1. The first two volumes of Peter Boyd-Bowman's Indice geobiográfico de cuarenta mil pobladores españoles de América en el siglo XVI (Bogota, 1964; Mexico, 1968) list emigrants for the period 1493-1539, and three other volumes covering the rest of the sixteenth century have yet to be published. Boyd-Bowman's articles analyzing his data have appeared in a number of journals, and several were reprinted in Patterns of Spanish Emigration to the New World (1493-1580) (Buffalo, N.Y., 1973); these are supplemented by his "Patterns of Spanish Emigration to the Indies until 1600," Hispanic American Historical Review 56 (1976): 580-604.

2. J. H. Elliott, The Old World and the New, 1492-1650 (New York, 1970) discusses a number of themes related to the impact of America on Spain. Fredi Chiappelli, ed., First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old . 2 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976) contains excellent articles on aspects of migration and return migration in the Spanish world by Peter Boyd-Bowman, Woodrow Borah, James Lockhart, and Magnus Mörner, who also compiled a bibliography of relevant works (see 2: 707-804). Jose Luis Martínez, Pasajeros de Indias: Viajes transatlánticos en el siglo XVI (Madrid, 1983) also summarizes a great deal of material from printed and published sources.

3. See Mario Góngora, Los grupos de conquistadores en Tierra Firme (1509-1530) (Santiago, 1962); James Lockhart, The Men of Cajamarca (Austin, 1972); Enrique Otte, "Cartas privadas de Puebla del siglo XVI," Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 3 (1966): 10-87; James Lockhart and Enrique Otte, Letters and People of the Spanish Indies (New York, 1976).

4. The first volume of Primeras jornadas de Andalucía y América (La

Rábida, 1981) includes several studies that focus on emigration from a specific locality; see, for example, Lourdes Díez Trechuelo Spinola, "Emigración cordobesa a las Indias, siglo XVI," 405-426. However, although they are concerned with emigration from particular localities, the studies rely mainly on records in the Archive of the Indies rather than on local documentation.

5. Two studies that examine local society in Extremadura in the late fifteenth and sixteenth century at least raise the question of the relationship between local society and emigration; they are Mario Góngora, "Régimen señorial y rural en la Extremadura de la Orden de Santiago en el momento de la emigración a Indias," Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas 2 (1965): 1-19, and David E. Vassberg, "La coyuntura socioeconómica de la ciudad de Trujillo durante la época de la conquista de América," Publicaciones de la Diputación Provincial de Badajoz (Badajoz, 1979). Neither article, however, makes any direct connections between the localities studied and emigration to America.

6. Ida Altman, "Emigrants, Returnees and Society in Sixteenth-Century Cáceres" (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1981).

7. I have identified 410 known emigrants from Cáceres in the sixteenth century and 921 from Trujillo in the same period (these figures do not include the villages and towns of their jurisdictions).

8. George M. Foster, Culture and Conquest: America's Spanish Heritage (Chicago, 1960). See also my article "Emigrants and Society: An Approach to the Background of Colonial Spanish America," Comparative Studies in Society and History 30, 1 (January 1988): 170-190, which addresses this question.

9. Marie-Claude Gerbet's La noblesse dans le royaume de Castille: Etudes sur ses structures sociales en Estrémadure (1454-1516) (Paris, 1979) is a major work for the period. For the Jewish community in Trujillo, see Haim Beinart, Trujillo: A Jewish Community in Extremadura on the Eve of the Expulsion from Spain (Jerusalem, 1980). Two articles in La ciudad hispánica durante los siglos XIII al XVI (Madrid, 1985)--Carmen Fernández-Daza Alvear, "Linajes trujillanos y cargos concejiles en el siglo XV," 1: 419-432 and María Angeles Sánchez Rubio, "Estructura socio-económica de la ciudad de Trujillo a través de sus Ordenanzas Municipales (siglo XV)," 1: 433-442.--do not greatly extend our picture of the period.

10. A multivolume Historia de Extremadura (Badajoz, 1985), authored mainly by faculty members of the University of Extremadura, summarizes much of the most recent research on the region as a whole. Another multivolume history is being compiled as well. Monographs such as Angel

Rodríguez Sánchez's Cáceres: Población y comportamientos demográficos en el siglo XVI (Cáceres, 1977) and Gerbet's La noblesse represent important contributions not only to the study of Extremadura but also to the historiography of Castile in general. And the study of Extremadura has long benefited from the Revista de Estudios Extremeños , which has been published (in one form or another) since the late nineteenth century and reflects much of the scholarship on the region.

11. Clodoaldo Naranjo Alonso, Trujillo y su tierra: Historia, monumentos e hijos ilustres , 2 vols. (Trujillo, 1924); and Juan Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico y monumental (Alicante, 1967).

12. For those interested in further study of the Pizarros, the biographies of the brothers included in Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca , are an excellent starting point. Lockhart's biographies of the Pizarros and other men from Extremadura portray tellingly the outlook, objectives, capacities, and limitations of the men of that region. They are thorough, balanced, and perceptive and provide extensive bibliography and references to archival sources. An important recent addition to the literature on the Pizarros is Rafael Varón Gabai and Auke Pieter Jacobs, "Peruvian Wealth and Spanish Investment: The Pizarro Family during the Sixteenth Century," Hispanic American Historical Review 67, 4 (November 1987): 657-695.

13. This material is drawn largely from Lochart's biographies in Men of Cajamarca; for the principal events in the conquest of Peru, see pp. 3-16. Also essential for understanding early Peru is James Lockhart's Spanish Peru, 1532-1560 (Madison, Wis., 1968).

1. Eugenio García Zarza, Evolución, estructura y otros aspectos de la población cacereña (Badajoz, 1977), 50 writes "la extensa comarca cacereñotrujillana es la que mejor encarna el severo y grandioso paisaje extremeño."

2. García Zarza, Población cacereña , 41. See also Gonzalo Martínez, S.I., Las comunidades de villa y tierra de la Extremeña Castellana (Madrid, 1983), 658.

3. Antonio C. Floriano, Estudios de historia de Cáceres , 1 (Oviedo, 1957): 53, 58.

4. Floriano, Estudios , 1:72; Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 447; a Roman burial site was found behind the castle.

5. Floriano, Estudios , 1: 44, 68, 77, 98-99.

6. Ibid., pp. 165, 167; García Zarza, Población cacereña , 39-40; Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 15. Martínez, Las comunidades , 661 says that the orders of Santiago and Calatrava and the militia of Plasencia

played an important role in the reconquest of Trujillo under Fernando III el Santo. The key town of Santa Cruz was reconquered in 1234.

5. Floriano, Estudios , 1: 44, 68, 77, 98-99.

6. Ibid., pp. 165, 167; García Zarza, Población cacereña , 39-40; Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 15. Martínez, Las comunidades , 661 says that the orders of Santiago and Calatrava and the militia of Plasencia

played an important role in the reconquest of Trujillo under Fernando III el Santo. The key town of Santa Cruz was reconquered in 1234.

7. In principle Cáceres was within the lands of León and Trujillo belonged to Castile, and therefore each should have been settled accordingly; see García Zarza, Población cacereña , 41. In reality, however, given the difficulties of reoccupying such a large region, probably virtually anyone willing to come could settle wherever.

8. Ibid., 40-42.

7. In principle Cáceres was within the lands of León and Trujillo belonged to Castile, and therefore each should have been settled accordingly; see García Zarza, Población cacereña , 41. In reality, however, given the difficulties of reoccupying such a large region, probably virtually anyone willing to come could settle wherever.

8. Ibid., 40-42.

9. Floriano, Estudios , 2: 53; he writes that Jews were coming to settle in Cáceres from the late thirteenth century. For the Jewish community in Trujillo, see Haim Beinart, Trujillo: A Jewish Community in Extremadura on the Eve of the Expulsion from Spain (Jerusalem, 1980).

10. Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, Extremadura: La tierra en la que nacían los dioses (Cáceres, 1981), 33-34.

11. Floriano, Estudios , 1: 126, 149, 171.

12. See Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, La Extremadura del siglo XV en tres de sus paladines (Madrid, 1964) for the careers of Gutierre de Sotomayor, Francisco de Hinojosa, Captain Diego de Ovando de Cáceres, and other men from Cáceres and Trujillo.

13. Simón Benito Boxoyo, Historia de Cáceres y su patrona (Cáceres, 1952), 124-125. For a critical discussion of the earliest manuscripts and interpretation of the legend, see Jacques Lafaye, Quetzalcoatl y Guadalupe: La formación de la conciencia de México (Mexico, 1977), 304-407.

14. Lafaye, Quetzalcoatl y Guadalupe , 309-310 points out the connections between the important Jeronymite monasteries and the Spanish crown. Monks from San Bartolomé de Lupiana founded the Jeronymite monastery at Guadalupe, and subsequently members of the Guadalupe monastery went to Yuste (founded 1408) and the Escorial (sixteenth century); the prior of Guadalupe himself went to the Escorial. The monastery also had connections with the Indies from the start. The royal capitulaciones granted Columbus were signed there, and on his return the first Indians brought to Spain were baptized there (see p. 311).

15. See Muñoz de San Pedro, La Extremadura del siglo XV , 258, 269, 298. Captain Diego did not actually ally himself with the Catholic monarchs until Isabella's brother Henry died in 1474, and he only handed over the fortress of Benquerencia in 1480. Two years later he received 250,000 maravedís in juros from the crown, subsequently the basis of the family entail. His son Nicolás de Ovando succeeded him as Comendador de Lares of the Order of Alcántara (Captain Diego de Ovando had accepted the encomienda of Lares in exchange for giving up the fortress). In 1502 King Ferdinand appointed Frey Nicolás de Ovando governor of the island of Hispaniola. Sancho de Paredes's descendants also upheld the tradition of

service to the crown. One of his grandsons, don Alvaro de Sande, became a high-ranking military officer and eventually the marqués de Piobera. In 1535 the Emperor Charles V's brother Ferdinand wrote to Sancho de Paredes in Cáceres in response to the letter that Sancho had sent with his grandson don Alvaro when he went to the Habsburg court. The German Habsburgs later played a key part in arranging Sande's ransom from the Turks in the 1560s; see Boxoyo, Historia de Cáceres, 47-48 and Huberto Foglietta, Vida de don Alvaro de Sande, with notes by Miguel Angel Orti Belmonte (Madrid, 1962), 88 (notes on book 1). The Chaves family also maintained the royal connection. A great-great-grandson of Luis de Chaves, el viejo, Juan de Chaves, accompanied the queens of Portugal and Hungary (sisters of Charles V) when they traveled through Extremadura in 1558; see Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, ed., Crónicas trujillanas del siglo XVI (Hinojosa manuscript) (Cáceres, 1952), xxx, 138.

16. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 17 writes that one or the other or both visited Trujillo seven times between June 1477 and August 1479; Isabella spent a total of nine months in the city. Ferdinand in fact died in the village of Madrigalejo (in Trujillo's district) in January 1516, in a house owned by the monastery of Guadalupe.

17. Archivo Municipal de Trujillo García de Sanabria A-1-1. (Hereafter cited as AMT.)

18. AMT Francisco Enríquez A-1-5-1.

19. Changes in the status of a town or village did modify the use of the term. People often continued to refer to towns like Berzocana and Cañamero that became independent in the sixteenth century as being in Trujillo's tierra (in fact, even after they became independent Trujillo continued to exercise certain kinds of jurisdictional functions, such as summoning people for military levies). Furthermore, certain places like Orellana la Vieja that were under señorial jurisdiction had longstanding and close ties with Trujillo because they belonged to noble families of the city and for most intents they were considered to be part of the city's tierra.

20. Juan Pérez de Tudela, ed., Documentos relativos a don Pedro de la Gasca y a Gonzalo Pizarro, 1 (Madrid, 1964): 80.

21. AMT 1584: IX-8.

22. David E. Vassberg, Land and Society in Golden Age Castile (Cambridge, 1984), 62. The agreement included the right to graze pigs during the acorn season but excluded hunting, fishing, or cutting wood in the montes.

23. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23.

24. Archivo General de Indias (Hereafter cited as AGI.) Indif. General 2083.

25. In the sixteenth century there actually were two types of censos;

Vassberg, Land and Society, 205 defines a censo as a ''contract involving an annual payment." The "censo al quitar" was essentially a mortgage on property in which the principal was redeemable. The other type, the "censo enfitéutico" was really a quitrent or agricultural lease that usually was long term, staying in families over generations. For discussion of these two types of censos, see Vassberg, Land and Society, 94-95 and 205-207.

26. Julius Klein, The Mesta: A Study in Spanish Economic History, 1273-1836 (Cambridge, Mass., 1920), 332-333. Klein did not list all the towns that protested, so it is not clear if Trujillo participated.

27. Henry IV in the fifteenth century also granted Trujillo a mercado franco, but the privilege lapsed under Ferdinand and Isabella.

28. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23.

29. Calculations of the cities' populations in the sixteenth century vary a great deal, according to the source, and further variations result from the use of different multipliers (usually 4.5 or 5.0); see Vicente Pérez Moreda, "El crecimiento demográfico español en el siglo XVI," in Jerónimo Zurita: Su época y su escuela (Zaragoza, 1986), 62-64 for discussion of coefficients. He suggests that 4.0 may be preferable to 4.5. For population figures for Cáceres and Trujillo, see Jean-Paul LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI (1557-1596)" Cuadernos de historia de España 45-46 (1967): 248-299. Angel Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres: población y comportamientos demográficos en el siglo XVI (Cáceres, 1977), 53 says censuses for Cáceres listed 1401 vecinos in 1557, 1471 in 1561, 1463 in 1584, 1547 in 1586, and 1647 in 1595. For population figures, see also Historia de Extremadura, 9 vols. (Badajoz, 1983), 3: 486; and Annie Molinié-Bertrand, "Contributions a l'étude de la société rurale dans la province de Trujillo au XVIe siècle," Mélanges offerts a Charles Vincent Aubrun, 2 vols. (Paris, 1972), 2: 128. While the exact figures cannot be established, it is clear that at midcentury the cities had between 6000 and 9000 inhabitants and that Trujillo was somewhat larger than Cáceres.

30. In 1532 something less than half the district's taxpaying population were vecinos of Cáceres itself--854 out of 1896 taxpayers; see Jose Luis Pereira Iglesias, "Atraso económico, régimen señorial y economía deficitaria en Cáceres durante el siglo XVI" (Memorial de licenciatura, Universidad de Extremadura, 1977), 148.

31. See LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo," 254-255. For the most recent work on population levels and growth in the period, see Annie Molinié-Bertrand, Au siécle d'or: l'Espagne et ses hommes: La population du royaume de Castille au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1985). Urban populations especially were growing rapidly in this period. She calculates, for example, that Burgos grew 192 percent, to 20,000 inhabitants, in the

period from 1528 to 1561 (p. 135). Rates of growth in Castile's towns and cities, however, were far from uniform.

32. The status "ciudad," which the crown conceded to Trujillo in the fifteenth century, was a legal distinction that seems to have been mainly honorific. Madrid, for example, remained a "villa" even after it became Spain's capital.

33. Archivo General de Simancas Expedientes Hacienda 189-56 (hereafter cited as AGS); Exped. Hac. 66; Exped. Hac. 906. Generally the number of vecinos indicates the number of households; see note 29 above on multipliers.

34. AGS Exped. Hac. 189-56, Exped. Hac. 66.

35. Clodoaldo Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores: Trujillo, sus hijos y monumentos (Serradilla, Cáceres, 1929), 280-281. Cañamero and Berzocana, each with over 400 vecinos, purchased their independence from the crown in 1538 for 6000 ducados each.

36. According to Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores, 289, in 1585 Trujillo still held Herguijuela, Zarza (later Conquista), Zorita, Logrosán, Navalvillar, Madrigalejo, Campo, Alcollarín, Santa Cruz, Abertura, Escurial, Búrdalo (later Villamesías), Santa Ana, Ibahernando, and Robledillo. In the early seventeenth century Trujillo was ordered to sell Zarza, Herguijuela, Santa Cruz, Escurial, Búrdalo, Ruanes and Santa Ana (see p. 304). Martínez, Las comunidades, 661-662 lists a total of thirty-six pueblos that were once part of Trujillo's término.

37. See Archivo Municipal de Cáceres Libros de Acuerdo del Consejo, March 1554 (hereafter cited as AMC); and AGS Exped. Hacienda 240. The council maintained that it was only seven or eight related vecinos ("de una parentela") of Casar who were campaigning for independence for their own particular interests. Gonzalo Ulloa de Carvajal bought Torreorgaz in 1559; see Historia de Extremadura, 3: 440.

38. Pascual Madoz, Diccionario geográfico-estadístico-histórico de España y sus posesiones de Ultramar, 3d. ed. (Madrid, 1848-1850), 6: 35-36; Pedro Ulloa Golfín, Privilegios y documentos relativos a la ciudad de Cáceres . Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, Ms. 430 (18?) fols. 72-77.

39. See AGS Exped. Hac. 66; "primeramente decimos que este dicho lugar no tiene tierras ni los arrenda porque se las toma la villa de Cáceres como cabecera."

40. See Carmelo Solís Rodríguez, "El arquitecto Francisco Becerra: Su etapa extremeña," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 29 (1973):333.

41. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1580; AMT Libros de Acuerdo 1580.

42. AGS Exped. Hac. 189-56. Nearly 60 percent of Herguijuela's vecinos had vineyards as well, for a total of about thirty hectares; see Historia de Extremadura, 3: 598.

43. Archivo de la Real Chancillería de Granada (hereafter cited as ARCG) 511-2284-8.

44. Madoz, Diccionario, 5: 86, 87.

45. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 123, 563-564; Solís Rodríguez, "Francisco Becerra," 330.

46. The usual term of office for the corregidor was one or two years in the sixteenth century, and the practice of changing corregidors frequently seems to have been strictly observed. Benjamin González Alonso, El corregidor castellano (1348-1808) (Madrid, 1970), 140, 160 says that corregidors were nobles and tenientes were always letrados. If the corregidor was not himself a letrado, the teniente routinely performed the judicial functions of the office. At least one corregidor, Pedro Riquelme de Villavicencio, served both in Trujillo (1566-?) and Cáceres (term ended in 1570). The origins and development of the institution in the Middle Ages have been studied by Agustín Bermúdez Aznar, El corregidor en Castilla durante la Baja Edad Media (1348-1474) (Murcia, 1974). Cáceres had a "juez del rey" by 1345 and was one of fifteen cities in Castile that had a corregidor under Henry III (see p. 54, map, p. 64) and apparently continuously throughout the fifteenth century. Trujillo had a corregidor by 1480, and only three other cities in Extremadura had corregidors in the sixteenth century (Plasencia, Badajoz, and Mérida until 1520, Jerez de los Caballeros after 1520); see Historia de Extremadura, 3: 423.

47. Antonio C. Floriano, La villa de Cáceres y la Reina Católica: Ordenanzas que a Cáceres dio la Reina Doña Isabel Primera de Castilla (Cáceres, 1917), 36; Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores, 118. I have not seen a copy of Trujillo's fifteenth-century ordinances, but it is clear from the city council records that the señores de vasallos were not barred from serving on its council as was true in Cáceres.

48. See Carmen Fernández-Daza Alvear, "Linajes trujillanos y cargos concejiles en el siglo XV," in La ciudad hispánica durante los siglos XIII al XVI (Madrid, 1985), 419-432. She writes (p. 429) that Charles V curtailed the existing system of election to city council offices in 1544 because of the disturbances and factionalism that arose and made the thirteen regimientos proprietary offices. This change doubtless paved the way for the wealthy returnees from Peru to gain municipal office.

49. See AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1555 or AMT Actas 1558 for examples of disagreements between the corregidor and regidores of the cities.

50. See Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 208, 216, 218, 323. In Trujillo a gunsmith was employed for six years at an annual salary of 6000 maravedís; a harnessmaker in 1585 for 4000 maravedís and eight fanegas of wheat; an esparto grass weaver for 2000 maravedís in 1563; see AMT 1-2-70-101, 1-3-78-1.

51. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1574. The "mayordomo de propios y rentas" in Trujillo received 17,000 maravedís in 1564 and 24,000 maravedís in 1854; AMT 1-2-70-92.

52. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575; AMT 1-2-70-74; 1-3-78-1; 1-2-70-90; 1-2-70-64.

53. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 278.

54. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1553, 1571, 1575, 1578, 1579.

55. AMT 1-3-78-1, 1-2-70-44, 1-2-70-34; AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1558.

56. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1574.

57. AMT 1-2-70-92, 1-2-70-136; it also paid an "algebrista" 3000 maravedís in the 1570s and 1580s; see AMT 1-2-70-103 and others.

58. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1579; Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 21.

59. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575.

60. Trujillo's council gave the Hospital of Santa Lucía 50 ducados in 1564 and contributed 300 ducados to the construction of the Hospital of Espíritu Santo in 1591; see Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 289, 112.

61. AGS Diversos de Castilla 28, no. 1.

62. AMT 1-2-70-90; AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575.

63. In November 1576 Trujillo's council made a contract with Juan Granado, vecino of Baeza and "author of comedies," for 130 ducados; Granado's wife was one of the players. The council spent 60,000 maravedís for Corpus Christi in 1565 and in 1587 obtained royal authorization to spend 300 ducados a year for the next six years to celebrate the holiday; see AMT 1-20-70-58 and Libros de Acuerdo 1576; see also AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1577.

64. The arciprestazgo included a group of parishes and usually coincided with the district of a city ("comunidad de villa y tierra"). But the label was not just administrative, since the arciprestazgo functioned with some independence with respect to the authority of the bishop, and the archpriest worked with the bishop in the planning and convocation of synods and diocesan councils; see Historia de Extremadura, 3: 428.

65. AMT 1585:I-7; Archivo del Conde de Canilleros (hereafter cited as ACC), Casa de Hernando de Ovando (HO), leg. 4, no. 47; Archivo Histórico Provincial de Cáceres Diego Pacheco 4113 (Godoy's will) (hereafter cited as AHPC).

66. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 170-175.

67. See Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 94-106 for the complicated debates and maneuvers that resulted in the establishment of this monastery.

68. In 1551 Pedro de Sosa, alcalde of the cofradía, rented out part of the dehesa of Cañadas de Orellana for three years at 14,200 maravedís a

year; see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. In 1578 Francisco de Herrera, as the cofradía's mayordomo, rented half the estate of Cabeza de la Sal to two vecinos of La Cumbre for 11,000 a year; see AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23. See also Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 112.

69. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 149, 150, 118, 311.

70. Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores, 504. Don Juan Pizarro Carvajal, who died in 1580, was a graduate of Salamanca who had spent time in Rome.

71. AMT 1585: 1-7.

72. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, 80.

1. See Ruth Pike, Aristocrats and Traders: Sevillian Society in the Sixteenth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1972), 22-24 for intermarriage between the nobility and merchant and converso families and the ennoblement of merchants. In her conclusion (p. 213) she writes: "The Sevillian nobility was never a closed homogeneous class. . . . By the middle of . . . [the sixteenth] century the majority of the Sevillian nobility consisted of recently ennobled families of mixed social and racial origins whose commercial orientation and activities reflected their mercantile background."

2. Juan Pérez de Tudela Bueso, ed., Documentos relativos a don Pedro de la Gasca y a Gonzalo Pizarro, 2 vols. (Madrid, 1964), 2: 315; Gonzalo Pizarro's statement was quoted by Pedro Hernández Paniagua de Loaysa in his relación (account) written to Gasca, August 1547.

3. For Dr. Lorenzo Galíndez de Carvajal (dates 1472-1532), see Ernest Schäfer, El consejo real y supremo de las Indias, 2 vols. (Seville, 1935 and 1947), 1: 27; and Helen Nader, The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renaissance, 1350 to 1550 (New Brunswick, 1979), 129-130. For Diego de Vargas Carvajal, see Schäfer, El consejo de Indias, 2: 287-288; for his will, see Federico Acedo Trigo, "Linajes de Trujillo." (Ms. in AMT), Vargas, 48 ^a12-13 .

4. See J. G. Peristiany, ed., El concepto de honor en la sociedad mediterránea (Barcelona, 1968), especially the article by Julio Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza. Examen histórico de varios conflictos," 77-126. The English edition is entitled Honour and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society (London, 1966).

5. See Nader, The Mendoza Family ; essentially the entire book deals with the impact of humanism and Renaissance ideas and styles on the Castilian nobility. Nader claims that the letrados were not humanists in their ideas and they were essentially "anti-Renaissance" (p. 133).

6. Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro traced the career of this Diego García de Paredes in his article "Aventuras y desventuras del tercer Diego García de Paredes," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 13 (1957): 5-93.

7. Archivo del Monasterio de Guadalupe (AMG) Fondo Barrantes, Ms. B/3. In 1590 Alvaro de Paredes wrote to his brother Licenciado Gutiérrez de Espadero that he had borrowed 1000 pesos from a friend leaving for Spain and said "me ofrecio el viaje a España, lo cual no acepté de vergüenza" (fol. 167).

8. See Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, Hinojosa, 122 for the reference to the Cid; see p. 177 for the description of how Hernando Alonso de Hinojosa avenged his cousin and many years later was himself killed in vengeance; see p. 157 for a description of Alonso García Calderón, an uncle of Andrés Calderón Puertocarrero, which included the following: "es muy varon y liberal, es amigo de su sangre, sin haber respecto al bando, lo cual hacen pocos en esta ciudad." The Hinojosa manuscript was written in 1548 by Diego de Hinojosa and amended and expanded by his nephew Alonso in 1563.

9. Gerbet, La noblesse, 105-127, 134-135 discusses the different types of nobles and hidalgos. See also Marie-Claude Gerbet and Janine Fayard, "Fermeture de la noblesse et pureté de sang dans les concejos de Castille au XVème siècle: à travers les procès d' hidalguía " in La ciudad hispánica, 1: 443-474 for access to noble status.

10. Diego de la Rocha's entail is in AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923. For Juan de Chaves, see Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, 138. The wife of Luis de Chaves, el viejo, was doña María de Sotomayor, who was the sister of the first count of Belalcazar, don Alonso de Sotomayor; they were the illegitimate children of don Gutierre de Sotomayor, the famous master of Alcántara; see Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, 189. Some other cacereños involved with the duke of Béjar were Francisco de Villalobos, who in 1534 was trying to recover money owed to him for four years of service to the deceased duke; Francisco de Ribera, who sought compensation for services rendered and money lent to the same; and Comendador Hernando de Ovando (brother of Frey Nicolás de Ovando), who was trying to collect money owed to his dead son Gonzalo de Ulloa in the same year; see AHPC Hernando Conde 3712. In that year also Martín Alonso, nonnoble returnee to Trujillo from Cajamarca, purchased 100,000 maravedís of censos from the duke of Béjar. Diego Mejía de Grado, a vecino of Trujillo with the power of attorney ( poder ) of Señor don Francisco de Zúñiga Guzmán y Sotomayor, duke of Béjar, carried out the transaction with Juan Cortés, another returnee who had been at Cajamarca, acting in Martín Alonso's name; AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. See Acedo, "Linajes," Mejía, 406, for the censo that don Diego Mejía de

Ovando sold on the "villa y dehesa" of Loriana to the wealthy returnee Senñor Juan Pizarro de Orellana, vecino of Trujillo.

11. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, xxx (introduction), Hinojosa, 138.

12. A number of these suits involved people who had been in the Indies or had family members there; their newly acquired wealth might have been a factor in the decision to go to court. Luis García Polido (who had been in the Indies; see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113) and the brothers of Dr. Francisco de Sande of Cáceres (see note 15 below) had suits in Granada, as did Diego de Carvajal, returnee from Peru to Trujillo who married a half-sister of Gonzalo and Juan Pizarro (see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-2; he initiated the suit with his brother Gonzalo de Carvajal) and Florencio Carrasco, vecino of Zorita and brother of Pedro Alonso Carrasco, long-time resident of Cuzco; see ARCG 303-290-10.

13. Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza," 100 points out that, with the growing importance of "limpieza de sangre" (purity of blood) in the sixteenth century, it no longer was only the male lineage that counted but one's antecedents on both sides and through both maternal and paternal lines.

14. Acedo, "Linajes," Escobar, 380-386 quotes extensively from the testimony on the Escobars of Trujillo and Robledillo. Francisco de Escobar was listed as "soltero, mercader" when he went to Cartagena in 1574; see AGI Indif. General 2087.

15. ARCG, Hidalguía 301-181-153 and 301-55-21. Miguel Angel Orti Belmonte in his notes for Huberto Foglietta, Vida de don Alvaro de Sande (Madrid, 1962), 85 says that the Sandes of Cáceres descended from Alvaro de Sande, "señor de la casa del valle de Sande" in Galicia, who came to Cáceres in the fifteenth century with King Juan II.

16. Further evidence of the unimpressive status of the family in Cáceres was that in the 1570s, when she was a widow, Francisca Picón's closest associate and agent was Bachiller Antonio Picón, a man of modest status who probably was a relative. Other than the testimony in the pleito de hidalguía, there is no evidence of the family of Pedro de Sande having any dealings or connections with the "important" Sandes of the city. Francisca Picón made her will in 1580 and named as her children and heirs Dr. Francisco de Sande, don Juan de Sande, don Bernardino de Sande, capitán de Su Majestad, don Antonio de Sande, doña Juana de Sande, and doña Teresa de Sande. Another son, Hernando, who died in the late 1570s, never used the don. In 1578 Antonio de Sande witnessed a document for his mother in which he did not use don (this document and his mother's will are in AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104). For more information on this family, see Altman, "Emigrants and Society," 182-185.

17. See the 1579 wills of Baltasar de Valverde and Bachiller Francisco Romero in AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104.

18. See, for example, Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza," 96-98, 100, 104-105.

19. AGI Contratación 5234B. Hernando de Encinas was a vecino of Trujillo.

20. In 1571 Cotrina's mother, Isabel González, was called the widow of "Juan Cotrina, sastre"; see AHPC Martín de Cabrera 3636. Cotrina's wife was "doña María"; see his mother's will of 1579 in AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103.

21. AGS Exped. Hacienda 66.

22. AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56. For the dispute over the offices of Zorita, see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. In their petition to the crown the hidalgos of Zorita estimated that the village had 230 vecinos "entre viudos y casados y que de ellos era mas de ochenta hijosdalgo." The 1561 padrón included widows also among the vecinos, so the discrepancy in the figures is not all that great.

23. For Zarza, see Vassberg, Land and Society, 108. In the small pueblo of Ruanes, all but one of fifty-two vecinos were hidalgos, but they were all labradores; see p. 139.

24. AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56, 1561 padrón of Ibahernando.

25. See Naranjo Alonso, Trujillo, 2: 45-54 for the sale of villages in the sixteenth century. In 1627 don Juan de Chaves y Mendoza bought Herguijuela (p. 35), don Juan de Chaves Sotomayor bought Aldea del Pastor (later Santa Ana) and Ruanes (p. 49), and Hernando Pizarro's grandson don Juan Hernando Pizarro bought Zarza (pp. 32-33), later known as La Conquista. See also Clodoaldo Naranjo Alonso, Solar de conquistadores: Trujillo, sus hijos y monumentos, 3d. ed. (Madrid, 1983), 234-236.

26. AGS Exped. Hacienda 66.

27. Naranjo Alonso, Trujillo, 2: 29, 46-48.

28. ACC-HO leg. 5, pt. 2, no. 20.

29. See Carlos Callejo, Cáceres monumental (Madrid, 1973), 98, 106, 111, 126, as well as references throughout Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, to new constructions and renovations; see, for example pp. 347-348 for the house of Juan Pizarro de Orellana and pp. 362-363 for the Ayuntamiento. See also Carmelo Solís Rodríguez, "La plaza mayor de Trujillo," in Actas del VI Congreso de Estudios Extremeños, (Cáceres, 1981): 277-299, especially 282, 285. The article offers an excellent description of the growth of the city around the plaza from the time of the reconquest.

30. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-27.

31. Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, "Las últimas disposiciones del último

Pizarro de la Conquista," Boletín de la Real Academia de Historia 126 (1950): 398. She also owned jewelry with pearls, rubies, and diamonds.

32. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1570.

33. Miguel Angel Orti Belmonte, La vida en Cáceres en los siglos XIII y XVI al XVIII (Cáceres, 1949), 26, 28-30; Ida Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos and America: The Ovandos of Cáceres," The Americas 43, 3 (1987): 325. Gerbet, La noblesse, 301 estimates that the net worth of Diego de Ovando's father (of the same name) was about 5 million maravedís at his death in 1505.

34. See Orti Belmonte, La vida en Cáceres, 37-40 for examples of inventories of noble households, and 96-97 for country life. In addition to riding, women might also take part in vigorous outdoor activities and games; Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, Diego García de Paredes. Hércules y Sansón de España (Madrid, 1946), 88-89 says that the famous hero's older half-sister, María Jiménez de Paredes, often initiated games of physical skill in which Diego García came to excell.

35. In June 1558 nobleman Diego de Vargas Carvajal "went with his criados as he normally does . . . to his house and lands at Balhondo. . . . He went dealing with and looking over his estates and from there went to the city of Cáceres," where he saw his daughter and her mother-in-law (who had recently lost her husband) "and he was there in that city . . . visiting some caballeros." This information was included in testimony in a suit brought by Pedro Calderón de Vargas against his cousin doña Beatriz de Vargas, wife of Diego de Vargas Carvajal, over the Vargas family entail that she inherited; see ARCG 508-1987-8.

36. AGI Contratación 5234A (testimony of 1591).

37. AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9; Acedo, "Linajes," Escobar, 379-380. Gómez Nuño de Escobar lived "temporadas en Trujillo y otras en Robledillo, donde hizo una casa muy buena."

38. AGI Justicia 1061, no. 2, ramo 2 and Justicia 1062 no. 1, ramo 2.

39. Vassberg, Land and Society, 28.

40. Vassberg, Land and Society, 23-24. Owners of private dehesas might make similar arrangements for rental as well.

41. I reached this conclusion after reading dozens of land transactions in the sixteenth-century notarial records of Cáceres; see Altman, "Emigrants, Returnees and Society," 29-30.

42. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101. Juan Pizarro rented a dehesa for six years from Juan de Ovando Perero, a regidor, for 384,000 maravedís and another for 354,000 maravedís from Dr. Bernaldino de Saavedra, Martín de Paredes, and his brother Francisco de Paredes.

43. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, Hinojosa, 19-21. Pascual Gil de Cervantes was an ancestor of Pedro Barrantes (through his

mother, Francisca de Cervantes), returnee from Peru and señor of La Cumbre (see p. 99). Diego de Hinojosa, the chronicler, was married to Pedro Barrantes's sister Ana Barrantes. Antonio C. Floriano, "Cáceres ante la historia: el problema medieval de la propiedad de la tierra," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 5 (1949): 11 says that anyone in Cáceres who wanted to sell a part of an estate ("heredad") had to offer it first to relatives or to those who would have inherited the property. A suit in Cáceres in the 1550s involved the purchase of four houses on Pintores street by the pharmacist Cristóbal García. García bought the houses from Señor Gonzalo de Saavedra, and Saavedra's cousin Hernando de Ovando said he should have had the right of purchase as a near relative of doña Leonor de Orellana; see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924. A settlement was made in 1556.

44. This example is, of course, further evidence of the practice of keeping properties within families. Gonzalo de Saavedra and his cousin Francisco de Ovando were descendants of Francisco de Ovando, el viejo, brother of Captain Diego de Ovando de Cáceres; see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," 335-336 and table following 344. Saavedra was the nephew of Dr. Bernaldino de Saavedra mentioned above, note 42.

45. See Gerbet, La noblesse, 94.

46. See Muñoz de San Pedro, "Ultimas disposiciones," 345 and Varón Gabai and Jacobs, "Peruvian Wealth," 768-782, 685-691.

47. Acedo, "Linajes," Hinojosa, 363-364.

48. The listing of properties appears in the suit brought against doña Beatriz de Vargas by her cousin Pedro Calderón de Vargas; see ARCG 508-1987-8.

49. AGI Justicia 1144, no. 3.

50. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1. The suit hinged on the question of whether Martín de Chaves, who went to Peru in 1534, actually had been the owner of the dehesa at the time of his departure (it subsequently was sold by his heir, a first cousin). Chaves died in Peru owing Gonzalo Pizarro 500 pesos, which royal officials were trying to collect as part of the confiscation of Pizarro's property after his trial and execution.

51. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, 135.

52. The transaction of 1547 came to a total of 607, 920 maravedís, see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, and the transaction of 1552 came to 353,600 maravedís and 435,135 maravedís, see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101, to be made good in Medina del Campo in July 1552 and 1553.

53. The yearlings were purchased from doña Teresa de Carvajal, and the same buyers purchased 496 sheep (187 shorn) from Alvaro de Ulloa, regidor of Cáceres; see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925.

54. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924. Wool was sold by weight and the

price determined according to quality, color, and whether the wool was washed or dirty.

55. AHPC Pedro González 3827. The carter, a vecino of Toro, received 46 reales (1564 maravedís) per cartload, or a total of 644 reales, half of which was paid in advance. He used oxen, not mules, to haul his carts.

56. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1572.

57. The wool sold at 3125 maravedís per arroba and at the time of the 1588 inventory, some of it was already sold, for which Cristóbal de Ovando had received 9000 ducados. See ACC-HO, leg. 5, pt. 2, no. 20.

58. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23. Don Diego de Vargas Carvajal was the son of Diego de Vargas Carvajal, whom he accompanied to Peru in 1560.

59. Klein, The Mesta, 332-333. Klein's is still the most comprehensive study both of the organization, privileges, and political power of the Mesta and of stockraising in the peninsula in general. Nevertheless the book is dated, and the subject demands thorough research and restudy. Vassberg, Land and Society, 81-82, for example, touches on aspects of the relations between the Mesta and local economy and society in Extremadura. His findings indicate clearly that the Mesta was not very powerful there in the sixteenth century and that Klein's study conveys only part of the picture.

60. See Vassberg, Land and Society, 82. In the 1560s Juan Pizarro twice sent representatives to appear before the council of the Mesta to protest the usurpation and illegal use of his pastures; AHPC Diego Pacheco 4102, 4113.

61. AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1.

62. For the use and regulation of the montes around Trujillo, see Vassberg, Land and Society, 36-37, 69, 73. For an excellent discussion of the rural economy of Trujillo, especially breeding pigs, see Vassberg, ''La coyuntura socioeconómica."

63. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1553; LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo," 266.

64. Vassberg, Land and Society, 186.

65. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, Hinojosa, 138.

66. See AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924 for Sancho de Figueroa's will of 1549 and for Juan de Carvajal Villalobos; see Pedro de Grajos 3923 for don Juan de Ulloa Carvajal.

67. This was especially true in the case of criados who accompanied employers to the New World; see chap. 5.

68. For Nuño de Ortega, see AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1; AGI

Indif. General 2090 for González; Muñoz de San Pedro, "Ultimas disposiciones," 406, 546 for Hernando Pizarro.

69. AGI Contratación 5227.

70. AHPC Pedro González 3828. Francisco de Ovando Paredes was the oldest son and heir to the entail of his father, Cosme de Ovando, who had inherited one of three entails established by his father, Francisco de Ovando, el rico; see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," 338-339. Since he had no legitimate heirs, at Francisco de Ovando Paredes's death the entail passed first to his brother Cosme de Ovando Paredes and then to Cristóbal de Ovando Paredes, both of whom spent long periods in Peru before returning to Cáceres in the 1580s.

71. For comparison, see Pike, Aristocrats and Traders , 170-192 for slaves in Seville; 183-185 deal with the training and employment of slaves there.

72. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, Diego Pacheco 4100.

73. Hernando Corajo freed his elderly slave Isabel in his will of 1513 and provided her with eight fanegas of wheat and 1000 maravedís a year and a new set of clothing every two years; see ACC Asuntos de Trujillo leg. 3, no. 2. He also freed his cousin Sancho de Paredes.

74. The incident was described in testimony in a suit of 1549 brought against Juan Cortés. He was accused of having aided a man named Pablo Vicencio (also known as Francisco Pérez), who had come from Peru and in Spain escaped from a royal prison; see AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 8. The incident between Cortés's criados and Herrera figured in the testimony because it was suspected that Herrera helped fabricate charges against Cortés.

75. Gerbet, La noblesse , 316.

76. AMT leg. 1-1-30, Actas de 1576-83. For the guards of the montes, see Vassberg, Land and Society , 70-71.

77. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1570. The alcalde, Benito Rodríguez Sanabria, had come before the city council to ask for a loan of 200 reales so that the hermandad could go to the mountains to apprehend the servant and his fellow delinquents. The council reluctantly granted the loan, noting that they were under no obligation to give the hermandad money to pursue thieves.

78. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas , 79, 137.

79. See Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza," 84-85 for discussion of the concepts of "valer mas" and collective honor; ''este honor colectivo se ajusta a un sistema de linajes patrilineales. . . . Las glorias de un individuo de linaje alcanzan a la totalidad de éste, las vergüenzas también. . . . Por eso cada linaje en conjunto pretende valer mas que otros" (p. 85).

80. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas , 135-136 (for Juan de Chaves), 157.

81. In his article on "Lope de Aguirre, 'traidor'" in El señor inquisidor y otras vidas por oficio , 2d ed. (Madrid, 1970) 65-122, Julio Caro Baroja relates the concept of "valer mas" to the conflicts and bandos of the late Middle Ages. He writes, "la consecuencia última de esta concepción bélica de la vida es el derecho del mas fuerte y la noción de una especie de dualismo, de división continua, entre dos contrarios en perpetua lucha" (p. 106). Julian Pitt-Rivers, in his chapter entitled "Honour and Social Status" in Peristiany, Honour and Shame , observes that "seen from the individual's point of view, to have recourse to justice is to abnegate one's claim to settle one's debts of honour for oneself'' (p. 30) and "the aristocracy claims the right to honour=precedence by the tradition which makes them the leaders of society. . . . The sacred quality of high status is demonstrated in freedom from the sanctions which apply to ordinary mortals" (p. 31). "Enemistad" did have a specific legal meaning in many parts of Spain in the Middle Ages. Heath Dillard. Daughters of the Reconquest: Women in Castilian Town Society, 1100-1300 (Cambridge, 1984), 31 writes that "at Sepúlveda . . . municipal law prescribed enemistad for serious crimes, meaning banishment under threat of legal execution by one's enemies."

82. AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9.

83. The protesting regidores were Bernaldino de Tapia, Alvaro de Hinojosa (brother-in-law of Gonzalo Pizarro), don Juan de Vargas Carvajal (son of Diego de Vargas Carvajal), Juan de Chaves (the chronicler), Martín de Chaves, and the returnees Pedro Barrantes, Alonso Ruiz, and Juan Pizarro de Orellana; see AMG leg. 134.

84. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1571.

85. AMG leg. 134.

86. See Caro Baroja, "Lope de Aguirre," 96-97. He sees the "libertades de grupo" as "libertades de acción frente al poder" (p. 97).

87. AGI Justicia 1061, no. 2, ramo 2 (for quotation); Justicia 1062, no. 1, ramo 2; Justicia 1064, no. 3, ramo 1. The settlement appears in Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 333 ^a13 ; he gave his poder to Alonso de Loaysa, don Pedro Puertocarrero (his uncle), don Diego de Carvajal, and Fray Jerónimo de Loaysa (archbishop of Lima). Andrés Calderón was related to a number of prominent families (see table 3). His maternal grandfather was Juan de Hinojosa, an encomendero in New Spain (among Hinojosa's children with his wife doña Beatriz de Tapia was doña Juana de Hinojosa, Andrés Calderón's mother; see Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas , 175). Despite these family connections and the fact that he was heir to his father, Gabriel Calderón, either his inheritance was small or he

squandered a great deal of it. There is no doubt that he went to Peru as a merchant. He was listed as a merchant in the asientos of 1562; see Catálogo , 4, no. 2281. In October 1561 he appeared as the witness in a power of attorney of a merchant of Trujillo, Juan González de Victoria, to his son Diego González in Peru; see AMT Francisco Enríquez A-1-5-1. Two other men from Trujillo went to Peru as merchants at the same time, Gonzalo de Carmona and Juan de Ribera.

88. See ARCG 3 ^a -599-3.

89. Caro Baroja, "Honor y vergüenza," 92-93, note 37 quotes Francisco Núñez de Velasco, Diálogos de contención entre la milicia y la ciencia (Valladolid, 1614), fol. 417 as follows: "En algunas ciudades destos reinos de España aun no acaba de extinguir el fuego destos negros bandos, especialmente en Trujillo, Cáceres y Plasencia, adonde no solamente la gente principal es banderiza, pero aun la comun y plebeya esta dividida entre Carvajales y Ovandos."

90. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 392.

91. Muñoz de San Pedro, "Aventuras y desventuras," 14. García Holguín was the husband of doña Mencía de Ulloa, the eldest daughter of the camarero Sancho de Paredes Golfín and his wife, doña Isabel Coello.

92. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca , 1: 356.

93. In 1570, for example, there were forty-five students from the diocese of Coria and sixty-six from Plasencia enrolled in the faculty of canon law in Salamanca, compared to only three students from each diocese enrolled in Valladolid in the same year. In 1550 three students from Coria and thirteen from Plasencia were enrolled at Alcalá de Henares. See Richard L. Kagan, Students and Society in Early Modern Spain (Baltimore, 1974), 240, 242-243, tables III, IV, and V.

94. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

95. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 10. Ovando's will is in ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 16.

96. J. M. Lodo de Mayoralgo, Viejos linajes de Cáceres (Cáceres, 1971), 680. Schäfer, El consejo de Indias , 1: 130; 2: 303-307. Noel Geoffrey Parker, Philip II (Boston, 1978), 113-122.

97. Cacereño Licenciado Alonso Martínez Espadero was oidor of the audiencia of Valladolid before becoming a member of the Council of the Indies in 1572, where he served until his death in 1589; see Schäfer, El consejo de Indias , 1: 355; AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104. Many of his relative in Cáceres were also letrados; see discussion of emigrant Alvaro de Paredes in chap. 4.

98. For don Gaspar Cervantes de Gaete, see Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 58-60; and Costancio Gutiérrez, Españoles en Trento (Valladolid, 1951), 523-527. He was made cardinal in 1570. Before his appointment as archbishop of Messina, in 1561 as inquisitor of Aragon Cervantes

de Gaete gave his power of attorney to his nephews in Trujillo, Alonso Pizarro de Torres, Hernando Cervantes, and Francisco de Gaete, in preparation for his departure from Spain; AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9.

99. Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 137. He was the brother of Martín de Meneses, captain and encomendero in Peru who returned to Spain late in life and died before he could go back.

100. In the late fifteenth century don Bernardino de Carvajal, nephew of don Juan de Carvajal, cardinal of Sant Angelo, was cardinal of Santa Cruz in Rome and also served in a number of bishoprics. Diego García de Paredes ("el Sansón") called him his cousin and met him when he went to serve in Italy. Don Francisco de Carvajal, arcediano of Plasencia who died in 1556, was his nephew. Don Francisco's brother don Bernardino de Carvajal and his first cousin Sancho de Sande were tesoreros of Plasencia. For the Carvajals, see Acedo, "Linajes," Carvajal, 62-63, and Antonio Rubio Rojas, Las disposiciones de don Francisco de Carvajal, arcediano de Plasencia y Mecenas de Cáceres, su villa natal (Cáceres, 1975), 64, 76.

101. From bequests and provisions in wills it is clear that hidalgos who entered religious orders often continued to depend on stipends from their families, whereas a secular priest with a benefice could be self-supporting. In 1577 Pedro Rol de la Cerda agreed to give his brother Cosme de Ovando, member of the Order of San Juan de los Caballeros, 100,000 maravedís a year; see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113. The returnee Cristóbal de Ovando Paredes willed 24 ducados a year to his brother Fray Juan de Ovando, a Franciscan in Salamanca, and the same to another brother, Fray Gómez de la Rocha; see ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 21. In 1574 don Rodrigo de Godoy, regidor of Cáceres, arranged to send 500 escudos (escudo = 400 maravedís) to his brother don Lorenzo de Godoy, "caballero de la orden de San Juan," who was in Palermo, via some Genoese merchants; see AHPC Pedro Gonzalez 3829. Don Lorenzo and Don Rodrigo were the sons of wealthy returnee Francisco de Godoy.

102. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas , Chaves, 191-192; AMT Actas 1558-1560.

103. AGI Lima 199.

104. The biography by Muñoz de San Pedro, Diego García de Paredes , provides considerable detail on the campaigns and events in which he took part. "'El Sansón Extremeño' (Diego García de Paredes)," Revista de Extremadura 10 (1908): 465-472 is a transcription of the memoria of his career that Diego García wrote for his son shortly before his death; Muñoz de San Pedro has concluded that the memoria is genuine. See also Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro and H. Nectario María, El gobernador y maestre de campo Diego García de Paredes, fundador de Trujillo de Venezuela (Madrid, 1957), 76, 125-127, 149, 277.

105. See Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, "Don Alvaro de Sande. Cronista del desastre de los Gelves," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 10 (1954): 468-473 for details of his career and a transcription of the chronicle, and Orti Belmonte's notes to Foglietta, Vida de don Alvaro de Sande, especially 18-24, 88, 246. Orti Belmonte's edition of Foglietta's biography of Sande, which probably was commissioned by Sande's son don Rodrigo de Sande, contains an appendix of documents related to Sande's life and career--for example, his 1550 marriage to doña Ana de Guzmán, "dama de la reina de Bohemia," and the negotiations for his ransom. Maximilian's letter of 1562 to his brother, the "king of Bohemia,'' asking him to help Sande stated "yo tengo tanta obligación a su tio y sus parientes que han servido a mi padre" (p. 331).

106. See the testimony for don Juan de Sande's illegitimate son don Jerónimo de Sande in AGI Contratación 5234A and AHPC Pedro González 3827 for the loan of 200 ducados that don Juan de Sande took to go to Granada. The city council recorded his departure in December 1569; see AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1569. A brother of don Juan de Sande, don Alvaro de Sande, in 1558 was called captain--see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101--and in 1563 coronel--see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925. He is said to have been in Gelves with his uncle and probably was the brother who died later in Italy. Another relative by marriage, Pedro Alvarez Holguín (brother of Pedro de Sande's wife, doña Aldonza de Torres) also fought at Gelves. He was thought to have been captured by the Turks but eventually was found in Sicily; see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3926.

107. Don Juan de Sande was nominated as candidate for the captaincy of the 1580 levy of soldiers for the war in Portugal. Other nominees were Martín de Paredes, a "caballero principal" who had served in Italy and Spain, and another caballero named Diego García de Paredes, a widower, who had served in Italy. In the end don Juan Perero, whose military background was not detailed, led the troops; see AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1580.

108. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104.

109. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 16 contains Dr. Nicolás de Ovando's will; he handled the negotiations at least in part in both cases. See AHPC 3926 for the efforts initiated by doña Aldonza de Torres, his sister (see above, note 106) to find Pedro Alvarez Holguín. Half the ransom money was lent by Francisco de Godoy (the returnee) and Comendador Aldana, both of whom were probably relatives.

110. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924.

111. See Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, 48 ^a13 and ARCG 508-1987-8.

112. See Muñoz de San Pedro, "Ultimas disposiciones," 407; Acedo, "Linajes," Hinojosa, 366 ^a18 .

113. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1571.

114. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 16. In 1571 Hernando Calderón de Chaves donated to the city of Trujillo two pieces of land and 600 maravedís of censo perpetuo on some houses, saying that when he was a regidor over thirty-two years before "no podía dejar de alagarme en algunas cosas y en otras ser corto por ser como era mozo en el dicho tiempo." See AMT 1571: VI-9.

115. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1571.

1. Jose Antonio Maravall in El mundo social de "La Celestina" (Madrid, 1968), 21-22 pictures the nobility as shaping the important social structures and relations:

La clase de los señores, como clase dominante, es, sin duda, la responsable de la estructura y perfil de la sociedad. Mediante su dominio de los recursos de que la sociedad en cuestión dispone, aquella clase determina el puesto de cada grupo social en el conjunto, el sistema de sus funciones, el cuadro de sus deberes y derechos, es decir, la figura moral de cada uno de esos grupos. Como de la clase señorial depende la selecciõn de los bienes y valores que en una sociedad se busca conseguir, es también esa clase superior la que determina los valores que a los demás corresponden y los que ella misma se atribuye y monopoliza. En definitiva, la clase dominante es la responsable de las relaciones ético-sociales entre los diferentes grupos.

2. See chap. 2. This situation might have been changing, of course. In Zorita, where the hidalgos petitioned the crown to be allowed to hold municipal offices, by 1561 the alcalde was Diego de Trejo, an hidalgo; see AGI Indif. General 2088, información of Jorge Holgado, vecino of Orellana.

3. On the lifestyle of the people of the villages, Michael R. Weisser, The Peasants of the Montes (Chicago, 1976), 53, comments:

Contrary to rejecting urban mores and styles, the peasantry adopted and adapted them to fit the realities of rural life. The social cohesion of the pueblo did not result from any denial of an alien culture, but was enhanced by the acceptance of the culture of the larger society by the entire rural community.

4. In 1554 a fifty-year-old shoemaker, Juan García, was called "rico" (see AGI Indif. Gen. 2078), and the brothers García Hernández and Gonzalo Cabezas, zapateros, in the same year were called "hombres ricos de caudal y bienes raíces" (see AGI Justicia 1074, no. 4). Alonso Blanco, who lost his property and became impoverished, in 1578 said he had been ''hombre rico y principal" of Trujillo, AGI Indif. General 2059.

5. See chap. 5.

6. Teresa Muñoz, a widow from Cáceres, was living in Seville by

1535; by 1554 a dealer in oil named Francisco Hernández and his wife, both also from Cáceres, had become vecinos of Seville; and in the 1570s a cacereño priest named Juan Digán also was a vecino of the city. See AHPC Hernando Conde 3712; Pedro de Grajos 3924; Pedro González 3828 (1573); and Alonso Pacheco 4104.

7. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103; AGI Indif. General 2049.

8. Rodríguez Sanchez, Cáceres, 198-209; see also 180-183.

9. See AGS Exped. Hacienda 311, padrón of Madroñera.

10. AMT 1584: IX-8.

11. In 1570 Cáceres and Trujillo each had at least four inns ("mesones y posadas"), and in both cities at least one of the innkeepers was a woman; see ARCG 303-490-10, pleito de hidalguía of Alonso de Loaysa. There probably were at least twice that many inns, since in 1578 in Trujillo four different mesoneros and taverneros testified in two informaciones; see AGI Indif. General 2059, informaciones of Juan Rubio and Isabel García la Castra. Probably the larger towns in the cities' jurisdictions also had inns, since one of the smallest--Orellana la Nueva, with thirty-two vecinos--in 1575 was called "lugar donde no hay taverna ni carnicería"; AGS Exped. Hacienda 906.

12. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, Pedro González 3827.

13. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100.

14. Carmelo Solís Rodríguez, "El arquitecto Francisco Becerra" 287-383.

15. See Geoffrey Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road (Cambridge, 1972), 35-43 for a description of how recruitment took place.

16. For example, Gonzalo Durán of Cáceres had died in Flanders by 1571. His brother Lorenzo de Montanos went to the Indies; see AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4102. In 1578 Juan Pérez, son of Juan Pérez tintorero, was a captive in Algiers; AHPC Pedro Gonzalez 3830.

17. AMT 1-1-30, Actas del Consejo 1580.

18. AHPC Pedro González 3827, 3831.

19. See Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres, 134, notes 15 and 16, and 88-89; AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1569, 1580; AMT Actas 1558, 1576-83.

20. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103; AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575.

21. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1580; AMT Actas 1580.

22. AMT 1-1-30.

23. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1578.

24. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

25. AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1.

26. AHPC Pedro González 3827 (he was mayordomo in 1567), 3830. At some time before 1572 Lorenzo de Ulloa Solís took 1400 ducados in censos al quitar--400 from Diego García de Ulloa, 500 from Rodrigo

Silvestre (probably the merchant), and 500 from Cristóbal García. García had other financial dealings with Lorenzo and his brother Francisco de Ulloa Solís; see AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4102.

27. AGI Justicia 1074, no. 4; AGI Indif. General 2058 for información of Lorenzo del Puerto.

28. AHPC Hernando Conde 3712.

29. AHPC Pedro González 3830.

30. In 1550 Pedro del Toril, a shoemaker of Trujillo "over 57 years" of age, signed his name; AGI Justicia 1074, no. 4. In 1574 four witnesses for Alonso Ramiro, a tailor from Trujillo emigrating to New Spain, all could sign. They were a locksmith, a blacksmith, a tailor, and a merchant; AGI Indif. General 2055. There are, of course, many such examples of literate commoners.

31. AGI Indif. General 2051 (testimony of 1567).

32. Francisco Rodríguez was about thirty years old in 1575 when he petitioned to join his parents Rodrigo Alonso herrero (also called herrador) and Isabel Alvarez in Peru (Lima), taking with him his wife and two children. He subsequently returned to Trujillo, where in 1582 he was calling himself Francisco Rodríguez Godoy; see AGI Indif. General 2087 and 2093. His parents returned to Trujillo in 1578 in the entourage of the prominent Captain Martín de Meneses, long-time resident of Peru; see AGI Indif. General 2162A.

33. AMT 1570:III-4. There were at least two other men of the same name who were herradores in Trujillo: Hernán González, who emigrated in 1574, and Hernando González, who emigrated in 1575, both to New Spain with their families. See AGI Indif. General 2055; Contratación 5222.

34. See ARCG 511-2284-8, for Hortún's will. Although some of the family names--Becerra, Bote--that appear in Hortún's will commonly were associated with hidalgos, I was unable to find any relation between Hortún and the hidalgo Becerras or Botes. His illiteracy, the name of his first wife, his wives' modest dowries, and the fact that, with the exception of one son who was to receive half the mill in Tamuja, his property was to be divided equally among heirs, all suggest he was a commoner.

35. See Weisser, Peasants of the Montes, 38-44 for analysis of landholding in Navalmoral in 1583 for comparison. In 1561 Hortún was assessed 244 maravedís in taxes (see AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56), which would place him well within the middle to upper-middle group of the town. Clearly he had sufficient property to produce a commercial surplus and employ others to work his land.

36. AMT 1584:IX-8.

37. AGI Justicia 1070, no. 8, 9. Juan de Muñoz was a native of Na-

valsaz but lived in and owned property in Trujillo before going to Peru. He took his sons Pedro de Bibanco, Alonso de Bibanco, and Francisco Muñoz with him, leaving behind two others, Juan and Diego de Bibanco. Alonso de Bibanco returned to Trujillo, but Pedro died in Peru. Since he had supported Gonzalo Pizarro's rebellion, his properties were confiscated, which is why the inventory of the family's possessions was taken in 1550. Francisco Muñoz was not mentioned in the division of property and he must have died in Peru also.

38. LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo," p. 269.

39. AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56.

40. AGS Exped. Hacienda 66.

41. AMT Actas 1558.

42. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1575, 1576.

43. AHPC Pedro González 3831.

44. AGI Indif. General 2059.

45. See AGS Exped. Hacienda 66 for the 1557 padrón of the calle de Caleros.

46. For Casar, see AGS Exped. Hacienda 66; see 902 for El Campo, and 189-56 for Santa Cruz.

47. See AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56 for Ibahernando and AGS Exped. Hacienda 66 for Sierra de Fuentes. Doubtless there were residents of Ibahernando who had no vineyard at all but belonged to the middle group. Nevertheless ownership of a medium-sized vineyard seems to have correlated with a basic holding in livestock, since virtually everyone in the group had one or two oxen, a cow or two, and small numbers of other livestock (pigs, sheep, goats) and draft animals.

48. AGS Exped. Hacienda 66. The small lugar of Sierra de Fuentes apparently had very little access to land, which would explain the large number of wage laborers there.

49. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100 (see year of 1551). Sancho de Figueroa was a returnee from the Indies.

50. Francisca Picón, the mother of Dr. Francisco de Sande, in 1572 rented out a garden behind the monastery of San Francisco for four years for 17 ducados (6375 maravedís) a year plus various products, including nuts, onions, garlic, melons, pomegranates, and plums; AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4102.

51. The couple was required to build a hut in the huerta during the next four years if the royal magistrate of Cáceres granted permission, and to keep the garden "well tilled and cultivated and planted with trees." AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104.

52. AMT 1-1-30.

53. See AGI Indif. General 2080.

54. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

55. Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres, 35.

56. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

57. AHPC Pedro González 3827 (1570) and Alonso Pacheco 4103 (1575).

58. AGI Indif. General 2079.

59. For example, a locally made dark cloth called "catorzen" sold for 210 maravedís per yard in 1553 and berbi for 83 maravedís a yard in 1544; see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924, 3923. In contrast, in 1535 Valencia cloth sold for 800 maravedís per yard and velarte (a fine broadcloth) for 1000 maravedís a yard in 1553; see AHPC Hernando Conde 3712, Pedro de Grajos 3924.

60. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

61. Solís Rodríguez, "Francisco Becerra," 301.

62. The accounts of the construction work, expenditures, and money received from Dr. Ovando are in ACC-HO leg. 8, no. 101. Carrasco's account book was dated June 1565, soon after Ovando's death.

63. Solís Rodríguez, "Francisco Becerra," 366, 372.

64. Santos and Alonso García were both sons of Teresa Alvarez; Santos García's father, Juan García, was a locksmith. Santos was eighteen or nineteen and Alonso twenty-five or twenty-six years old when they went to Peru. In 1576 Trujillo's council appointed Santos García "sellador" of iron and of weights and measures. In the same year Francisco González, one of the stonecutters who helped finish the entranceway of the dehesa, was appointed inspector of work, AMT leg. 1-1-30. See Solís Rodríguez, "Francisco Becerra," 330-333 for the construction of the entranceway, and Catálogo, 3, no. 2447 and AGI Indif. General 2078. Pero Gómez built the choir stalls of the church of Santiago in the late 1550s; he made the contract in December 1557 and was to complete the job by February 1559. He received a total of 450 ducados for the job, paid in installments of 50 ducados every two months and the balance upon completion. Gómez also worked on the house built by the returnee from Peru, Francisco de Godoy; see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100, 4113.

65. See Vassberg, Land and Society, 160 for the continued use of oxen in Extremadura. Mules in the 1560s and 1570s sold for around 35 to 40 ducados (see AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103), three or more times the price of an ox or donkey and twice that of a horse.

66. AHPC Hernando Conde 3712.

67. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113, Alonso Pacheco 4102, 4103, Pedro de Grajos 3926.

68. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113.

69. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3926.

70. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

71. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104.

72. Dyers of Cáceres frequently bought pastel (a dye) from people from Seville, and "tratantes de aceite" (oil vendors) also came from Seville. In 1571 Francisco Rodríguez of Trujillo bought some cloth from a merchant from Seville while in Cáceres; see AHPC Martín de Cabrera 3636.

73. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

74. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924. Sotoval said that if his wife did not remarry, account should not be made of her gains in the business.

75. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924.

76. In 1558 Diego del Saz and his son Francisco del Saz and Felipe Díaz rented a part of the tithes of the church of Coria; AMT García de Sanabria A-1-3. For Luis del Saz, regidor, see Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, 48 ^a14 and Altamirano, 91; see also AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-1-9. For Diego del Saz, see the 1544 will of Juan de la Huerta of Cáceres, who owed Diego del Saz 6000 maravedís, AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923. See AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1 for sale to vecinos of Benalcazar of 70,540 maravedís of cloth, García de Sanabria A-1-2-1 for purchase of cloth from Córdoba (1556), and Francisco Enríquez A-1-5-1 for poder of Diego and Luis del Saz to merchants in Segovia in 1561. See García de Sanabria A-1-3 for money owed by Alvaro de Loaysa and Pedro de Carmona A-1-9 for Cristóbal Pizarro's power of attorney.

77. Vicente Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya de la raza extremeña en Indias (Mérida, 1978), 427; AGI Contratación 5237. Luis del Saz took his criado Mateo Jiménez of Trujillo with him.

78. Luis de Camargo's heirs appeared together in September 1551; AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. For purchase of dehesa, see ACC-AT leg. 8, nos. 33, 47. For the claim against Luis de Camargo, see AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 3. This suit included a power of attorney of 1535 that Luis de Camargo, along with his son-in-law Vicente Enríquez and son Diego de Camargo, gave to a Trujillo merchant named Duarte López; witnesses were three other Trujillo merchants, Juan de Limosin, Juan López, and Juan de San Pedro.

79. See AMT 1-1-30. Alvaro Pizarro de Camargo in 1578 rented stores across from his main house for two years to Lope Hernández, tendero; AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23. Juan de Camargo, son of Luis de Camargo, owned mills on the Almonte and Magasca rivers and a dehesa near Montánchez; see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. He probably died in the 1550s, since there is no later record of him; likely Luis del Saz, mayorazgo, was his son.

80. For Vicente Enríquez, see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1, Pedro de Carmona A-1-9, and note 78 above. In 1551 he bought a vineyard for

33,000 maravedís from Beatriz Alvarez, widow of Francisco González and mother of Licenciado Diego González Altamirano, oidor of Lima; see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1; Acedo, "Linajes," Altamirano, 91.

81. For Juan de Camargo, regidor, see Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 295. Vasco Calderón Enríquez married Juana de San Juan. Vasco Calderón paid a dowry of 400 ducados for his sister Beatriz de Camargo to enter the convent of Santa Clara, and in 1593 he and his wife arranged for one of their daughters to enter the convent of the Magdalena of Aldeanueva del Barco for 500 ducados; see Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 334 ^a12,a33,a41 .

82. For Alonso de Camargo, see Boyd-Bowman, Indice, 2, no. 3118 and Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya, 388. For Alonso Enríquez, see Catálogo, 5, no. 1737 and AGI Contratación 5221 (testimony for Licenciado Diego González Altamirano). For Vicente Enríquez, see AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23. For Alvaro de Camargo, see Catálogo vol. 5, no. 4315; there is no evidence that Alvaro de Camargo was part of the family, other than the names, which are fairly convincing. Juan de Camargo, the son of Alvaro de Camargo and Juana González de Orellana (grandson of Luis de Camargo and Beatriz Alvarez), went to Peru as the criado of Luis de Herrera, AGI Contratación 5235.

83. The power of attorney to his son and guardianship of don Gonzalo de Hinojosa are in AMT Francisco Enríquez A-1-5-1; for the censo and association with Juan Alvarez, see García de Sanabria A-1-1. Juan Alvarez was in Lima in May 1559; see AGI Justicia 418. Diego González went to "Tierra Firme and Peru" in 1559, possibly as his father's factor; see Catálogo, 3, no. 4006; he was called "maestre" in the asientos. For Alonso Alvarez de Altamirano, see AGI Indif. General 2092. They might have been related to the family of Licenciado Diego González Altamirano, twice oidor of the audiencia of Lima.

84. The following were on the 1580 list: García de Alarcón and his son Hernando de Alarcón (one horse); Cristóbal de Alarcón and Lucas de Alarcón (one horse); Martín Alonso de Alarcón (to share a horse with Pedro Carrasco); and Diego de Alarcón, widower (to share a horse with Diego de Melo). Melo also was probably a merchant, a relative of Francisco Sánchez de Melo, a Sevillian merchant (native of Trujillo) who sent two brothers from Trujillo (doubtless his relatives) to Peru as his factors in 1557 and 1559. García de Alarcón went to Tierra Firme as a merchant in 1557, the same year Pedro de Melo went (see Catálogo, 3, no. 3556). An Hernando de Alarcón and a Juan de Alarcón were in Peru at the end of the sixteenth century; see Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 334 ^a59-60 .

85. AGI Contratación 5235, 5237.

86. Naranjo Alonso, Trujillo y su tierra, 2: 224.

87. Dr. Felipe Díaz de Orellana of Trujillo was for a time the bene-

ficiado of Alcollarín, Gaspar Gómez of Trujillo was beneficiado of Aldeanueva in 1575 (AGI Contratación 5222), and Bachiller Francisco Carrasco of Trujillo was "teniente de cura" of Madroñera in 1577 (AGI Indif. General 2089).

