Californians' love of nature, such as Starr King had expressed. Given the later romanticization and sacralization of nature in twentieth-century California, this is surprising. But it is difficult to ascertain how much weight to assign to this feature before, say, 1880. For discussion of John Muir's role in bringing this again to the fore, see Chapter 8.

29. See James White, The Redeemer and Redeemed: or the Plan of Redemption through Christ (Oakland: Pacific Press, 1877).

30. Pacific Methodist , February 8, 1872; Evangelist , October 29, 1872.

31. This assessment is based on a survey of sermons in the Bancroft Library (University of California, Berkeley) under the title, Pamphlets by California Authors on Religion. This small collection is widely ranging enough to be representative, although it is possible that the various sermons were kept by some individual(s) with idiosyncratic tastes before coming into the hands of H. H. Bancroft or other collectors. There are six volumes, comprising ninety-two sermons and essays, most (sixty-four) by mainstream Protestant ministers; some Spiritualist, Unitarian, freethinker, Roman Catholic, and Episcopal documents also appear.

1. Kevin Starr in California Dream says that Sabbatarianism and the linking of the Sabbath to civilization itself was primarily an aspect of the New England enterprise. My research indicates that, on the contrary, all denominations gathered round the cause, although the early leaders were of New England origin. Starr is wrong in stating that concern about the Sabbath died out by 1861, as we will see in this chapter.

2. Even religious people had difficulty in keeping the Sabbath. One Methodist convert in the 1850s apologized for not observing the holy day, saying "if he did not rodeo [drive] his stock on Sunday, he would not be able to get help [with the branding]." See Charles Alexander, The Life and Times of Cyrus Alexander , edited by George Shochat (Los Angeles: Dawson's Bookshop, 1967). Alexander was a late convert, first to Presbyterianism in 1852 at age 47; shortly after, he donated a farm to the Old School minister James A. Woods. Later he changed to the Methodist church, for unstated reasons. This change late in his life may have contributed to his difficulty in adopting Sabbath observance.

3. For descriptions, see Rodman Paul, California Gold: The Beginning of Mining in the Far West (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1947), 81, and Kenneth Wilson Moore, "Areas of Impact of Protestantism upon the Cultural Development of Northern California, 1850-1870" (M.A. thesis, Pacific School of Religion, 1970).

4. William Addison Blakely, compiler and annotator, American State Papers Bearing on Sunday Legislation , revised edition (Washington, D.C.: Religious Liberty Association, 1911), 350-53. For another, more popularly written account including a vivid description of the explosive Fields-Terry relationship, see Warren L. Johns, Dateline Sunday, U.S.A. (Mountain View, Calif.: Pacific Press, 1967), chapter 8. See also William Hanchett, "Blue Law Gospel," 361-68.

5. The early events are chronicled by John Cecil Haussler, "The History of the Seventh-day Adventist Church in California" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern California, 1945); Harold O. McCumber, The Advent Message of the Golden West (Mountain View, Calif.: Pacific Press, 1968), formerly "The Beginnings of the Seventh Day Adventist Church in California" (Ph.D. dissertation,

University of California, Berkeley, 1934); and Ella M. Robinson, Lighter of Gospel Fires: John N. Loughborough (Mountain View, Calif.: Pacific Press, 1954).

6. Clerical examples include M. C. Briggs, The Sabbath Made for Man (San Francisco: Methodist Book Depository, 1897); George H. Jenks, The Lord's Day of the Early Church (San Francisco: Libby and Swett, 1871); James L. Woods, Papers (San Anselmo, Calif.: San Francisco Theological Seminary collection); Theophilus Woodward, The Sabbath Question (San Francisco, 1883); Laurentine Hamilton, sermon reprinted in Occident , April 1868. Aside from these, the Pacific and the Occident both contain numerous references to the Sunday question, accounts of legal issues, and reports of ministers' sermons on the subject; the California Christian Advocate from the early years onward devoted space to the issue, encouraging the keeping of the Sabbath. Lay treatments include Hiram Plank, ''Three Sabbaths: The Jewish Sabbath; the Papal Sabbath; and the Christian Sabbath" (ms., Gilroy, Calif., n.d. [ca. 1890]); Henry Root, "The Question of the Sabbath: Sunday or Saturday?" (San Francisco: scrapbook collection, 1914 [this essay not dated]); and F. Joseph Spencer, Sunday the Seventh Day (Fruitvale, Calif., 1904).

7. Accounts of the early Adventists appear in most general histories of American religion. The best recent account of the Whites' rise to prominence and the emergence of positions on various issues is Ronald Numbers, Prophetess of Health: A Study of Ellen G. White (New York: Harper & Row, 1976).

8. James White, The Redeemer and Redeemed: Or, the Plan of Redemption Through Christ (Oakland: Pacific Press, 1877), 10.

9. Ibid., 46.

8. James White, The Redeemer and Redeemed: Or, the Plan of Redemption Through Christ (Oakland: Pacific Press, 1877), 10.

9. Ibid., 46.

10. The Sunday Law! Enforcement of the 'Christian Sabbath,' in Signs of the Times (Oakland: Pacific Press, 1882).

11. Robinson, Loughborough , 130, 131.

12. Briggs, Sabbath for Man . While not published in this form until 1897, Briggs's views were well known in Methodist circles much earlier. However, we cannot be sure he was using, in his earlier preaching, all this ammunition from scholarship on the ancient world. We do know that James L. Woods was constructing some similar scheme from the sermons mentioned, but not elaborated, in the reports of his preaching contained in his collected Papers .

13. See, for example, Henry Root, "Question of Sabbath." One "researcher," however, claimed that the Sabbath was always Sunday

but in the thirteenth century the Jews changed their observance to Saturday! See F. J. Spencer, Sunday the Seventh Day .

14. Oakland Daily Transcript , May 12, 1874, 2.

15. Ibid., May 14, 1874, 3.

14. Oakland Daily Transcript , May 12, 1874, 2.

15. Ibid., May 14, 1874, 3.

16. Banner of Progress , the Spiritualist paper, regularly commented derogatorily on the Protestant churches' attempts to emphasize the Sabbath; for Spiritualists it was simply an outmoded ritual prescription.

17. Occident , March 30, 1881, 4; May 11, 1881, 4.

18. Blakely, State Papers , 353.

19. San Francisco Daily Examiner , June 20, 1882, 2; June 22, 1882, 3; July 3, 1882, 3.

20. San Francisco Daily Examiner , September 5, 1882, 2; Sacramento Record-Union , August 31, 1882, 1.

21. Blakely, State Papers , 352.

22. San Francisco Examiner , September 1, 1882, 2; August 23, 1882, 2.

23. Robinson, Loughborough , 160; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Religious Bodies: 1936, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1936), 375.