88. In 1561 he agreed to instruct Alonso Pizarro until he was ordained a "clérigo de misa"; see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113. The city council of Trujillo hired Bachiller Ojalvo in January 1558 for two years at 100 ducados a year; he also was given lodging, AMT Actas 1558. In October 1570 doña Francisca de Torres, widow of Diego de Ovando de Cáceres, gave her power of attorney to Bachiller Diego Ojalvo and Bartolomé Serrano, clérigos presbíteros, to make an inventory of her late husband's country house at Arguijuela. She also gave her power of attorney to the merchant Diego Pérez de Herrera and another man for the same purpose, AHPC Pedro González 3827.

89. Acedo, "Linajes," Escobar, 384.

90. For Cristóbal de Solís, see AGI Indif. General 2084, where he stated he was the son of Alvar García de Solis, clérigo and Catalina Alvarez, soltera. One of the witnesses was Solís's brother Miguel Hernández de Solís, who was thirty years old in 1577. For Alvar García de Solís, see AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9 (1565) and García de Sanabria A-1-1-3 (1558).

91. ACC-HO leg. 5, no. 34.

92. Isabel de Paredes's son, Licenciado Alvaro de Paredes Salinas, reopened his mother's case against the cofradía de la Cruz in 1599; see ACC-HO leg. 8, no. 24. Following Licenciado Paredes's death, his son Melchior de Salinas Paredes left for the Indies in 1615; see ACC-HO leg. 7, no. 14.

93. The priests counted for the years 1534-1537 were all identified in AHPC Hernando Conde 3712. In 1537 nineteen priests signed a petition protesting the excommunication (for unknown reasons) of a priest named Hernando Rodríguez Sanabria. using the tax and census records in Simancas, LeFlem, "Cáceres, Plasencia y Trujillo," 280 compiled the following figures for the clergy in Cáceres: twenty-eight in 1557, forty-two in 1561 and 1584, thirty-nine in 1586, and fifty-five in 1595. The incompleteness of these censuses has already been discussed. The figures and records for Trujillo are even less complete.

94. Galíndez's will and inventory appear in AHPC Pedro González 3829; his nephew Juan Mogollón de Acosta's application for license to leave for Peru is in AGI Indif. General 2085.

95. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1554, 1571, 1570; AMT 1-20-70-35 and 1-20-70-33. Salaries and length of contracts varied considerably.

96. For Licenciado Lorenzo Bernáldez of Plasencia and Francisco Bernáldez, natural (native) of Medellín and vecino of Plasencia, see AGI

Contratación 5218. Francisco and his wife Isabel Rodríguez were both thirty-five years of age when they emigrated.

97. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, 3924, 3926. Bernáldez bought the oven from Macías de Vita (who was acting for his brother Pedro de Vita, in Peru), Vita's sister Catalina González and her husband Pedro Cano (brother of Juan Cano, encomendero of Mexico), and another couple.

98. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, 3924.

99. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, 3924, 3925. Bernáldez's contract with Pérez also provided that Pérez cover one-fourth of the loss if they did not make good on their investment. The evidence regarding the woodcutting business is that Bernáldez hired two men in 1544 to cut and transport wood, and in 1546 he sold two "tablas de nogal" for 15 reales; AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

100. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924, 3925; see AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1555 for the summons from the bishop of Badajoz.

101. There was an aljama of Moors in fifteenth-century Trujillo (see Beinart, Trujillo , 15, 60), but sixteenth-century sources do not mention the existence of such a neighborhood.

102. For the figures on the expulsion, see Bernard Vincent, "L'expulsion des morisques de royaume de Grenade et leur repartition en Castille," Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez 6 (1970): 224-226. An epidemic of typhus affected the deportees to Extremadura in particular; the overall mortality rate among deportees was lower, 20.7 percent (see p. 226).

103. AMC Libros de Acuerdo 1571.

104. Vincent, "L'expulsion des morisques," 234. Rodríguez Sánchez's suggestion ( Cáceres , 147) that the deportees were actually enslaved cannot be substantiated; the confusion may result from the coincidental arrival of slaves taken in the Granada war in the city.

105. Julio Fernández Nieva, "Un censo de moriscos extremeños de la inquisición de Llerena (año 1594)," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 29 (1973): 165, 167, 175. For the numbers of moriscos living in Extremadura at the time of the expulsion, see Vicente Navarro del Castillo, "El problema de la rebelión de los moriscos granadinos y sus repercusiones en Extremadura, principalmente en la comarca emeritense (1570-1604)," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 26 (1970): 569, app. III.

106. The letter appears in Mercedes García-Arenal, Los moriscos (Madrid, 1975), 263-265. Don Jerónimo de Loaysa was the grandnephew of the archbishop of Lima, Fray Jerónimo de Loaysa. His father Alonso de Loaysa went to Peru in the 1530s, where he married doña María de Ayala; they both returned to Trujillo in the 1560s (see Boyd-Bowman, Indice , 2, no. 3173); probably some or all of their children were born in Peru. See also Acedo, "Linajes," Loaysa, p. 222 ^a3 .

107. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101.

108. ACC-AT leg. 3, no. 2. Sancho de Paredes's mother, Catalina, actually belonged to Corajo, which meant that Corajo also owned his cousin Sancho, whom he freed in his will. Corajo also asked that Sancho de Paredes marry Mari Jiménez, the daughter of his nephew Juan Corajo, if he succeeded to his entail.

109. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925 (1557) and Pedro González 3828.

110. AGI Contratación 5221; AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23.

111. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 16.

1. The series of letters spanning almost two decades (1590 to 1608) from Alvaro de Paredes to his brother in Cáceres are in AMG Fondo Barrantes Ms. B/3, as are the letters from Juan Tejado to the same. Paredes's mother, doña Estevanía de Paredes, conceivably was a member of the Paredes family of Trujillo; in one letter Alvaro referred to "our cousin Juan Barrantes," who might have been the son and heir of the returnee Pedro Barrantes and his wife, doña Juana de Paredes. The preservation of such a series of private letters is certainly out of the ordinary. They eventually came into the possession of the nineteenth-century bibliographer Vicente Barrantes, who left his private collection to the archive of the monastery of Guadalupe.

2. See AHPC Pedro González 3830.

3. The padrones (tax lists) of the towns in Trujillo's district (see AGS EH 189-56) sometimes note that someone owned half or part of a house.

4. One such case was that of Hernán González, who petitioned to go to New Spain in 1575 with his brother and his family. González's wife, Mari Hernández, was from Plasencia. Witnesses said they were poor and had lived with her parents in Plasencia after they married and then later came to Trujillo, where they lived with his parents; see AGI Indif. Gen. 2056.

5. Demographic reality, of course, also limited the possibilities for multigenerational households, since children might lose one or both parents fairly young.

6. Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres , 194.

7. Ibid., 234. He found that in eighteen cases of marriages of tailors' daughters, the average age at marriage was seventeen; and in ten cases of marriages of the daughters of shoemakers, the average age was eighteen.

6. Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres , 194.

7. Ibid., 234. He found that in eighteen cases of marriages of tailors' daughters, the average age at marriage was seventeen; and in ten cases of marriages of the daughters of shoemakers, the average age was eighteen.

8. AGI Contratación 5222. They were on their way to New Spain with Teresa González's father in 1575 (see chap. 5).

9. AGI Contratación 5221. This is based on information given in 1569 when Licenciado Altamirano was on his way back to Peru. At that time he was fifty, doña Leonor was forty, and their eldest son around fifteen years old.

10. AGI Indif. Gen. 2083.

11. AGI Contratación 5227.

12. AGI Contratación 5234B.

13. AGI Contratación 5228.

14. AGI Contratación 5227. Another example of the considerable age range in children was the family of Juan González, age forty-five, and his wife Juana González, forty, who in 1591 were taking their eight children to Peru. The oldest was a daughter, aged twenty; there were two boys, fourteen and ten; three daughters, all named María, aged nine, eight, and seven; another daughter of five; and a baby boy aged 1 1/2 years.

15. See Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800 (New York, 1977), 63, 64, who points out that the lengthening of the birth intervals might have been due to decreasing fertility with age, contraceptive practices, or both.

16. Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres , 217, 219, and Stone, Family , 64.

17. ACC-HO leg. 5, pt. 2, no. 10.

18. ACC-HO leg. 8, no. 101; J. M. Lodo de Mayoralgo, Viejos linajes , 208. See also Rodríguez Sánchez, Cáceres , 83-84, note 64.

19. AGI Contratación 5221.

20. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1.

21. See Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca , 168-189 for Juan and Gonzalo's upbringing. For Blas de Soto's letters to his sister Isabel and Señora Inés Rodríguez de Aguilar, see AGI Justicia 1070, no. 9.

22. The ''Open Lineage Family" that Stone, Family, Sex and Marriage , 4, 86 describes for sixteenth-century England characterized the upper classes above all. He writes (p. 5) that marrige "among the upper and middling ranks . . . was primarily a means of tying together two kinship groups, of obtaining collective economic advantages and securing useful political alliances. Among peasants, artisans and labourers, it was an economic necessity for partnership and division of labour in the shop or in the fields." Stone's data for the upper class, however, are much more extensive than for other groups, and in fact the differences probably were not as considerable as he suggests.

23. See Solís Rodríguez, "El arquitecto Francisco Becerra," 304, 315.

24. For her acquaintance with Pablo Vicencio (known in Trujillo as Francisco Pérez), see AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 8. In 1549, when she testified, Inés Rodríguez was fifty years old and literate (she signed eas-

ily). The evidence that she was in Seville in 1534 when Hernando Pizarro left for the Indies comes from the will made by Martín de Chaves in October 1534, before his own departure; Inés was a witness; see AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1. Doña Graciana's will is in AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. Inés Rodríguez's father, Gonzalo Pizarro, also made her one of the executors of his estate, along with her brother Hernando and aunt Estefanía de Vargas (see Gonzalo's will in Luisa Cuesta, "Una documentación interesante sobre la familia del conquistador del Peru," Revista de Indias 8, 30 (1947): 869. It is interesting to note that Estefanía de Vargas also had been effective head of the household during the years of Gonzalo Pizarro's absence.

25. For the details of Isabel Corvacho's properties, see Altman, "Emigrants, Returnees and Society," 99-100 and AHPC A. Pacheco 4102, 4104. Despite the donation to her sons, she still possessed considerable means. In 1584 she bought 3086 1/2 maravedís of winter rental in a dehesa for 115, 743 maravedís; see ACC-HO leg. 4, no. 2.

26. See Altman, "Emigrants and Society."

27. Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, Chaves, 189, 192. Gerbet, La noblesse, 316.

28. Boys from age fourteen and girls from twelve years could make their own wills, however.

29. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1.

30. See AGI Contratación 5227.

31. AGI Contratación 5222.

32. AGI Patronato 112, ramo 2 (probanza of doña Isabel de Aguilar, 1564). The other sister was Mencía de Montenegro. Fray Alonso de Montenegro died in Cartagena, en route back to Spain.

33. In the testimony regarding settlement of the estate and debts of Alvaro de Ovando after his death in 1549 (he had two children, both minors), Cristóbal de Ovando, a regidor, stated he was second cousin to Alvaro de Ovando; another regidor, Francisco de Ovando, testified he was related to the children in the fourth degree; AHPC Pedro Grajos 3923. It may be a mistake to assume that commoners did not keep track of and look to a wide kinship network; we simply lack the documentary evidence. In 1591, for example, Diego de Alarcón testified for Francisco López de Castro, who was leaving Trujillo for Peru. He stated that they were related "but very little, in the fourth degree"; see AGI Contratación 5237.

34. AHPC Pedro González 3828.

35. See Gerbet, La noblesse, 175-177.

36. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923. If the entail did not go to the direct descendants of Francisco de Saavedra and doña Marina Gutiérrez de

Carvajal, then her share of the estate would go first to her brothers and their descendants, and then to whoever succeeded to her husband's entail.

37. See Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," genealogical charts following p. 344.

38. Of course there was a more distant connection through the paternal line, since doña Juana de Acuna and her husband, Luis de Chaves, were cousins; see Muñoz de San Pedro, Crónicas trujillanas, Chaves, 189-192.

39. Muñoz de San Pedro, La Extremadura del siglo XV, 169 and Crónicas trujillanas, Hinojosa, 146.

40. See note 14 above.

41. AGI Indif. General 2094.

42. Francisco Rodríguez was an escribano; he went to Peru with his wife and two children, to join his parents, in 1574; see AGI Indif. General 2087. At the age of fifty he testified in December 1591 in Trujillo on behalf of Juan de Camargo, who was going to Peru; AGI Contratación 5235.

43. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

44. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923; Luis de Roa y Ursúa, El reyno de Chile, 1535-1860 (Valladolid, 1945), 167; and AGS Expec. Hacienda 66 (padrón of Aldea del Cano).

45. For Juan de Vita y Moraga, see AGI Indif. General 2055; for Pedro de Vita, see AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100. For Bernardino de Moraga, see AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4102 and Roa y Ursúa, Chile, no. 1829.

46. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1.

47. Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, 48 ^a72 .

48. AGI Indif. General 2049.

49. AGI Indif. General 2083.

50. AMT 1584: IX-8 (see also note 90 below).

51. AGI Justicia 1154, no. 5, ramo 1. Juan de Hinojosa de Torres sent Bartolomé Pérez, who lived in Santa Cruz (although he might have been a vecino of Trujillo). Pérez's son Juan de Alvarado also went to Peru. Pérez died there in the late 1560s; AGI Indif. General 2086.

52. ARCG 508-1987-8.

53. ARCG 3 ^a -599-3.

54. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923. Payment was made in 1548.

55. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1.

56. AHPC Pedro González 3827.

57. AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. On disinheritance, see Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest, 29-30.

58. Cristóbal's will (1602) and codicil (1618) are in ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 21. Cristóbal de Ovando Paredes's oldest son, don Cosme, was named the heir of his great-uncle Juan de Paredes de la Rocha in his will of 1593 (ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 20), but since this bequest came long before Cristóbal made

his will, clearly it did not influence his plans at the outset. For don Cosme's attempts to reclaim the entail, see ACC-HO leg. 7, no. 22.

59. Muñoz de San Pedro, Diego García de Paredes, 359-361.

60. AHPC Pedro González 3828.

61. When two daughters of Cosme de Ovando and doña Beatriz de Paredes entered San Pablo in 1557, their father pledged a dowry of 4,400 maravedís of "renta de yerba" in the dehesa of Torrejón de Arriba and 11, 593 1/2 maravedís of rents in the dehesa of Arenal. He also agreed to give them each 1,000 maravedís a year; AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100.

62. See the 1602 will of Cristóbal de Ovando Paredes, ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 21.

63. For example, in 1556 Gonzalo de Saavedra paid 77, 509 1/2 maravedís in cash (about 200 ducados) and 110 fanegas of wheat to Santa María in Cáceres for the time two orphan daughters of Gabriel de Saavedra lived there; AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925.

64. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925.

65. See AMG Fondo Barantes Ms. B/3, fol 94.

66. AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56.

67. AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56.

68. AGI Contratación 5220, 5227.

69. Muñoz de San Pedro, Diego García de Paredes, 45-46, 88-89, 275, and ACC Asuntos de Trujillo, leg. 3, no. 2.

70. See Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 137-139.

71. Probably this continued to hold true in the working classes. Gabriel Calderón and his wife María González, both thirty-seven years old in 1591 when they asked for a license to go to Peru with their four daughters, were both illegitimate children of parents who apparently never married; see AGI Contratación 5237. Both gave the names of their parents. Gabriel Calderón's mother was in service to Hernando Calderón de Chaves, probably the source of his surname.

72. AGI Indif. General 2049.

73. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 7 (will of 1530).

74. Angel Rodríguez Sánchez, "La natalidad ilegítima en Cáceres en el siglo XVI" (Badajoz, 1979), 26, 27, 31. As one example, Sebastiana, the slave of Licenciado Espadero (probably the brother of Alvaro de Paredes in Mexico) gave birth to Antonio (January 1580), Francisco (January 1583), and Pablo (May 1586), all of father unknown.

75. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

76. Don Juan de Sande's will of 1571 is in AHPC Pedro González 3828. He named as his heirs "Diego y Jerónimo mis hijos naturales que al presente tengo en casa de mis padres." When Sande's mother died shortly after he did, the children became the wards of his uncle, don Sancho de

Sande, tesorero of Plasencia. Jerónimo de Sande went to the Indies in 1591 at the age of 21; AGI Contratación 5234A.

77. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923, 3924.

78. AHPC Pedro González 3830, Pedro de Grajos 3926.

79. AHPC Pedro González 3830.

80. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925.

81. After his death María would inherit 20,000 maravedís at the age of sixteen; if she died before then, her brother Alonso would inherit. If Nuño Gutiérrez died before María was sixteen and she decided to live with her mother, than Alonso García, a silversmith, would administer the 20,000 maravedís until María reached the age of twenty or married; see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1.

82. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925; Pedro González 3828. In a similar case Antonio de Sotomayor, a regidor of Cáceres, freed his slave Mateo, the son of Domingo Pérez. Pérez had been the mayoral (foreman) of the comendador de Piedra Blanco, Sotomayor's uncle (whom he called "mi señor"). Pérez had had the child by a mulatta slave who belonged to the comendador. At the time of his death Pérez had asked that Sotomayor free Mateo, which he did in 1563; AHPC Diego Pacheco 4102.