24. Blakely, State Papers , 561. For some of the continued Adventist arguments on behalf of religious liberty, see the Sentinel Library collection among the Pamphlet Boxes of Sermons and Religious Papers by Californians (University of California, Berkeley Bancroft Library). Other important sources are the periodicals, the Review and Herald and, beginning in California in 1874, the pamphlets issued under the series title Signs of the Times .

25. Census reports on religious bodies are not thoroughly reliable because of differing criteria among the churches for what constitutes membership. Nevertheless, it appears that while California Protestant membership sometimes matched that of the urban Northeast (15 to 18 percent of the population), it generally was lower (around 14 percent) and it never compared to that of rural areas in the Midwest or South. Rocky Mountain and Southwestern states also had low Protestant membership. This assessment is based on data from the U.S. Bureau of the Census reports for 1850, 1860, 1870, 1890, and 1906.

26. See Douglas Anderson, "'You Californians.'" We should note, however, that Anglo-Protestant standards had sunk lower in later years. After the 1881 revival the Occident commented that

evangelical strength had doubled (adding one to two thousand in the San Francisco area), old members had been reinvigorated, and many others had been reformed "who have not and will not join the churches" (March 23, 1881). The editors were so eager to believe in the efficacy of revivals that they included among their successes people whom they did not expect to make any church commitments at all!

27. See, for example, the Stockton Independent , March 29, 1881.

28. San Francisco Chronicle , February 7, 1889, 4.

29. Occident , November 30, 1898; December 7, 1898. These are representative examples of the general tone at the time. Nor was the lack of church influence confined to the cities. For example, some towns, such as Petaluma, boasted of strong moral and religious sentiment; but in the same county, Sebastopol had only one church to seven saloons and a winery (see Roy P. McLaughlin, "Sebastopol in the 1890s," in The Carrillo Family in Sonoma County, History and Memories , by Alma McDaniel Carrillo and Eleanora Carrillo de Haney). A later report cited numerous problems in both city and country churches north of San Francisco Bay, and observed that it was the "small, irresponsible, and unnecessary religious groups" that were ''the bane of religious life in California." See Presbyterian Church, in the U.S.A., A Rural Survey of Marin and Sonoma Counties, California (New York: Presbyterian Church, 1916), 11. Since the ''irresponsible" groups are not named, we do not know whether the church report was referring to the alternative tradition of liberal groups, like Spiritualists or independents, or to evangelically rooted groups like churches of the holiness movement. In northern California the former seems more likely, but additional information must be brought to light before we can be certain.

30. That is not to say that liberal preachers had not been popular in other decades: the two Channings in the 1820s and 1830s, Emerson, and Theodore Parker in the 1850s are obvious examples. In this next wave of liberalism, however, California was definitely a leader.

31. Hiram Plank, "Three Sabbaths."

32. See their publication, The Gnostic (1888), of which only one volume is extant. Most such groups appear to have surfaced briefly and enthusiastically for one to three years, but were unable to establish themselves permanently. In the 1890s, longer-lasting organizations appeared.

1. For accounts of the booms, see Carey McWilliams, Southern California Country: An Island on the Land (New York: Duell, Sloan & Pearce, 1946), chapter 7; Robert M. Fogelson, The Fragmented Metropolis: Los Angeles, 1850-1930 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967). Charles Nordhoff's California for Health, Pleasure, and Residence: A Book for Travelers and Settlers , has recently been reprinted by Ten Speed Press (1975). Nordhoff himself settled in California and died in Coronado (an island off the San Diego coast).

2. Quoted in John Baur, The Health Seekers of Southern California 1897-1900 (San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 1959), 19.

3. Walter H. Case, History of Long Beach and Vicinity (New York: Arno Press, 1974); see Nordhoff, California , for mention of these and other colonies. See also Harland Hogue, "History of Religion in Southern California, 1846-1880" (Ph.D. thesis, Columbia University, 1958). Hogue observes also the Methodist influence in the founding of San Fernando, by, among others, the Reverend Charles Maclay, a businessman and later a legislator, who donated the Maclay School of Theology at the University of Southern California (1887). For a popular account of the Long Beach area, see the California Independent , May 27, 1899.

4. See Manuel P. Servin and Iris Higbe Wilson, Southern California and Its University (Los Angeles, 1969); Edward Drewry Jervey, "The Methodist Church and the University of Southern California," Historical Society of Southern California Quarterly 40 (March 1958).

5. Baur's Health Seekers , cited in n. 1, is the best treatment of the health propaganda, health seekers, and health industry in southern California.

6. Gregory H. Singleton, Religion in the City of Angels: American Protestant Culture and Urbanization, Los Angeles, 1850-1930 (UMI Research Press, 1979).

7. Ibid., chapter 3; also McWilliams, Southern California , 134, and Fogelson, Fragmented Metropolis .

6. Gregory H. Singleton, Religion in the City of Angels: American Protestant Culture and Urbanization, Los Angeles, 1850-1930 (UMI Research Press, 1979).

7. Ibid., chapter 3; also McWilliams, Southern California , 134, and Fogelson, Fragmented Metropolis .

8. These figures are given in Leland D. Hine, Baptists in Southern California (Valley Forge, Pa.: Judson Press, 1966), 121.

9. Singleton's emphasis on traditionalism in Los Angeles is a very important corrective to earlier treatments which, when they touched on religion at all, emphasized mostly the unusual or bizarre. McWilliams's Southern California is a good example—and he is not always aware of the religious nuances in his sources. For instance, he quotes a woman visitor who wrote, "I am told that the millennium has already begun in Pasadena, and that even now there are more sanctified cranks to the acre than in any other town in America" (p. 249). McWilliams uses this as support for his argument that the region supported many bizarre movements. However, knowing that Pasadena was a temperance town and that the region in general was a strong holiness area, we can be suspicious of his interpretation. Most likely "sanctified cranks" refers to Methodists and other holiness people, not to followers of odd groups; and the reference to the millennium may refer to the issue of pre- or post-millennial attitudes, an argument that many holiness groups brought to the fore.

In response to such interpretive tendencies, Singleton's work is enormously valuable; but it is necessary to examine also the fringe movements that disturbed the apparently placid mainstream, especially those that were much discussed in the pulpit and religious press. An early account supporting Singleton's emphasis (even though it is undoubtedly prejudiced in favor of the main stream of Protestantism) is Rev. Robert J. Burdette's Greater Los Angeles , which emphasizes the churches' wealth and their success in promoting temperance. However, Burdette's own sense of the lack of fit appears when he comments on the Los Angeles climate and natural environment: "How can the emblems of the resurrection be very impressive in a land where nature has no symbols of death, but where month answers month, all through the year, in every flower-blossoming cemetery, shaded by fadeless palms and pines, crying, 'Life—everlasting life'!! . . . This is a land of life" (p. 32).

10. On Theosophy, see J. Stillson Judah, The History and Philosophy of the Metaphysical Movements in America (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1967), and Bruce F. Campbell, Ancient Wisdom Revived: A History of the Theosophical Movement (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980).

11. The California community is studied in Emmett A. Greenwalt, The Point Loma Community in California, 1897-1942 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1955); see also Robert V. Hine, California's Utopian Colonies (San Marino, Calif.:

Huntington Library, 1953). Robert Ellwood and William Miller, in The Religious Heritage of Southern California: A Bicentennial Survey , edited by Francis J. Weber (Los Angeles: Interreligious Council, 1976), discuss other theosophical groups and observe (p. 100) that many spiritual teachers in southern California were born and raised at Point Loma.

12. Ralph Waldo Trine, In Tune with the Infinite (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1897), 41. On New Thought, see Judah, Metaphysical Movements , and Charles S. Braden, Spirits in Rebellion (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1963).

13. For interpretations of the derivation of Eddy's ideas, see Stephen Gottschalk, The Emergence of Christian Science in American Religious Life (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1973); Robert Peel, Christian Science: Its Encounter with American Culture (New York: Holt, 1958); and Mary Baker Eddy: The Years of Discovery (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1966), the first of three volumes of biography.

14. To grasp Eddy's thought, it is necessary to read her Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures , preferably in several editions (I have used the 1889, 1898, and 1906 editions as reference points), and her Retrospect and Prospect (1912). Problems in interpreting her work, due to the many changes in the basic texts, are numerous, but for our purposes I have tried simply to describe the most general and stable of her ideas. For interpretation, Gottschalk's work, cited in n. 13, is the most incisive and comprehensive. Another helpful work, though marred by some hostility to the movements, is Gail Thain Parker's Mind Cure in New England: From the Civil War to World War I (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1973); it includes New Thought as well as Christian Science.

15. Joseph Adams, quoted in Gottschalk, Emergence , 114-15.

16. Baur, Health Seekers , 93-94; Los Angeles Directory, 1893 and 1910-11.

17. See George Wharton James, "The Christian Science Architecture of California," Out West n.s. 4 (August 1912): 71-79.

18. The estimates are Parker's in Mind Cure : she believes they have national application. Our only supporting information, with no numerical data, comes from the Unity School of Christianity library (Kansas City, Mo.: miscellaneous files, 1891-1910). Unity publicized its work in California as beginning in the north with Malinda Cramer's energetic proselytizing in 1891. At that time a group

was formed called Silent Unity, based on metaphysical principles of harmony with the true Spirit. Later, however, Cramer's work was organized separately as Divine Science, based in Denver. The Los Angeles Unity church in 1893 may have been the first California center after Cramer's. By 1910 Unity had eleven groups in the south and twelve in the north, with a few more in the inland towns. Clearly, metaphysical religions were operating in the north as well as the south; our present focus on the southern area is intended to show that the new movements could prosper even in a heavily traditional area. One cannot explain them simply by reference to a previous liberal tradition, as one might in the north.

19. McWilliams, Southern California , 256-58.

20. Malinda Cramer, Basic Statements and Health Treatment of Truth , 2d edition (San Francisco, 1893), 11.

21. Karl Holl, "Der Szientismus," in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte , vol. 3 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1921-28 [orig. 1918]), 460-79.

22. Figures are derived from the U.S. Bureau of the Census, Religious Bodies: 1916 (Washington, D.C.: 1916). The census reports 2753 Scientists in California in 1906—probably a low figure, as there were at least thirty-two chartered churches then, of which at least six were building a second or larger building, indicating probable memberships of three hundred or more. Los Angeles churches must have had 1200 members; if the other twenty-odd churches had only fifty members apiece, there would have been at least four thousand Scientists in the state. The published census figures for Los Angeles do not count the Scientists separately, indicating that their membership was less than 1 percent of the population (less than 1,227 out of 122,697). But if so, it must have been just barely less. In 1909 the city of Los Angeles proper had four churches, one of which was building a church to accommodate 1200, while two of the other three were meeting in large halls--an auditorium seating about five hundred and a symphony hall (seatings unknown, but probably three hundred or more). These are estimated from the article, "The Scientists' New Churches," Los Angeles Times , July 25, 1909, V, 16-17. If in 1909 there were sittings for over two thousand people, it seems quite likely that in 1906 there could have been about 1200 members.

23. Singleton, City of Angels , Appendix I, 193.

24. Fogelson, Fragmented Metropolis , discusses this whole pattern in considerable detail.

25. McWilliams, Southern California , 105, 107.

26. Ibid., 107-110.

25. McWilliams, Southern California , 105, 107.

26. Ibid., 107-110.

27. Nordhoff, California , 181.

28. Nathaniel West, cited in Fogelson, Fragmented Metropolis , 197.

29. The health literature is probably the best source for both the paradisal view of California and the warnings about taking care of one's nerves. See, for example, William A. Edwards and Beatrice Harraden, Two Health Seekers in Southern California (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1897), 22 and 29-36; Emma H. Adams, To and Fro in Southern California (Cincinnati: W.M.B.C. Press, 1887), 73-85, 278-79; Joseph Weed, A View of California As It Is (San Francisco: Bynon & Wight, 1874), 165-67, 176-77. The latter is also an excellent example of a later version of the California mythology discussed in Chapter 1.

30. Joseph Boskin, "Associations and Picnics as Stabilizing Forces in Southern California," California Historical Society Quarterly 44 (1965): 17-26.

31. Quoted in Hine, Baptists , 11.

32. Singleton, City of Angels , 54.

33. McWilliams, Southern California , 70-82, has an excellent discussion of the romanticizing tradition, while Starr, California Dream , discusses its emergence among intellectuals (365-414). For the Mediterranean architecture, see Starr, ibid., and Fogelson, Fragmented Metropolis , 157-58. These discussions are so excellent that I have not attempted to reproduce the details here.

32. Singleton, City of Angels , 54.

33. McWilliams, Southern California , 70-82, has an excellent discussion of the romanticizing tradition, while Starr, California Dream , discusses its emergence among intellectuals (365-414). For the Mediterranean architecture, see Starr, ibid., and Fogelson, Fragmented Metropolis , 157-58. These discussions are so excellent that I have not attempted to reproduce the details here.