83. AGI Indif. General 2059.

84. AHPC Pedro González 3827. Diego Cano subsequently changed his mind about the house he donated, deciding he needed it for his servants, and instead offered Ana Sánchez 26 reales a year to rent another. After Ana married Francisco Sánchez, in October 1570 they said they had received the thirty fanegas of wheat from Diego Cano.

85. See his información of 1577 when he petitioned to go to Peru; AGI Indif. General 2084.

86. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113.

87. Catálogo, 4, no. 2780; and the biography by Muñoz de San Pedro and Nectario María, El gobernador y maestre de campo Diego García de Paredes .

88. See Nader, Mendozas, 112. By this method of calculation, the heir to the "tercio y quinto" received 46.7 percent of the total legacy. David S. Reher has suggested that there was another way of figuring the share, by which the "quinto" was set aside "de libre disposición" before any division was made. Added to the "tercio," this would yield 53.3 percent for the designated heir, while the remaining heirs would receive equal portions of the other 46.7 percent. I have not been able to determine which method of calculation was used in sixteenth-century Extremadura; in any case, the difference is not great.

89. Gómez de Solís and Juan de Hinojosa, in Peru in 1559, renounced their inheritance in favor of their brother Francisco de Ulloa Solís, heir of

the family entail, in Cáceres; see AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104; the donation was listed in the inventory prepared in 1579 after the death of the fourth brother, Lorenzo de Ulloa Solís.

90. Alonso Bravo, the native of Búrdalo who took up residence in Trujillo, had no children. In his will of 1584 he made provisions for various nieces and nephews, but his second wife, Francisca Nuñez, received the largest inheritance--his best pair of oxen, forty pigs, twenty-four fanegas of wheat, half of the house (she owned the other half), all the furnishings in the house, 50 ducados, and the income from a mill; see AMT 1584:IX-8. All the rest of his property was to be sold to buy censos to found an obra pía to marry "an orphan, the closest relative in my lineage who is an honorable woman" (or a relative of his first or second wife).

91. AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9. He also made her curador of their children unless she remarried, in which case Pedro Barrantes, another returnee, would become curador. It seems very likely that García López de Aviles himself was in the Indies, although the evidence is entirely circumstantial--his close association with other returnees, and the fact that he had juros in Seville, as did many other returnees.

92. Hernando Corajo in his will of 1513 said his wife Beatriz de Contreras was to live in the house in the "villa" of Trujillo and have everything in the house except the slaves and things his uncle Alvaro de Paredes had sent from Italy; she was also to enjoy the income from the rents; see ACC-AT leg. 3, no 2. Legally a spouse could not inherit outright unless there was no relative within the seventh degree who could inherit; see Gerbet, La noblesse , 171.

93. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-27. Gonzalo's sons, Captain Martín, Gonzalo, and don Francisco, were in the Indies when the partition of his property was made in 1580.

94. AHPC Pedro González 3830.

95. ACC-HO leg. 4, no. 4 and AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103. According to Bartoloé Clavero, Mayorazgo: propiedad feudal en Castilla, 1369-1836 (Madrid, 1974), 235 a woman could found an entail without her husband's permission only in her will.

96. See, for example, the joint entail founded by Francisco de Solís and doña Juana de Hinojosa in 1535, AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924. Doña Juana de Hinojosa's properties in Trujillo were to go to her Trujillo relatives in default of the direct male line.

97. Clavero, Mayorazgo, 222, writes "la voluntad del fundador es la ley fundamental del mayorazgo."

98. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924.

99. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 21 (will of 1534); see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," 336-338.

100. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

101. ACC-AT leg. 3, no. 2.

102. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103. Such conditions were not limited to entails. Sancho Solano in 1551 made his daughter Isabel his universal heir if she would marry his cousin's son, Juan Solano; if not she would inherit only one-fourth of his estate, with half going to his brother Juan Solano in Rome and the other fourth to his cousin Alonso Solano as a dowry for the latter's daughter; AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. Solano does not seem to have been quite acceptable as a surname for a woman (the same was true for other surnames ending in "o," such as Ramiro, Cornejo, etc.). Sancho first referred to his daughter as Isabel Solano but later as Isabel Alvarez la Solana (Alvarez was from his mother's side of the family). Around the same time Solano arranged to give Mari Sánchez, another daughter of his cousin Alonso Solano, 50,000 maravedís for her dowry on behalf of this brother Juan Solano.

103. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923 (1546 and 1547).

104. ACC-HO leg. 1, no. 16 (1564).

105. See AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-27.

106. AHPC Pedro Pérez 4123; Alonso Pacheco 4104.

107. AGI Justicia 1062, no. 1, ramo 2; Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 334 ^a31 .

108. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113, Pedro González 3828.

109. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103.

110. AHPC Pedro González 3828.

111. AHPC Pedro González 3829. Don Francisco de Torres's grandmother doña Teresa Rol was from a noble family of Alcántara, the only daughter of Pedro Rol. Martín Rol was her father's first cousin and the comendador of Almorchón and Cabeza del Buey. He founded an entail for doña Teresa in 1506, which was her dowry when she married Diego de Ovando de Cáceres. See AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101 and Gerbet, La noblesse , 218, 243.

112. Acedo, "Linajes," Orellana, 92-93, 107.

113. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924. Doña Francisca de Ulloa had only one brother, so clearly her father effected a simple division of all his property between his two children. Antonio C. Floriano in Estudios , 1:125 writes that in 1170 a member of one of the Leonese contingents involved in the reconquest of the area established an estate between the valleys of the Ayala and Salor rivers, known then as the "aldea de Pedro Cervero" and later as La Cervera.

114. Doña Francisca's second marriage was to a leading noble of Cáceres, Alonso de Ribera, himself a widower, who created an entail for their daughter doña Catalina de Ribera when she married in 1583. Two of

Alnoso de Ribera's sons by his first marriage--Juan Pantoja de Ribera and Rodrigo de Chaves—went to the Indies; Juan Pantoja remained in Honduras and Rodrigo de Chaves returned to Cáceres. His oldest son by this marriage, Alvaro de Ribera, received the entail he founded in 1531 (see ACC Mayorazgo de Ribera leg. 1, no. 16); his daughter doña María de Ribera married the wealthy returnee, Trujillo councilman and Pizarro ally, Juan Cortés. Doña Catalina de Ribera, Alonso de Ribera's daughter by doña Francisca de Ulloa, married Pedro Rol de Ovando, the oldest son of Francisco de Ovando, one of the three heirs of Francisco de Ovando, el rico.

115. In the codicil to his will (1577) Pedro de Grajos said his daughter Isabel García la Romera received a dowry of 350 ducados when she married Alonso de Solís. When his daughter Elvira Díaz married Gil Delgado, Grajos and his wife, together with son Gabriel de Grajos and sons-in-law Solís and Francisco Cotrina, endowed her with 500 ducados. Solís also contributed to the dowry of another daughter, Catalina García la Romera. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103.

116. AHPC Pedro Gonzalez 3829, 3830.

117. Although this pattern is closely associated with the nobility, its influence extended beyond that group, as can be seen in the Enríquez-Camargo mercantile family. Vicente Enríquez and his wife Leonor Alvarez created an entail for their son Vasco Calderón Enríquez; another son, Juan de Camargo, was a regidor of Trujillo and must have come into a good inheritance also. But son Alonso Enríquez went to Chile, Diego de Camargo became a priest, and one daughter entered the convent of Santa Clara; see Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 295, 334 ^a12,33,41 .

1. The term "emigrants" generally refers to individuals who intended to leave Spain, regardless of whether they reached their destinations in the Indies, since it may be impossible to prove if someone who planned to emigrate actually did so. The figures are based on a number of sources. The most important published sources are Peter Boyd-Bowman, Indice geobiográfico de cuarenta mil pobladores españoles de América en el siglo XVI, 2 vols. (Bogota, 1964; Mexico, 1968) and the Catálogo de pasajeros a Indias durante los siglos XVI, XVII y XVIII, 5 vols. (Seville, 1940-1946, 1980). Vicente Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya de la raza extremeña en Indias (Merida, 1978) is useful but contains many errors and must be utilized with caution. Material from the following archives supplied additional names of emigrants: Archivo General de Indias (AGI), Archivo Histórico Provincial de Cáceres (AHPC), Archivo Municipal de

Trujillo (AMT), and the Archivo del Conde de Canilleros (ACC). James Lockhart gave me access to his files for Spaniards in early Peru, which yielded another group of emigrants.

2. The figures for Trujillo's jurisdiction include villages that, strictly speaking, were no longer under its jurisdiction by the middle of the sixteenth century. Berzocana and Cañamero, with fourteen and nine emigrants respectively, had removed themselves from Trujillo's jurisdiction early in the sixteenth century but continued to be closely tied to the city thereafter. They furnished soldiers for military levies raised in Trujillo's district, and people from Berzocana at least continued to refer to themselves as being from "tierra de Trujillo" well into the sixteenth century. Similarly Orellana la Vieja, although it was never part of Trujillo's district as such, for centuries belonged to one of the city's leading families and as a result was closely associated with the city.

3. The incompleteness of the passenger lists is evidenced by the number of emigrants found in local archives or other sources not found in the registers in Seville. For the gaps in the passenger lists see Auke Pieter Jacobs, "Pasajeros y polizones: Algunas observaciones sobre la emigración española a las Indias durante el siglo XVI," Revista de Indias 172 (1983): 440. The concentration of Boyd-Bowman's published work in the first half of the sixteenth century means that information for that period is much better than for the second half. In addition, there exists the possibility that local notarial records, which yielded a number of names of emigrants or returnees, have a certain bias toward the upper and middle classes of society, which had greater means and necessity of going before notaries. The representativeness of these sources may be somewhat skewed as a result.

4. The capitulaciones were dated July 26, 1529. See Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico , 344-345.

5. See Peter Boyd-Bowman, Patterns of Spanish Emigration to the New World (1493-1580) (Buffalo, N.Y., 1973), 28.

6. AGS Expedientes Hacienda 189-56 (averiguación del padrón de Madroñera, 1558). In 1558 Alonso Ruiz, a man who had been at Cajamarca and returned to Spain to marry the sister of his partner in Peru, Lucas Martínez Vegaso (from Trujillo) and become a vecino and regidor of Trujillo, became señor of Madroñera.

7. See información of Francisco Jiménez, zapatero, vecino of Trujillo, who petitioned for a license in 1574 to go to the Indies with his wife and children; AGI Indif. General 2055. In the same year Andrés Hernández, herrero, of Trujillo asked to go to Peru and, if not there, to Mexico or "el reyno nuevo," AGI Indif. General 2087.

8. Society in the New World being what it was, and Spaniards there as mobile (or even more so) as ever, settling in one area hardly precluded contacts with people in another or moving once or twice in the same region. See chap. 6 for discussion of activities in the Indies.

9. For the career of Frey Nicolás de Ovando, see Ernest Schäfer, El consejo real y supremo de las Indias (Seville, 1935 and 1947), 1: 31; and Troy Floyd, The Columbus Dynasty in the Caribbean, 1493-1526 (Albuquerque, 1973), 51-54. See also Ursula Lamb, Frey Nicolás de Ovando, Gobernador de Indies (1501-1509) (Madrid, 1956). For the Ovando family see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," Cáceres": 323-344.

10. In the documents I found only one use of the term "indiano" in Trujillo, in testimony of 1549 by Juan de la Jara, who had a brother-in-law living in Peru. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 8.

11. Informaciones of Hernán González (1575) and another Hernán González (1547), both of Trujillo, in AGI Indif. Gen. 2056 and 2055.

12. A witness for Alonso Mellado--vecino of Santa Cruz de la Sierra who petitioned to go to Peru in 1579 as the page of a priest named Domingo Rodríguez (also of Santa Cruz)--said Mellado "is not a relative or relation of the Pizarros but rather is a labrador," AGI Contratación 5227. See also información of Francisco Rodríguez, AGI Indif. Gen. 2087 (1574-1575).

13. See Catálogo , 3, nos. 1100-1579 for these listings.

14. AGI Indif. Gen. 2048.

15. Catálogo , 5, no. 4877. He went as criado of Alonso Gutiérrez de Toledo.

16. AGI Contratación 5224; Catálogo , 5, no. 4168.

17. For Costanza Rodríguez, see Catálogo , 3, no. 2977, and AGI Indif. Gen. 2093. For Diego de Trujillo's biography, see Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca , 362-365. Trujillo dictated a chronicle late in life, in 1571, which has been published, with biographical notes, by Raul Porras Barrenechea, Los cronistas del Perú (1528-1650) (Lima, 1962); and Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, ed., Tres testigos de la conquista del Perú , 3d. ed. (Madrid, 1964).

18. Cosme de Ovando Paredes, who later succeeded to his father's entail at the death of his older brother, was accompanied by his first cousin Cristóbal de Ovando; Francisco Gutiérrez (who might also have been a relative, since his father was a Diego de Ovando); and Lorenzo de Ulloa "el mozo," younger brother of the encomendero Lorenzo de Ulloa; see Catálogo , 3, no. 2952. For the members of the family in the Indies, see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos."

19. Catálogo , 2, no. 3632; and Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya , 155.

20. Boyd-Bowman, Indice , 2, no. 3124; Catálogo , 4, no. 897; Robert T. Himmerich, ''The Encomenderos of New Spain, 1521-1555" (Ph.D. diss. UCLA, 1984), 239. Gonzalo de las Casas's daughters stayed and married in Trujillo. One married a son of Juan de Herrera, a returnee from Peru and regidor of Trujillo, and another a son of Juan de Escobar, brother of Fray Diego de Chaves (confessor of Philip II) and brother-in-law of the famous captain in Peru, Pedro Alonso de Hinojosa (Muñoz de San Pedro, Cronicas * trujillanas , 273, 267, from manuscrito de don Esteban de Tapia). His eldest son Francisco inherited the encomienda.

21. Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya , 401; AGI Indif. Gen. 2060.

22. See Solís Rodríguez, "Francisco Becerra," 335-336.

23. Nodera's father, also named Diego de Nodera and a maestro de cantería, was a long-time resident of Mexico City. He had died in Mexico by 1573, when his widow Catalina Alonso testified in Francisco Becerra's información; Solís Rodriguez, "Francisco Becerra," 304. Nodera (the father) had a long-term business partnership with a Sevillian merchant named Luis de Córdoba, and he returned to Spain from Mexico on business at least once. Córdoba mentioned Nodera in a letter to his wife written from Puebla in 1566; see Enrique Otte, "Cartas privadas de Puebla del siglo XVI," Jahrbuch für Geschichte von Staat, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft Lateinamerikas , 3 (1966): 31-36. Diego de Nodera was twenty-three years old in 1573 when he requested a license to go to Mexico to collect his father's estate and money that Luis de Córdoba still owed him; his petition apparently was rejected. AGI Indif. Gen. 2056.

24. For Alvaro Rodríguez Chacón, see AGI Indif. Gen. 2054, 2055, and 2056; and Catálogo , 5, no. 3507. For Cristóbal Hernández Tripa and his wife Teresa González, see AGI Contrat. 5222, Indif. Gen. 2056, and Catálogo 5, no. 3843. For Hernán González, see AGI Indif. Gen. 2056. He described his brother in these terms: "tiene comodo y posibilidad para nos aprovechar y remediar . . . con su hacienda."

25. AGI Indif. Gen. 2059.

26. Eleven of the men were from Trujillo, three from Santa Cruz, two from Orellana, and one each from Garciaz and Herguijuela.

27. The recruits for Florida are listed in AGI Contrat. 5220.

28. Francisco Medrano went to the Philippines in 1575 under a bond of 200,000 maravedís to stay eight years, taking two criados from Cáceres; see AGI Contrat. 5222, and Catálogo , 5, no. 3659. Don Jerónimo de Ocampo made his will in the same year before departing for the Philippines (AHPC Pedro González 3829). Alonso and Hernando de Ovando, sons of Pedro de Ovando de Saavedra, also left that year, taking a criado from Cáceres and another from Medellín (AHPC Pedro González 3830, and Catálogo , 5, nos. 3656 and 3657).

29. The document with the cédulas authorizing recruitment and listing the expedition members is in AGI Contrat. 5227.

30. Information on recruitment for the expedition is in AHPC Pedro González 3830.

31. Ocana sent twenty-two recruits (four married), Escalona fourteen (one married), Ciudad Real thirteen (four married), Valladolid ten (two married), and Segovia, Ciudad Rodrigo, and Maqueda six each. Córdoba, with sixteen recruits (four married) was the only city in Andalusia to contribute more than four people.

32. In 1578 their father was trying to collect the estate of his two sons, Alonso and Hernando de Ovando; see AHPC Pedro González 3830.

33. Fray Gaspar de Carvajal, Relación del nuevo descubrimiento del famoso río grande que por el nombre del capitán que le descubrió se llamó el río de Orellana , introd. by Jose Toribio Medina (Cáceres, 1952), 101, n. 116.