34. Clara Burdette, The Rainbow and the Pot of Gold (Pasadena, Calif.: Clara Vista Press, 1908), 2.

35. Estimates range from half to four-fifths not joining a church; attendance is seldom remarked upon, and difficult to estimate. See McWilliams, Southern California , 270-72; Fogelson, Fragmented Metropolis , 193-94. Singleton's work suggests that commitments were higher; nevertheless, the data are ambivalent. Between 1900 and 1910 the "voluntaristic Protestant" proportion of the Los Angeles population dropped from 17.6 to 10.6 percent (after two decades of steady increase), then between 1910 and 1920 rose sharply again, to sixteen percent. Each decade saw migrations of over two

hundred thousand people into Los Angeles. The 1910-1920 period saw the beginning of more migration from the South, which might explain at least part of the rise in that period; a close examination of churches established between 1910 and 1920 is needed, but is outside the scope of the present study. The sharp decrease between 1900 and 1910 is another issue. Other than the ferment caused by the metaphysical movements and their attraction (at least temporarily) of new members, I have found no other religious explanation for this change.

Whatever the ultimate explanations of these changes, my estimates of the metaphysical movements suggest that for every eight people joining a traditional Protestant denomination, one joined one of the metaphysical religions. A much larger number of the Anglo-Protestant segment had some involvement, at least through reading literature, with one of the movements. The impact on many congregations would besignificant; on the more liberal denominations, like the congregationalists, it would be quite disturbing.

36. We find indeed that the Scientists' churches, more than any other group, followed the areas of most desirable settlement. Not only did most of the substantial early settlements have Christian Science churches within five or ten years, but as the population grew, new ones quickly established themselves. While the first three Scientist churches were within the original city (the Third Church having obtained a prestigious site a block away from First Congregational), the fourth church was established in Highland Park (annexed to the city in 1895), the fifth in Hollywood (annexed 1910), and the sixth not far from the University of Southern California, a citadel of Methodist influence and, of course, home to many of the city's most intellectual personages. Unity School was less fortunate; its three centers in 1910 were still in the downtown area--not unfavorable, because they were easily accessible to many, but not in the newer residential areas, either. Nonetheless, Unity also had three centers in Long Beach, two in Pasadena, and another three in outlying towns.

37. Malinda E. Cramer, "Christ Method of Healing, or Thought-Transference—Which?" Harmony 12 (May 1900), 237. Harmony was the magazine of Divine Science; another important New Thought journal in California was Now: A Journal of Affirmation , which began publication in 1900 and continued until 1928.

1. Occident , November 6, 1889. One occasionally finds evangelists in the field encountering Christian Scientists; see, for example, Lizzie Miller, The True Way (Los Angeles: author, 1895), 209-11.

2. Occident , June 28, 1899. An August 10, 1881 article in the Occident is the earliest reference I have found to non-western religions or philosophies as potential competitors with Protestantism (setting aside, that is, the derogatory stereotypes that recur throughout our period). There are extensive criticisms of the new movements in the California Christian Advocate from 1905 to 1909. The editors of this paper lumped all the new movements together in one comment (November 12, 1908):

We are living in a great religious movement; we may add, a great religiopsychological movement, the Christian Science, the theosophy, mental healings of innumerable kinds, the alleged miraculous speaking with tongues, the holy rollers, the holy jumpers, and a vast deal of phenomena we cannot understand, and for that very reason the greatest care should be taken to hold onto the truth.

They went on to say that the subconscious mind "has the charm of the mystical and wierd [ sic ] power of hypnotism, and it is dangerous to introduce it into personal religious problems."

3. Robert V. Hine, California's Utopian Colonies , 51.

4. Ibid., 44, on Otis; and see the Occident , June 28, 1899.

3. Robert V. Hine, California's Utopian Colonies , 51.

4. Ibid., 44, on Otis; and see the Occident , June 28, 1899.

5. Clara Burdette, Robert Burdette and His Message (Philadelphia: John C. Winston/Clara Vista Press, 1922).

6. See Raymond J. Cunningham, "From Holiness to Healing: The Faith Cure in America 1872-1892," Church History 43 (1974): 499-513. Cunningham identifies healing as the most prominent expression of holiness, before glossolalia emerged as the "sign" of Pentecost. He traces the development from the Boston homeopath Charles Cullis, who in 1862 received the "second blessing" of holiness and was called to his ''Faith Work," a home for consumptives on Beacon Hill. His actual faith healing began after 1870, and in 1874 he started summer Faith Conventions—holiness camp meetings with at least one healing service. At the 1881 convention Albert B. Simpson was convinced of the new practice and incorporated di-

vine healing into his program in a New York City Presbyterian church. The Baptist holiness preacher, Adironam Judson Gordon of Boston, became a trustee of Cullis's Faith Work; his influence on the holiness movement is well known. Cullis's Faith Cures (1879) and A. J. Gordon's Ministry of Healing (1882) were highly instrumental in spreading news of the work. John Dowie's "Divine Healing," a slightly different approach, received a hearing in California for eight months in 1888; see his American First Fruits (San Francisco: Leaves of Healing, 1889).

7. Pond, Gospel Pioneering , 179. For an account of Protestant responses to Christian Science nationwide, see Raymond J. Cunningham, "The Impact of Christian Science on the American Churches, 1880-1910," American Historical Review 72 (April 1967): 885-905.

8. I will not deal here with those who entirely left the traditional denominations, but one example is worth mentioning: Fenwicke Holmes, brother of the Ernest Holmes who founded the Church of Religious Science in Los Angeles in 1917. Fenwicke was founder and pastor of a Congregational church in Venice, then a rather wealthy beach community near Los Angeles. He ministered there for six years beginning in 1911. During that time he became more interested in New Thought and related philosophies and gradually introduced the new ideas into his ministry. Finally he decided it would be more appropriate for him to leave the traditional pastorate, so he became a New Thought lecturer, first in California, then in the East. The significance of this example is that, as Fenwicke admits, his parishioners were being exposed to New Thought whether he acknowledged it to them or not, while he was doing traditional preaching and supervising church activities. How common this sort of development might have been is difficult to ascertain, as most ministers left no such records. See the biographical material in Fenwicke Holmes, Ernest Holmes: His Life and Times (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1970).

9. Charles Edward Locke, "Eddyism: Is It Christian? Is It Scientific? How Long Will It Last?," West Coast Magazine 9 (March 1911), 483-98, and 10 (April, May, June 1911), 53-64, 177-92, 305-20. The magazine published a reply in July (vol. 10, pp. 433-44) by a local Scientist, Edward W. Dickey: "Christian Science: The Truth About It." Locke seems to be stating and expanding every negative comment made about the Scientists. Most writings content

themselves with brief disparaging remarks; see, for example, Eliza M. Otis, "Lay Sermons," in California "Where Sets the Sun" (Los Angeles: Times-Mirror, 1905), 165.

10. Locke, "Eddyism," 312.

11. Ibid., 487.

10. Locke, "Eddyism," 312.

11. Ibid., 487.

12. Charles Reynolds Brown, My Own Yesterdays (Boston: 1931); in this memoir he does not mention his encounter with Christian Science.