34. Carvajal, Relación , 148, 167.

35. Muñoz de San Pedro y Nectario Marío, El gobernador y maestre de campo Diego García de Paredes , 286.

36. See Nicholas L. Scrattish, "New Perspectives on Castilian Migration to the Audiencias of Mexico and Lima, 1540-1580" (Ph.D. diss., University of California, San Diego, 1975), 120-121. It is difficult to say what the costs of passage meant for prospective emigrants from different levels of society, although Scrattish is probably correct in suggesting that for many workers and artisans the expense was a deterrent to making the trip. He notes (p. 122) that dockyard workers in Seville in 1556 earned 5 reales (170 maravedís) a day, which means that in a year of steady employment they might earn 50,000-60,000 maravedís. Unskilled laborers and even skilled workers and artisans in smaller towns and cities earned much less than that. It is reasonable to assume, then, that workers and tradesmen usually could not make the trip without some form of assistance. What the cost of passage meant for hidalgos, especially young unmarried men, is less clear. Prior to departure these young bachelors probably lived in the households of fathers, relatives, or other nobles; thus whatever income they had was above and beyond the expenses of daily life (food, shelter) and could be invested in passage to the New World much more readily than the salary of a worker or artisan.

For a vivid picture of passengers' experience at sea, see Carla Rahn Phillips, Six Galleons for the King of Spain (Baltimore, 1986), chap. 7: "Shipboard Life."

37. Inés González, a single woman of thirty, who went to Tierra Firme in 1579 as a criada of Diego Hernández de Aguilar, had lived with her

aunt since her mother's death. Her aunt said "now she has sold what little she had to go to the Indies"; see AGI Contrat. 5227.

38. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101.

39. Cotrina's mother Isabel González mentions the sum in her will of 1579; see AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103. For Cotrina's second trip, see Catálogo , 5, no. 1693.

40. Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya , 151; and AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925.

41. AGI Indif. Gen. 2049. Letters of 1559 from Antonio and Andrés Pérez to their brother Francisco Gutiérrez appear in Otte, "Cartas privadas," 28-31.

42. AGI Indif. Gen. 2093.

43. AGI Indif. Gen. 2083.

44. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3926.

45. AGI Indif. Gen. 2085.

46. See Schäfer, El consejo de Indias , 2: 287-288, for the Comisarios de Perpetuidad. The Catálogo , 4, nos. 468-475, 483, and 485-487, lists Diego de Vargas Carvajal's criados and his two sons, don Diego and don Lorenzo de Carvajal.

47. See Catálogo , 5, nos. 2826-2828, 2830, and 2831; and AGI Indif. Gen. 2088.

48. AGI Indif. Gen. 2048, 2091.

49. Witnesses testified that Mateo Jiménez, a twenty-four-year-old bachelor from Trujillo who accompanied Luis del Saz to Peru in 1592, had been in Saz's service ("le ha servido y sirve de ordinario"). Jiménez was living with his mother. AGI Contratación 5237.

50. AHPC Pedro González 3829. This might have been the same Diego Martín Barquero who was apprenticed in 1571 to a shoemaker for two and a half years for eight ducados, in return for room, board, and shoes. The timing is right, since if he had been apprenticed in 1571, by 1576 he would have been an oficial , perhaps in his late teens or around twenty, the age when many young men emigrated.

51. AGI Justicia 215, no. 1. I have not been able to clarify the reference to the "tierra nueva." Possibly it was New Granada ("nuevo reino de Granada").

52. For Jerónimo Holguín, see, for example, AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3926 and Alonso Pacheco 4101.

53. AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1 (1551).

54. AHPC Pedro González 3829. Martín de Chaves of Trujillo also made a will, in Seville, in 1534 before leaving for Peru; see AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1.

55. AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. At one point Valencia referred to

Amaro de Torres's wife, Mayor Martínez, as his sister and at other times called Torres his brother. If the relationship was close, people might use the terms brother and brother-in-law interchangeably, so Torres might have been his brother-in-law. Gonzalo de Valencia was going to Peru to work for the encomendero Lucas Martínez. Gonzalo's father, Martín de Valencia, had been sent by Alonso Ruiz to Peru to work for Martínez in the 1540s, which would explain Valencia's connection with Ruiz. See Efraim Trelles Arestegui, Lucas Martínez Vegaso: Funcionamiento de una encomienda peruana inicial (Lima, 1982), 175.

56. AGI Indif. Gen. 2084.

57. AGI Indif. Gen. 2089.

58. AGI Indif. Gen. 2090; informaciones of García de Escobar and Juan Martín, sillero.

59. AGI Indif. Gen. 2082. In Justicia 405, no. 2, ramo 2, Pedro Alonso Carrasco gave his poder to his brother Florencio Carrasco and his son Bartolomé González Carrasco and other vecinos of Zorita.

60. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4103, Pedro González 3827. One also sees, of course, the opposite process in effect; some emigrants feared to leave their dependents behind. Domingo Rodríguez, clérigo presbítero of Santa Cruz, in 1578 asked to take his twelve-year-old nephew Pedro Alonso with him to Peru "because he is an orphan and leaving him in this country he would suffer toil and need as a resulted of being . . . abandoned" (AGI Indif. Gen. 2090). Another priest, Bachiller Gaspar González from Trujillo who also went to Peru in 1579, took with him two sisters and a brother and his five-year-old niece, all of whom were "orphans and poor and under my authority . . . and I support them" (see AGI Contrat. 5227 and Indif. Gen. 2090).

61. The actual percentage of hidalgos is probably higher, but ambiguous cases were not counted. In dealing with relatively small cities where certain surnames are associated with noble lineages--such as Calderón, Orellana, Chaves, Vargas in Trujillo, or Ovando, Ulloa, or Golfín (Holguín) in Cáceres--it is tempting but not accurate to count everyone with these apellidos as hidalgos. Although even in the sixteenth century there still was a close relationship between surname and kinship group--one occasionally sees a statement to the effect that all the Carrascos of Trujillo and Zorita are hidalgos, for example (see testimony of Francisco Regodón for Alonso Carrasco, AGI Justicia 418, 1559)--in most cases hidalgos did not have exclusive claim to an apellido.

62. Gerbet, La noblesse , 151-152 (and table 1, p. 150), compares the figures for some cities in Extremadura. She arrives at an estimate of 17 percent (percentage of adult male population who were nobles) for Cáceres, compared to 4 percent for Plasencia or 5 percent for Mérida. The

strength and consolidation of the provincial nobility in Cáceres compared to Plasencia or Mérida might have been due at least in part to the absence of great señors dominating the city (Plasencia was under the bishop and Mérida under the Order of Santiago). In his chapter "La sociedad" in Historia de Extremadura , 3: 550, Julio Fernández Nieva estimates that hidalgos formed 15 percent of Cáceres's population in the late sixteenth century and 12.6 percent of Trujillo's.

63. Gerbet, La noblesse , 151-153.

64. See, for example, references to Antonio de Ulloa, Lorenzo de Aldana, and Gómez de Solís in Pérez de Tudela, ed., Documentos relativos a don Pedro de la Gasca , 1: 80 (letter from Gonzalo Pizarro to Francisco de Carvajal, February 1546), and to Lorenzo de Aldana and Gómez de Solís in a letter of April 1547 from Gonzalo to Francisco Hernández Girón, 2:46.

65. See Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos."

66. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

67. For Hernando de Moraga, see Navarro del Castilo, La epopeya , 161; and Roa y Ursúa, El reino de Chile , no. 151.

68. For the mayorazgo, see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3924; the codicil to the will of Solís's father, Francisco de Solís, is in AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925 (1556); the donation of their inheritance that Solís and his brother Juan de Hinojosa made to their brother Francisco de Ulloa Solís was executed in La Plata in 1559 (see inventory of bienes of another brother in Cáceres, Lorenzo de Ulloa Solís, 1579, AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104).

69. Andrés Calderón Puertocarrero was listed as "mercader" when he went to Tierra Firme in 1562; see Catálogo , 4, no. 2281. For testimony regarding the murder in Peru of Gonzalo Almonte, a merchant from Guadalcanal, see AGI Justicia 1062, no. 1, ramo 2.

70. Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos."

71. AHPC Pedro González 3830. Pedro de Ovando de Saavedra actually died several years later, in 1584.

72. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4102; Roa y Ursúa, El reyno de Chile , no. 1829.

73. See his will in AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1.

74. AGI Indif. Gen. 2091.

75. Doubtless Juan de Vita y Moraga was referring to Hernando de Moraga Galíndez y Gómez, who had been in Peru in the 1540s but by the 1570s probably was in Chile; see n. 67 above. Juan de Vita's información is in AGI Indif. Gen. 2055.

76. References to Pedro de Vita are in AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100 and Pedro de Grajos 3924 and 3926. There are a number of other such cases.

Juan Altamirano de Hinojosa was twenty-three years old and Alonso de Carvajal twenty-two when they went to Popayán in 1563 as criados of Diego García de Paredes; both were hidalgos and their fathers deceased (see Catálogo , 4, nos. 2781 and 2782, and AGI Contrat. 5220).

77. AGI Indif. Gen. 2059. Their brother was called the "hijo bastardo" of Alonso García, tailor; probably all three were his children. The quote regarding the sisters' economic situation is: "son tan pobres que si no es usando mal de sus personas o poniendo taverna o bodega o algun mesón no se podŕn sustentar porque para servir a nadie son ya mayores."

78. AGI Indif. Gen. 2059. Alonso said his relative Martín Blanco was "canónigo en la iglesia de Mexico." Fritz Schwaller has told me that there was no such canon in Mexico in the 1570s.

79. AGI Indif. Gen. 2089 (1577). He was described as "pobre y necesitado y tanto que con otros oficiales anda a coser para ganar de comer."

80. AGI Indif. Gen. 2058.

81. AGI Indif. Gen. 2094.

82. AGI Indif. Gen. 2087.

83. AGI Indif. Gen. 2085.

84. For Francisco de Orellana, see Catálogo , 4, no. 4027; and AGI Indif. Gen. 2081. For his father, Rodrigo de Orellana, see Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya , 335. Rodrigo's sister doña Beatriz de Orellana and her husband García Ruiz de Orellana went to Peru in 1559, taking as their criado Luis de Orellana, probably a relative, all vecinos of Orellana; see Catálogo , 3, no. 4293.

85. For Francisco González de Castro, see Catálogo , 3, no. 1210, and the información of his nephew Juan de Castro in AGI Indif. Gen. 2083. For Pedro de Castro, see Catálogo , 5, no. 1381, and AGI Indif. Gen. 2083; he said he was over forty in 1568. For Juan de Castro see Catálogo , 3, no. 2481. A Diego de Castro went to Popayán in 1574; see AGI Indif. Gen. 2087. All are mentioned in testimony in AGI Indif. Gen. 2083. For Alonso de Castro, see AGI Contratación 5227.

86. Catálogo , 3, no. 2509, and AGI Indif. Gen. 2083.

87. See Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos" and "Emigrants and Society."

88. AGI Indif. Gen. 2084, información of Rodrigo Alonso de Boroa.

89. Cristóbal de Solís's información appears in AGI Indif. General 2089. For his father see AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9 and García de Sanabria A-1-1-3. Sancho Casco, clérigo presbítero, went to Peru in 1571; see AGI Indif. Gen. 2085. Nothing is known about Juan Casco other than Solís's reference to him in his información.

90. Seville was about 250 kilometers from Cáceres or Trujillo. José Luis Martín Martín writes in "Las funciones urbanas en la Transierra occidental" in La ciudad hispánica , 1: 405, that the medieval traveler

could easily cover 50 km a day, even on foot. Thus the trip from Alta Extremadura to Seville would take about five days.

91. Testimony about Alonso Delvás appears in the información of his brother Francisco Delvás, a silversmith, who wanted to go join him in New Granada in 1568 taking his wife and three children; see AGI Indif. Gen. 2083.

92. AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1.

93. AGI Contratación 5220, 5224. For Andrada's family in Cáceres, see Lodo de Mayoralgo, Viejos linajes , 48.

94. See Catálogo , 3, no. 4183, and 4, no. 766, for Baltasar de Melo. For Pedro de Melo, see Catálogo , 3, no. 3557; AGI Indif. Gen. 2162A; and Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, 48 ^a49 , for donation to Ana de Melo. The last also refers to the poder that Ana de Melo gave to her husband in 1581 to settle accounts with her uncle Francisco Sáchez de Melo. Diego de Trujillo's letter appears in AGI Indif. Gen. 2084 (información of his nephew Baltasar Alvarez). For the poder of 1565, see AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-9-1.

95. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113.

96. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23.

97. This process is described by Auke Pieter Jacobs in an article entitled "Emigration from Seville, 1550-1650" that will appear in a forthcoming volume edited by Ida Altman and James Horn, " To Make America": European Emigration in the Early Modern Period.

98. AGI Contrat. 5218, Indif. Gen. 2082.

99. Inés Alonso Cervera wrote a letter in 1578 to her son García de Escobar from Lima to this effect; see AGI Indif. Gen. 2090.

1. See Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca , 27-31, 40, 77.

2. Pedro Cieza de Leon, Obras Completas , ed. Carmelo Saez de Santa María (Madrid, 1985), 2: 11. The translation is mine. Perhaps Aldana's father participated in a military campaign with Hernando Pizarro's father, Captain Gonzalo Pizarro.

3. For Aldana's will of 1562, see Jose Rafael Zarama, "Reseña histórica," app. 1, 189-196 (Pasto, 1942) (my thanks to Leon Helguera for sending me a copy of this offprint). For Aldana's daughter, see Lockhart, Spanish Peru , 167. Aldana's nephew of the same name was the son of his brother Alvaro de Aldana; he went to Peru in 1557 (see Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya , 147; and also AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100, in which

Lorenzo and his brother Francisco sold 2500 maravedís of censo al quitar in January 1557, at which time their parents were both deceased).

4. Note, for example, what Eugene Lyon, The Enterprise of Florida. Pedro Menéndez de Avilés and the Spanish Conquest of 1565-1568 (Gainesville, 1976), 74-75, writes about the organization of that enterprise:

What was most remarkable about Menéndez's men was the closeknit nature of their interrelationships. Almost without exception, the men who shared the confidence of Pedro Menéndez and were scheduled to hold the posts of responsibility in Florida belonged to a number of Asturian families which were tied together by complex kinship links. Scores of rank-and-file soldiers and sailors from the same families also participated in the Florida enterprise. It was a family affair, or rather the affair of a small number of closely connected families from the north of Spain.

I would suggest, however, that this form of organization was more standard than "remarkable" in the Indies.

5. For a discussion of how factors of timing and connections affected emigrants from one family, see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos."

6. AMG Fondo Barrantes MS B/3.

7. AGI Indif. General 2060.

8. AGI Indif. General 2078.

9. For Alonso Ramiro, see Catálogo, 5, no. 3819, AGI Contratación 5222, and AGI Indif. General 2055. For Juan Ramiro see AGI Indif. General 2058. See Otte, "Cartas privadas," 56-58, for a copy of the letter from Alonso Morales to Juan Ramiro, and 60-61, for a letter from Alonso Ramiro to his brother-in-law Pedro Alonso in Cabañas de la Peña.

10. Catálogo, 3, no. 881.

11. Catálogo, 5, tomo 1, no. 2827, tomo 2, no. 4868; AGI Indif. General 2162A, 2089.

12. See AGI Indif. General 2089, 2090.

13. AGI Indif. General 2090.

14. In June 1574 Francisco Calderón de Loaysa and his wife took 150,000 maravedís at censo from Sancho Casco, clérigo in Peru (Acedo, "Linajes," Calderón, 333 ^a6 ). Sancho de Vargas and his two daughters in 1578 sold a censo to the priest Tomé García Calderón (in Peru) for 400 ducados (Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, 48 ^a43 ).

15. Pedro de Valencia probably was the nephew of the oidor Licenciado Diego González Altamirano (see AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23). He is mentioned in testimony regarding the 1570 will of Captain Francisco de Chaves; he succeeded to Chaves's encomienda in Peru (AMT 1585:I-7). For Francisco González de Castro, see AGI Indif. General 2083 (información of his nephew Juan de Castro); for Juan Rodríguez de Ocampo, see Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, p. 48 ^a37 , and Altamirano, 32).

16. Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya, 167-168; Schäfer, El consejo de Indias, 2: 114, 452, 463, 473.

17. Schäfer, El consejo de Indias, 2: 473, 503, 511, 512.

18. For Licenciado García de Valverde's reports on the state of the encomiendas and proposed measures for reform, see AGI Guatemala 10. George Lovell brought this material to my attention.

19. Emma Helen Blair and James A. Robertson, eds., The Philippine Islands, 1493-1803 (Cleveland, 1903-1909), 4: 174-176, 219.

20. AGI Indif. General 2092.

21. AGI Justicia 215, no. 1.

22. AGI Justicia 1053, no. 5.

23. AGI Justicia 1061, no. 1, ramo 1.

24. For Carrasco's activities, see AGI Justicia 418 (suit between Alonso Carrasco and Alonso Pizarro de la Rua of Trujillo over the encomienda of Jayanca, jurisdiction of Trujillo, Peru). A witness in Zorita in 1576 testified that he had heard of Carrasco's death from one of Carrasco's factors and another merchant from Trujillo (Peru); see AGI Indif. General 2088, información of Juan Holgado of Orellana, a second cousin of Alonso Carrasco who was sent by Carrasco's brother to recover his property in Peru.

25. See Martínez's biography in Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 300-305.

26. Robert Keith, Conquest and Agrarian Change: The Emergence of the Hacienda System on the Peruvian Coast (Cambridge, Mass., 1976), 73.