13. Brown was a liberal in that he accepted biblical criticism and the Social Gospel, but still held to the divinity of Christ--more like Beecher or Brooks in theology, rather than Unitarian in tendencies.

14. Brown, Faith and Health (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1910), 56, 71-85, 188; the quotation is from p. 85.

15. Ibid., 59-61.

16. Ibid., 194-95.

17. Ibid., 141-67. The Emmanuel Movement, founded by a minister and a doctor in Boston, had introduced some psychological practices in the form of counseling and suggestion into the program of an Episcopal church. The movement was a response to Christian Science's healing appeal; but unlike the Scientists, Emmanuel's practitioners worked closely with regular physicians and would not take any patients without medical recommendations. For an overview, see John Gardner Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," New England Quarterly 7 (1934): 494-532.

18. Ibid., 105.

19. Ibid., 106, 108, 112, 178-93.

20. Ibid., 122-23.

21. Ibid., 125-26.

14. Brown, Faith and Health (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1910), 56, 71-85, 188; the quotation is from p. 85.

15. Ibid., 59-61.

16. Ibid., 194-95.

17. Ibid., 141-67. The Emmanuel Movement, founded by a minister and a doctor in Boston, had introduced some psychological practices in the form of counseling and suggestion into the program of an Episcopal church. The movement was a response to Christian Science's healing appeal; but unlike the Scientists, Emmanuel's practitioners worked closely with regular physicians and would not take any patients without medical recommendations. For an overview, see John Gardner Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," New England Quarterly 7 (1934): 494-532.

18. Ibid., 105.

19. Ibid., 106, 108, 112, 178-93.

20. Ibid., 122-23.

21. Ibid., 125-26.

14. Brown, Faith and Health (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1910), 56, 71-85, 188; the quotation is from p. 85.

15. Ibid., 59-61.

16. Ibid., 194-95.

17. Ibid., 141-67. The Emmanuel Movement, founded by a minister and a doctor in Boston, had introduced some psychological practices in the form of counseling and suggestion into the program of an Episcopal church. The movement was a response to Christian Science's healing appeal; but unlike the Scientists, Emmanuel's practitioners worked closely with regular physicians and would not take any patients without medical recommendations. For an overview, see John Gardner Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," New England Quarterly 7 (1934): 494-532.

18. Ibid., 105.

19. Ibid., 106, 108, 112, 178-93.

20. Ibid., 122-23.

21. Ibid., 125-26.

14. Brown, Faith and Health (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1910), 56, 71-85, 188; the quotation is from p. 85.

15. Ibid., 59-61.

16. Ibid., 194-95.

17. Ibid., 141-67. The Emmanuel Movement, founded by a minister and a doctor in Boston, had introduced some psychological practices in the form of counseling and suggestion into the program of an Episcopal church. The movement was a response to Christian Science's healing appeal; but unlike the Scientists, Emmanuel's practitioners worked closely with regular physicians and would not take any patients without medical recommendations. For an overview, see John Gardner Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," New England Quarterly 7 (1934): 494-532.

18. Ibid., 105.

19. Ibid., 106, 108, 112, 178-93.

20. Ibid., 122-23.

21. Ibid., 125-26.

14. Brown, Faith and Health (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1910), 56, 71-85, 188; the quotation is from p. 85.

15. Ibid., 59-61.

16. Ibid., 194-95.

17. Ibid., 141-67. The Emmanuel Movement, founded by a minister and a doctor in Boston, had introduced some psychological practices in the form of counseling and suggestion into the program of an Episcopal church. The movement was a response to Christian Science's healing appeal; but unlike the Scientists, Emmanuel's practitioners worked closely with regular physicians and would not take any patients without medical recommendations. For an overview, see John Gardner Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," New England Quarterly 7 (1934): 494-532.

18. Ibid., 105.

19. Ibid., 106, 108, 112, 178-93.

20. Ibid., 122-23.

21. Ibid., 125-26.

14. Brown, Faith and Health (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1910), 56, 71-85, 188; the quotation is from p. 85.

15. Ibid., 59-61.

16. Ibid., 194-95.

17. Ibid., 141-67. The Emmanuel Movement, founded by a minister and a doctor in Boston, had introduced some psychological practices in the form of counseling and suggestion into the program of an Episcopal church. The movement was a response to Christian Science's healing appeal; but unlike the Scientists, Emmanuel's practitioners worked closely with regular physicians and would not take any patients without medical recommendations. For an overview, see John Gardner Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," New England Quarterly 7 (1934): 494-532.

18. Ibid., 105.

19. Ibid., 106, 108, 112, 178-93.

20. Ibid., 122-23.

21. Ibid., 125-26.

14. Brown, Faith and Health (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1910), 56, 71-85, 188; the quotation is from p. 85.

15. Ibid., 59-61.

16. Ibid., 194-95.

17. Ibid., 141-67. The Emmanuel Movement, founded by a minister and a doctor in Boston, had introduced some psychological practices in the form of counseling and suggestion into the program of an Episcopal church. The movement was a response to Christian Science's healing appeal; but unlike the Scientists, Emmanuel's practitioners worked closely with regular physicians and would not take any patients without medical recommendations. For an overview, see John Gardner Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," New England Quarterly 7 (1934): 494-532.

18. Ibid., 105.

19. Ibid., 106, 108, 112, 178-93.

20. Ibid., 122-23.

21. Ibid., 125-26.

14. Brown, Faith and Health (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1910), 56, 71-85, 188; the quotation is from p. 85.

15. Ibid., 59-61.

16. Ibid., 194-95.

17. Ibid., 141-67. The Emmanuel Movement, founded by a minister and a doctor in Boston, had introduced some psychological practices in the form of counseling and suggestion into the program of an Episcopal church. The movement was a response to Christian Science's healing appeal; but unlike the Scientists, Emmanuel's practitioners worked closely with regular physicians and would not take any patients without medical recommendations. For an overview, see John Gardner Greene, "The Emmanuel Movement, 1906-1929," New England Quarterly 7 (1934): 494-532.

18. Ibid., 105.

19. Ibid., 106, 108, 112, 178-93.

20. Ibid., 122-23.

21. Ibid., 125-26.

22. James M. Campbell, What Christian Science Means and What We Can Learn From It (New York: Abingdon Press, 1920), 69.

23. Ibid., 109.

22. James M. Campbell, What Christian Science Means and What We Can Learn From It (New York: Abingdon Press, 1920), 69.

23. Ibid., 109.

24. James M. Campbell, New Thought Christianized (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1917), 74.

25. Ibid., 96, 100.

24. James M. Campbell, New Thought Christianized (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1917), 74.

25. Ibid., 96, 100.

26. Parker, Mind Cure , passim.

27. James M. Campbell, The Presence (New York: Eaton and Mains, 1911), 171.

28. Ibid., 30.

27. James M. Campbell, The Presence (New York: Eaton and Mains, 1911), 171.

28. Ibid., 30.

29. Campbell, Christian Science , 46.

30. See Benjamin Fay Mills, "Why I Became a Liberal in Reli-

gion'' (Oct. 9, 1898), Twentieth Century Religion , vol. 1 (Boston: Morris Lefcowitch, 1898), no. 2. For examples of his earlier work, see Victory Through Surrender: Plain Suggestions Concerning Entire Consecration (Chicago: Fleming H. Revell, 1892), and God's World and Other Sermons (Chicago: Fleming H. Revell, 1894). The volume Victory Through Surrender appears to have been mildly influenced by holiness ideas.

31. See the brief account in George William Haskell, "Formative Factors in the Life and Thought of Southern California Congregationalism, 1850-1908" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern California, 1947), 154-55.

32. H. H. Bell, A Modern Task, or the Story of the Religious Activities of the Committee of One Hundred (San Francisco, 1916), 59-60.

33. Among these, the Twentieth Century Religion series printed in Boston stands out (it should not be confused with the later Oakland series under the same title).

34. In one sermon, "What is Theosophy?", Twentieth Century Religion (Oakland [1902?]), Mills states that "My mental and spiritual indebtedness to Theosophy is a considerable one" (20). His treatment of Theosophy is quite extensive and shows considerable study.

35. Benjamin Fay Mills, The Divine Adventure (Los Angeles, 1907), 170-71.

36. Ibid., 119; see the continuing discussion, 121-27.

35. Benjamin Fay Mills, The Divine Adventure (Los Angeles, 1907), 170-71.

36. Ibid., 119; see the continuing discussion, 121-27.

37. "The Problem of Evil" (Dec. 5, 1898), Twentieth Century Religion , vol. 1 (Boston), no. 10, p. 5.

38. Mills, Divine Adventure , 193-95.

39. Mills, "The Divinity of Man," Twentieth Century Religion (Oakland), 16.

40. Mills, Divine Adventure , 208. For example, he says in his analysis of "The Model Prayer" that "May Thy Kingdom come" means " May the ideal become actual; May we bring the God within into perfect harmony with the God without " (ibid., 199).

41. Ibid., 9-13.

39. Mills, "The Divinity of Man," Twentieth Century Religion (Oakland), 16.

40. Mills, Divine Adventure , 208. For example, he says in his analysis of "The Model Prayer" that "May Thy Kingdom come" means " May the ideal become actual; May we bring the God within into perfect harmony with the God without " (ibid., 199).

41. Ibid., 9-13.

39. Mills, "The Divinity of Man," Twentieth Century Religion (Oakland), 16.

40. Mills, Divine Adventure , 208. For example, he says in his analysis of "The Model Prayer" that "May Thy Kingdom come" means " May the ideal become actual; May we bring the God within into perfect harmony with the God without " (ibid., 199).

41. Ibid., 9-13.

42. See the brief account in "Builders of the Commonwealth," Touring Topics 24 (May 1932): 17. Widney's own descriptions of his life can be found in The Three Americas: Their Racial Past and the Dominant Racial Factors of Their Future (Los Angeles: Pacific Publishing, Times-Mirror Press, 1935), 56-86, supplemented by mate-

rial in Race Life and Race Religions: Modern Light on Their Growth, Their Shaping and Their Future (Los Angeles: Pacific Publishing, 1936). The only biography to date is Carl W. Rand's Joseph Pomeroy Widney: Physician and Mystic , edited by Doris Sanders (Los Angeles: University of Southern California School of Medicine, 1970).

43. Rand, Widney , 52-53.

44. City Mission in 1921 merged with Newman Methodist Church to become the Church of All Nations. It is unclear whether Widney remained an active participant in the new organization. See Edward Drewry Jervey, The History of Methodism in Southern California and Arizona (Nashville, Tenn.: Parthenon Press, 1960), 113.

45. Rand, Widney , 75.

46. Joseph P. Widney, The Way of Life; Holiness Unto the Lord; The Indwelling Spirit; The Baptism of the Holy Ghost (Los Angeles, 1900). The faith cure essay has remained unavailable to me; its existence is mentioned briefly by Rand, Widney , 59-60. Despite Widney's criticism of faith cures, he was very much interested in health issues—as a physician, he would be—and wrote in cooperation with other authors about the healthful geography, climate, and natural advantages of the Los Angeles area.

47. Joseph P. Widney, Race Life of the Aryan Peoples , 2 vols. (New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1907); vol. 2, The New World , especially 296-305. On the Scots-Irish, see 106-8. Cf. Three Americas , 32-45.

48. Joseph P. Widney, The Faith that Has Come to Me (Los Angeles: Pacific Publishing, 1932), 94, 132-37.

49. Widney, Aryan Peoples , vol. 2, 109. His otherwise glowing account of the Scots-Irish is dampened only when he notes their tendency to hold onto Calvinism. Methodism, he said, with its "hopeful hymns and scant theology" was a better way. Nevertheless, ecclesiasticism was growing even in the Methodist church. "But," he declared firmly, "the current of Teutonic spiritual life is going the other way" (ibid., 107-8).

48. Joseph P. Widney, The Faith that Has Come to Me (Los Angeles: Pacific Publishing, 1932), 94, 132-37.

49. Widney, Aryan Peoples , vol. 2, 109. His otherwise glowing account of the Scots-Irish is dampened only when he notes their tendency to hold onto Calvinism. Methodism, he said, with its "hopeful hymns and scant theology" was a better way. Nevertheless, ecclesiasticism was growing even in the Methodist church. "But," he declared firmly, "the current of Teutonic spiritual life is going the other way" (ibid., 107-8).

50. The phrase is in Rand, Widney , 107.

51. Widney, Faith , 157; Aryan Peoples , vol. 2, 350.

52. Widney, Faith , 237, 239, 256, 346.

53. Widney, Three Americas , 65.

54. Joseph P. Widney, The Genesis and Evolution of Islam and Judeo-Christianity (Los Angeles: Pacific Publishing, 1932).

55. E.g., Widney, Aryan Peoples , vol. 2, 104; Faith , 163. Widney claimed that a distant forebear of his, from the late Middle Ages, was Jewish; and he spoke out against anti-Semitism and for the Jew (though in a rather condescending way) in Faith , 228-33. In Genesis , he argued that the desert breeds monotheism, while the diversity of the plains and the coast breeds polytheism (17-18).

1. The account that follows is based primarily on the following works: Charles Edwin Jones, Perfectionist Persuasion: The Holiness Movement and American Methodism 1867-1936 , ATLA Monograph Series, no. 5 (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1974); Melvin Easterday Dieter, The Holiness Revival of the Nineteenth Century , Studies in Evangelicalism, no. 1, edited by Kenneth E. Rowe and Donald W. Dayton (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1980); and Timothy L. Smith, Called unto Holiness: The Story of the Nazarenes: The Formative Years (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, 1962).

2. Jesse T. Peck, The Central Idea of Christianity (Boston: Henry V. Deger, 1858), 52.

3. See, for example, A.J. Gordon, The Ministry of the Spirit (Philadelphia: American Baptist Publication Society, 1894), 113-15.

4. For an account of the developing controversy between Keswickians and Wesleyans, see George M. Marsden, Fundamentalism and American Culture: The Shaping of Twentieth-Century Evangelicalism: 1870-1925 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 75-80, 93-101.

5. Vinson Synan argued for a connection between populism and holiness in The Holiness-Pentecostal Movement in the United States (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans, 1971).

6. Marsden suggests that the holiness people were lower middle-class or lower class, but not of the poorest strata like the Pentecostals; see Fundamentalism , 256-57, n. 17.

7. Phineas F. Bresee, "After Pentecost," in The Certainties of Faith: Ten Sermons by the Founder of the Church of the Nazarene , introduced by Timothy L. Smith (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, 1958), 42. These sermons are all from 1903; other published ones are undated.

8. Bresee's sermons include two on the temperance issue, in the

volume Sermons on Isaiah (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, 1926). Two other sermons in the same collection allude to war: "War and Conflict" and "The Conquering Word." One may suspect they were preached at some time when war was on the minds of Bresee's audiences (perhaps 1914?). In each case, however, Bresee dismisses the topic rather abruptly, saying that earthly conflicts are of meager significance compared to the great Christian warfare of sin versus holiness. In short, aside from the temperance cause, he did not address social concerns at all in the published sermons.

9. "To Know Him," Certainties , 84-88; "The Continued Message," ibid., 46. Cf. "The Baptism with Fire," in Isaiah , 36.

8. Bresee's sermons include two on the temperance issue, in the

volume Sermons on Isaiah (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, 1926). Two other sermons in the same collection allude to war: "War and Conflict" and "The Conquering Word." One may suspect they were preached at some time when war was on the minds of Bresee's audiences (perhaps 1914?). In each case, however, Bresee dismisses the topic rather abruptly, saying that earthly conflicts are of meager significance compared to the great Christian warfare of sin versus holiness. In short, aside from the temperance cause, he did not address social concerns at all in the published sermons.

9. "To Know Him," Certainties , 84-88; "The Continued Message," ibid., 46. Cf. "The Baptism with Fire," in Isaiah , 36.

10. "The Atmosphere of the Divine Presence," Certainties , 91-93.

11. "The Verities of Salvation," Isaiah , 105-6. Sometimes Bresee used a more corporate image of God showing himself in transformed humanity: holy people, taken together, are God's self-revelation. Thus in "The Perpetual Servant" (ibid., 155) he said:

The Servant was a people , then a remnant of people. . . .then a Person, the ripe fruitage of the people, in whom dwelt all the fullness of God. The Servant became the people, made after the image of the Person, a further incarnation of God. . . .It is in transformed humanity that God is seen.

In other words, the Holy Ghost united with human beings is the latter-day incarnation of God, in the image of Jesus Christ, continuing his life and ministry. This is of course connected to a traditional idea of the church, but put in a context that is both more mystical and broader. Compare H. Orton Wiley's understanding of the work of the Logos, discussed in the text below.

10. "The Atmosphere of the Divine Presence," Certainties , 91-93.

11. "The Verities of Salvation," Isaiah , 105-6. Sometimes Bresee used a more corporate image of God showing himself in transformed humanity: holy people, taken together, are God's self-revelation. Thus in "The Perpetual Servant" (ibid., 155) he said:

The Servant was a people , then a remnant of people. . . .then a Person, the ripe fruitage of the people, in whom dwelt all the fullness of God. The Servant became the people, made after the image of the Person, a further incarnation of God. . . .It is in transformed humanity that God is seen.

In other words, the Holy Ghost united with human beings is the latter-day incarnation of God, in the image of Jesus Christ, continuing his life and ministry. This is of course connected to a traditional idea of the church, but put in a context that is both more mystical and broader. Compare H. Orton Wiley's understanding of the work of the Logos, discussed in the text below.

12. Phineas Bresee, "The Eye of the Soul," in Sermons from Matthew's Gospel (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, n.d.).

13. "The Passion That Absorbs," Isaiah , 160.

14. "The Poor in Spirit," Matthew's Gospel , 65.

15. "Danger Points," Matthew's Gospel , 163-64. It is notable that this same proverb was used by Charles Reynolds Brown in defending his use of the techniques of suggestion.

16. "The Eye of the Soul," Matthew's Gospel , 143, 144-45. Cf. "The Master Passion of the Soul," ibid., 151, where Bresee speaks of how the presence of Jesus enlarges human powers:

Christ puts our love so under the delightful, heavenly pressure of His own love that it must continuously enlarge. There is such a pressure upon thought, of the clear, vast, mighty thought of Christ, that thought must continuously throb with mightier force.

15. "Danger Points," Matthew's Gospel , 163-64. It is notable that this same proverb was used by Charles Reynolds Brown in defending his use of the techniques of suggestion.

16. "The Eye of the Soul," Matthew's Gospel , 143, 144-45. Cf. "The Master Passion of the Soul," ibid., 151, where Bresee speaks of how the presence of Jesus enlarges human powers:

Christ puts our love so under the delightful, heavenly pressure of His own love that it must continuously enlarge. There is such a pressure upon thought, of the clear, vast, mighty thought of Christ, that thought must continuously throb with mightier force.

17. A. B. Simpson, The Holy Spirit, or Power from on High , 2 vols. (New York: Christian Alliance Publishing, 1895), part 1, 21-22.

18. Marsden, Fundamentalism , 80.

19. Simpson, Holy Spirit , vol. 1, 142-43; Gordon, Ministry of Spirit , 93.

20. Bresee, "The Rest Giver," Matthew's Gospel , 197.

21. "The Poor in Spirit," Matthew's Gospel , 64.

22. "Pentecost," Matthew's Gospel , 40.

23. H. Orton Wiley, Christian Theology , 3 vols. (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, 1940). This work was intended as a teaching text for Nazarene students, and as a result it contains a great deal of the history of theology and doctrine common to all Protestants. The section on the Holy Spirit and the experience of sanctification is the only specifically Nazarene section, and even here one does not find the distinct emphases of Wiley's thesis. He does, however, consider and reject the Keswickian and Plymouth Brethren conceptions of holiness.

24. H. Orton Wiley, "The Logos Doctrine in the Prologue of the Fourth Gospel" (M.S.T. thesis, Pacific School of Religion, 1917), 2-5.

25. Ibid., 16-25.

26. Ibid., 32. In Wiley's other major work, Epistle to the Hebrews (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, 1934), we find some of this large sense of the spirit. Wiley taught Hebrews and developed his commentary on it while teaching in schools and summer camps, possibly not long after Bresee's death. He writes that while studying the epistle at one point, he received a new understanding of it that came "like a sunburst," showing him that the central point of the epistle was not the symbolic understanding of the tabernacle, as he had previously thought, but the Melchizedek priesthood of Christ. This he understood newly as the manifestation by which Christ pours out blessings continuously and forever on humanity. Christ's work under the "symbol of Melchisedec" referred to the "eternal increase of life and love," going beyond mere cleansing

from sin "to make our hearts His divine presence chambers, where His glory shall be revealed more and more" (239-40). Here we find echoes of Wiley's "Logos Doctrine," which emphasized the fullness of blessing and the continual movement toward completion, fullness, and perfection in humanity as a whole.

24. H. Orton Wiley, "The Logos Doctrine in the Prologue of the Fourth Gospel" (M.S.T. thesis, Pacific School of Religion, 1917), 2-5.

25. Ibid., 16-25.

26. Ibid., 32. In Wiley's other major work, Epistle to the Hebrews (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, 1934), we find some of this large sense of the spirit. Wiley taught Hebrews and developed his commentary on it while teaching in schools and summer camps, possibly not long after Bresee's death. He writes that while studying the epistle at one point, he received a new understanding of it that came "like a sunburst," showing him that the central point of the epistle was not the symbolic understanding of the tabernacle, as he had previously thought, but the Melchizedek priesthood of Christ. This he understood newly as the manifestation by which Christ pours out blessings continuously and forever on humanity. Christ's work under the "symbol of Melchisedec" referred to the "eternal increase of life and love," going beyond mere cleansing

from sin "to make our hearts His divine presence chambers, where His glory shall be revealed more and more" (239-40). Here we find echoes of Wiley's "Logos Doctrine," which emphasized the fullness of blessing and the continual movement toward completion, fullness, and perfection in humanity as a whole.

24. H. Orton Wiley, "The Logos Doctrine in the Prologue of the Fourth Gospel" (M.S.T. thesis, Pacific School of Religion, 1917), 2-5.

25. Ibid., 16-25.

26. Ibid., 32. In Wiley's other major work, Epistle to the Hebrews (Kansas City, Mo.: Nazarene Publishing House, 1934), we find some of this large sense of the spirit. Wiley taught Hebrews and developed his commentary on it while teaching in schools and summer camps, possibly not long after Bresee's death. He writes that while studying the epistle at one point, he received a new understanding of it that came "like a sunburst," showing him that the central point of the epistle was not the symbolic understanding of the tabernacle, as he had previously thought, but the Melchizedek priesthood of Christ. This he understood newly as the manifestation by which Christ pours out blessings continuously and forever on humanity. Christ's work under the "symbol of Melchisedec" referred to the "eternal increase of life and love," going beyond mere cleansing

from sin "to make our hearts His divine presence chambers, where His glory shall be revealed more and more" (239-40). Here we find echoes of Wiley's "Logos Doctrine," which emphasized the fullness of blessing and the continual movement toward completion, fullness, and perfection in humanity as a whole.

27. Non-Catholic bodies grew by slightly under 200 percent in this period; the Nazarenes' 280 percent in the state is comparatively small for a new sect at the peak of its growth period elsewhere. For figures, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Religious Bodies: 1936, 385.

28. See T.L. Smith, Called , 273. The infighting among the Nazarenes was one of the reasons California lost its own "native" leadership: John W. Goodwin of California, one of the newly elected general superintendents after Bresee's death, was called to another region and E.F. Walker was brought in from outside.

29. For substantiation, see Robert Mapes Anderson, Vision of the Disinherited: The Making of American Pentecostalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979).

30. We should be aware that census reports of Pentecostal bodies nationwide were very incomplete. Most Pentecostal church members were not counted until 1926 or 1936. Even so, the largest Pentecostal group in 1916, the Assemblies of God, was reported as having nearly seven thousand members nationwide and only 286 members in California. (We also know that nationally the two major periodicals of the Pentecostal movement had, by 1915, over twenty-five thousand subscribers--a number that may better approximate the number of members and church attenders. By the same token, California Pentecostals might number three or four times their reported membership; but that would still leave only one thousand Pentecostals in the region.) That state of affairs changed dramatically in the 1920s. By 1926 the California members of the Assemblies of God numbered about eight thousand, while the Church of God (Tomlinson) numbered 1,700, and Aimee Semple McPherson had attracted several thousand to her International Church of the Foursquare Gospel (not reported till 1936, but then numbering seven thousand).

As for holiness churches other than the Nazarenes, California in 1916 was reported to have about five thousand members in other holiness or holiness-related groups, including primarily the Christian Missionary Alliance, the Free Methodists, and the Salvation Army. For the data, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Religious Bodies: 1936.

1. John Muir, The Life and Letters of John Muir , vol. 1, edited by William Frederic Bade; vol. 9 of The Writings of John Muir (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1923), 155.

2. Ibid., 164-65.

3. Ibid., 167.

4. Ibid., 179.

1. John Muir, The Life and Letters of John Muir , vol. 1, edited by William Frederic Bade; vol. 9 of The Writings of John Muir (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1923), 155.

2. Ibid., 164-65.

3. Ibid., 167.

4. Ibid., 179.

1. John Muir, The Life and Letters of John Muir , vol. 1, edited by William Frederic Bade; vol. 9 of The Writings of John Muir (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1923), 155.

2. Ibid., 164-65.

3. Ibid., 167.

4. Ibid., 179.

1. John Muir, The Life and Letters of John Muir , vol. 1, edited by William Frederic Bade; vol. 9 of The Writings of John Muir (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1923), 155.

2. Ibid., 164-65.

3. Ibid., 167.

4. Ibid., 179.

5. John Muir, John of the Mountains , edited by Linnie Marsh Wolfe (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1938), 77.

6. Muir, Life and Letters , vol. 2, 333-34.

7. Ibid., vol. 1, 218.

8. Ibid., 251-52.

6. Muir, Life and Letters , vol. 2, 333-34.

7. Ibid., vol. 1, 218.

8. Ibid., 251-52.

6. Muir, Life and Letters , vol. 2, 333-34.

7. Ibid., vol. 1, 218.

8. Ibid., 251-52.

9. Starr, California Dream , 187. Starr puts John Muir in a category with Henry George and Josiah Royce, as Californians who picked up various strands of the California mentality, all of them having a deep feeling for the land and a sense of place. I have not dealt with these here, for George's social criticism and Royce's philosophy were distant from the development of Anglo-Protestantism in California, whereas Muir's impact was direct and local.