27. See información of Nodera's son, Diego de Nodera, in AGI Indif. General 2056, and letter from Luis de Córdoba to his wife Isable Carrera in Seville (May 1566), in Otte, "Cartas privadas," 31-36.

28. AGI Indif. General 2089.

29. A. Millares Carlo and J. I. Mantecón, Indice y extractos de los protocolos del Archivo de Notarías de México, D.F. (Mexico, 1945-1946), no. 2558.

30. See AMG Fondo Barrantes, MS B/3, fol. 270 (without date), for the claim made by Juan Pantoja's sister doña María de Ribera and nephews against his widow.

31. See información of Juan de Campo, husband of Diego Martín's daughter Ana de Aguiilar, in AGI Indif. General 2050.

32. Francisco A. de Icaza, Conquistadores y pobladores de la Nueva España (Madrid, 1923), 196; Boyd-Bowman, Indice, 2, no. 2778.

33. AMG Fondo Barrantes MS B/3, fol. 270.

34. AGI Justicia 215, no. 1.

35. Troy Floyd, The Columbus Dynasty in the Caribbean, 1492-1526 (Albuquerque, 1973), 64, 76.

36. Eduardo Sánchez-Arjona, "De las personas que pasaron a esta Nueva España," Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos 39 (1918): 98.

37. Icaza, Conquistadores y pobladores, 1: 166.

38. AGI Justicia 405, no. 2, ramo 2. Witnesses in Cuzco said that because of the protests of Carrasco and other vecinos of Cuzco, Francisco Pizarro was about to return Carrasco's encomienda to him when he died. The grant then passed into the hands of Licenciado Antonio de la Gama, who was succeeded by his daughter. On her death Antonio Vaca de Castro, the son of governor Licenciado Cristóbal Vaca de Castro, got the encomienda.

39. Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 302; Efraim Trelles Arestegui, Lucas Martínez Vegazo: Funcionamiento de una encomienda peruana inicial (Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, 1982), 47, says that Martínez offered the viceroy 12,000 pesos and Dr. Cuenca another 6000 pesos.

40. Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 16.

41. For Ulloa's suit for the return of his encomienda, see AGI Patronato 117, ramo 7, and AGI Justicia 430; for reassignment of Aldana's encomienda, see AGI Indif. General 2086. For discussion of Lorenzo de Ulloa and his brothers, see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," 329-333.

42. Hernando Pizarro's career and management of family properties are discussed in the biography in Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 157-168, and other references throughout. See also Varón Gabai and Jacobs, "Peruvian Wealth." For the illegal sale of encomiendas, see Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 20.

43. Himmerich, "The Encomenderos of New Spain," 239, 499, 327.

44. See AMT 1585:I-7. Chaves's encomienda of Viracomachaqui was in the valley of Condesuyo. It was alleged that Chaves failed to provide his Indians with a priest and therefore died owing them money.

45. Diego de Torres of Trujillo married the widow of the conquistador Cristóbal de Ortega and became an encomendero in Mexico, and Francisco de Torres, also of Trujillo, became an encomendero by his second marriage; see Boyd-Bowman, Indice, 2, nos. 3240, 3242.

46. The quote is from the información of Alonso Carrasco in AGI Justicia 418; for his death, see AGI Indif. General 2088.

47. See above, n. 38.

48. AGI Justicia 418.

49. See the biographies in Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 300-305 (Lucas Martínez) and 343-346 (Alonso Ruiz). Most of the discussion of Martínez's activities is drawn from Lockhart and from Trelles Arestegui, Lucas Martínez Vegazo .

50. Trelles, Lucas Martínez Vegazo, 38, 40.

51. Trelles, Lucas Martínez Vegazo, 199, 203, 207, 210, 213, 108.

52. Trelles, Lucas Martínez Vegazo, 112, 129.

53. AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1; Trelles, Lucas Martínez Vegazo, 174-177. In 1551 Pedro Alonso de Valencia's widow in Trujillo gave her

power of attorney to Gaspar Hernández, a cacereño living in Arequipa, to recover her husband's property (AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1).

54. Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 302-303. Trelles, Lucas Martínez Vegazo, 135, says that Martínez's marriage essentially was a sale of the encomienda, since Lucas received 16,000 pesos. Alonso Ruiz left at least one illegitimate child in Peru, a daughter named Isabel Ruiz whom he had with a criada named Francisca Miranda; he donated 1000 pesos to her before leaving Peru (see Trelles, Lucas Martínez Vegazo, 39).

55. Trelles, Lucas Martínez Vegazo, 123, 131.

56. AGI Indif. Gen. 2090.

57. AMG Fondo Barrantes MS B/3.

58. AGI Indif. Gen. 2083.

59. AGI Indif. Gen. 2089.

60. AGI Indif. Gen. 2090.

61. See Altman, ''Spanish Hidalgos," 331-332, and AGI Patronato 100, ramo 9, for Diego de Ovando's probanza of 1557.

62. AGI Indif. Gen. 2086, letters of Lorenzo Gutiérrez and his son Cristóbal González.

63. AGI Indif. Gen. 2049.

64. AGI Indif. Gen. 2090.

65. See Boyd-Bowman, Indice, 2, no. 2744; Harkness Collection, Library of Congress, no. 260; Raul Porras Barrenechea, ed., Cedulario del Peru (Lima, 1944-1948), 2, no. 373; AGI Contratación 2723, no. 2; AGI Patronato 106, ramo 7. Alonso Guerra was mentioned as being in the Indies in the 1532 will of Juan de la Huerta of Cáceres (AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923).

66. AGI Patronato 106, ramo 7.

67. See Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," 329-334.

68. AMG Fondo Barrantes MS B/3.

69. See AGI Indif. Gen. 2082, testimony of Francisco de Loaysa of Trujillo, who said his brother Diego de Orellana wrote from Cuzco saying that Martín "had drowned in a river . . . and that an illegitimate daughter of his had inherited the goods that had remained and she had married Hernando Caballero . . . native of this city."

70. See Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 44, 158.

71. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 2: 154.

72. In 1548 Gasca suggested sending a mestiza daughter of Juan Pizarro, and Gonzalo Pizarro's son and daughter, to Spain to live with an aunt in Trujillo (see Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 2: 272). Francisco Pizarro's son and daughter went to Spain, but only doña Francisca married and had children.

73. ACC-HO leg. 7, no. 31; leg. 1, no. 21.

74. Millares Carlo and Mantecón, Indice y extractos, no. 1331. Sanabria's brother, Hernando de Sanabria, was a priest in Cáceres who might have been excommunicated in the 1530s (AHPC Hernando Conde 3712). The cacereños in Mexico were entrepreneur Juan de Cáceres Delgado and Gonzalo Durán.

75. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 2: 267.

76. AGI Indif. Gen. 2085.

77. Don Pedro Puertocarrero's nephew, Andrés Calderón Puertocarrero, in the late 1590s initiated a suit over properties in Medellín that don Pedro's mestizo son had inherited; see ARCG 3 ^a -599-3.

78. Millares Carlo and Mantecón, Indice y extractos, 1, no. 445. It is not clear whether Francisco de Gaete, the son of Hernando de Gaete and Catalina Calderón, both deceased, was in Mexico or not.

79. See Acedo, "Linajes," Hinojosa, p. 366 ^a13 .

80. AGI Indif. Gen. 2093 and ARCG 3 ^a -599-3.

81. AGI Indif. Gen. 2049.

82. AGI Indif. Gen. 2050.

83. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1.

84. AMG Fondo Barrantes MS B/3.

85. See AGI Indif. Gen. 2055, información of Gómez's niece Leonor Gómez and her husband, Hernán González, herrador.

86. In 1553 returnee from Peru Juan de Monroy said he had lived in the house of Juan Ramiro and his wife in Lima and had been there when Ramiro died. The other returnees who testified they had been with Ramiro in Lima were Melchor Hernández, Pedro Alonso, Pedro Jara, Alonso Cervantes, Alonso de Bibanco, and Juan Pizarro (AGI Indif. Gen. 2078).

87. See AGI Indif. Gen. 2089 for información of Andrés Gómez (Pedro Gómez's son) and AGI Indif. General 2084 for información of Rodrigo Alonso de Boroa, son of Felipe Rodríguez. See AGI Indif. Gen. 2083 for testimony regarding Francisco González de Castro.

88. See Lorenzo de Aldana's will in Zarama, "Reseña histórica," 191.

89. ACC-HO leg. 7, no. 103.

90. See Gibson, Aztecs, 377-378; and Colin A. Palmer, Slaves of the White God: Blacks in Mexico, 1570-1650 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976), 133.

91. Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 29.

92. For the rebellion, see Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 183-189.

93. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 1: 356.

94. Ibid., 2: 97.

95. Ibid., 2: 41.

93. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 1: 356.

94. Ibid., 2: 97.

95. Ibid., 2: 41.

93. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 1: 356.

94. Ibid., 2: 97.

95. Ibid., 2: 41.

96. Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 213. Perhaps ironically Hernando de Aldana and his brother Alonso made Gómez de Solís, a strong Pizarro partisan, their heir; see AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3923.

97. AGI Justicia 1126, no. 4, ramo 1.

98. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 2: 46.

99. Ibid., 2: 303-307, 317.

100. Ibid., 1: 471.

98. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 2: 46.

99. Ibid., 2: 303-307, 317.

100. Ibid., 1: 471.

98. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 2: 46.

99. Ibid., 2: 303-307, 317.

100. Ibid., 1: 471.

101. The 1000 ducados that Blas de Soto donated to his sister had been willed by Juan Pizarro to his maternal siblings; see the two letters from Soto to Señora Inés Rodríguez de Aguilar in AGI Justicia 1070, no. 9.

102. AGI Justicia 1074, no. 4.

103. AGI Justicia 1126, no. 4, ramo 1.

104. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925.

105. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103.

106. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104.

107. See for example, letters 4, 7, 13 in Lockhart and Otte, Letters and People .

108. AGI Indif. Gen. 2090.

109. AHPC Pedro González 3831, Alonso Pacheco 4104.

110. AGI Justicia 1126, no. 2, ramo 2.

111. AGI Indif. Gen. 2054; AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4104, Deigo Pacheco 4113.

112. AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4102.

113. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113, Alonso Pacheco 4103.

114. AGI Indif. Gen. 2083.

115. AGI Indif. Gen. 2084.

116. AGI Indif. Gen. 2094. Juan Rubio's will was dated April 1580.

117. AGI Indif. Gen. 2078.

118. AGI Indif. Gen. 2085. In 1572 returnee Alonso Pizarro testified that he had run into Licenciado Altamirano en route to Peru when he was on his way back to Spain.

119. For the agreement made between Juan Velázquez and Juan de Toro and Marina Ruiz, see AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1. Marina Ruiz and Juan de Toro claimed that they, and Alonso de Toro, were the children of Alejo Bocanegra and Catalina Rodríguez. Alonso de Toro himself, however, named Alonso de Toro and Inés Durán as his parents in AGI Justicia 117, no. 1, ramo 3; see Lockhart's biography and notes in Men of Cajamarca, 357-359.

120. AHPC Pedro González 3830.

1. See Theopolis Fair, "The Indiano during the Spanish Golden Age from 1550-1650" (Ph.D. diss., Temple University, 1972), 11, 75.

2. In sixteenth-century Cáceres and Trujillo the term "perulero" is used almost invariably for returnees, occurring not only in informal usage but in legal documents as well, often appended to an individual's name much as occupational designations were. I have seen only one instance of the use of the term "indiano," in testimony of 1549 in Trujillo; Juan de la Jara referred to people who had come from the Indies as "tales indianos," in AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 8.

3. See Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 44-52, 63-64, and also his "Letters and People to Spain," in Chiapelli, First Images of America, 2: 790-791. Lockhart specifically discusses the returnees to Trujillo who had been at Cajamarca.

4. For their stories, see Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," 335-343.

5. Pérez de Tudela, Documentos relativos a la Gasca, 1: 567 (letter from Pedro de Valdivia to Hernando Pizarro, September 1545).

6. Casco and the members of the entourage accompanying Gasca appear in the testimony for Pedro Jara and Alonso de Bibanco, AGI Justicia 1126, no. 4, ramo 1.

7. See Catálogo, 3, no. 2447; García testified he was thirty-nine in 1547 (AGI Indif. Gen. 2055), but the exact date of his return is not known.

8. For Ribera see Catálogo, 5, no. 2248, and testimony in AGI Indif. Gen. 2083, 2089. For Andrés Calderón, see Catálogo, 4, no. 2281, and AGI Justicia 1062, no. 2, ramo 1.

9. Catálogo, 4, nos. 483, 486, 1278; Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, 48 ^a13-14 .

10. AGI Contratación 5218.

11. AGI Indif. Gen. 2094.

12. AGI Lima 199.

13. See Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, Doña Isabel de Moctezuma, la novia de Extremadura (Madrid, 1965), 28, 31, 33, and AHPC Alonso Pacheco 4103.

14. For Francisco Sánchez de Melo, see Archivo Histórico de Arequipa Gaspar Hernández, 22 December 1551, 22 July 1553, and letter from Diego de Trujillo, Cuzco, January 1564 in AGI Indif. General 2084. For the Melo brothers, see Catálogo, 3, nos. 3557, 4183. For Pedro's return, see AGI Indif. General 2162A; and Acedo, "Linajes," Vargas, 48 ^a49 .

15. AGI Indif. Gen. 2162A.

16. AGI Indif. Gen. 2086.

17. Doña Gracia de Medina, the daughter of Diego Jiménez "perulero," married García de Vargas Carvajal, who was the brother of doña María de Carvajal, the wife of returnee Andrés Calderón Puertocarrero (Acedo, "Linajes," Carvajal, 110 ^a10 ).

18. ACC-HO leg. 4, no. 18; leg. 5, pt. 2, no. 20.

19. In 1603 don Pedro Cano Moctezuma y Toledo, the son of don Juan

Cano Moctezuma and his wife doña Elvira de Paredes Toledo, was a regidor in Toledo and sold 19,609 maravedís of rents for winter pasturage in dehesas in Cáceres's jurisdiction to his uncle Alonso Cano Saavedra, a vecino of Cáceres (ACC-HO leg. 4, no. 39).

20. Lodo de Maryoralgo, Viejos linajes, 122; Boyd-Bowman, Indice, 2, no. 2741; Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 213 (note); AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113.

21. See Lockhart, Spanish Peru, 20.

22. Godoy's will is in AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113; see also Roa y Ursua, El reyno de Chile, 8-9.

23. He purchased the regimiento from his nephew by marriage, Benito Moraga y Nidos, who was the husband of doña Marina de Carvajal, the daughter of doña Marta Martínez de Orellana (Godoy's sister) and Francisco de Carvajal. Their son Gaspar Moraga y Nidos emigrated to New Spain, probably in 1570.

24. See Lockhart's biography of Morgovejo in Men of Cajamarca, 230-232.

25. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4101 contains the accounting Godoy made in 1558 at the request of Francisco Morgovejo's grandmother and uncle of expenditures made for his ward.

26. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100.

27. ACC-HO leg. 4, no. 47.

28. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113, 4101.

29. AHPC Diego Pacheco 4113, Pedro González 3827.

30. AHPC Pedro González 3829.

31. Lodo de Mayoralgo, Viejos linajes, 122. Doña Leonor de Godoy, the daughter of Rodrigo de Godoy and doña Teresa Rol de la Cerda (hence the granddaughter of Francisco de Godoy) in 1558, at the age of fifteen, married another very successful and wealthy returnee, Cristóbal de Ovando Paredes (ACC-HO leg. 7, no. 17).

32. See Lockhart's biography in Men of Cajamarca, 343-345; Tena Fernández, Trujillo histórico, 227; AGS Exped. Hacienda 311.

33. Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca, 288-289; AGI Indif. General 2078; AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1, A-1-2.

34. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-27.

35. AGI Justicia 1053, no. 5, Lima 565; AMT García de Sanabria A-1-1, A-1-2. Diego de Carvajal bought the censo from the merchants Juan de Camargo and Juan González de Victoria, who had connections with the Pizarros and with the Indies.

36. AGS Exped. Hacienda 189-56.

37. See ARCG Hidalguía 301-55-21, and the discussion of the suit for

hidalguía in chap. 2. Hernando de Sande's will is in AHPC Pedro González 3830. See also Altman, "Emigrants and Society."

38. Miguel Muñoz de San Pedro, "Aventuras y desventuras del tercer Diego García de Paredes," Revista de Estudios Extremeños 13 (1957): 17-32.

39. See AGI Justicia 1126, no. 4, ramo 1.

40. AGI Justicia 1067, no. 5, ramo 2. In 1565 the priest Francisco de Rodas had a benefice in Santa María (AMT Pedro de Carmona A-1-1-9).

41. Catálogo , 3, no. 3199; AGI Indif. General 2085 (información of Francisco Cervantes).

42. AGI Indif. Gen. 2055 (return to Spain in 1574), AGI Contratación 5222 (return to New Spain). See AGI Justicia 215, no. 1, for his activities in New Spain.

43. AGI Patronato 117, ramo 7, and 100, and Justicia 430. See also Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos," 331-332.

44. AGI Justicia 1061, no. 1, ramo 1.

45. For Aldana see Raul Porras Barrenechea, ed., Cedulario del Peru (Lima, 1944-1948), 2: 127; for Nidos see Porras Barrenechea, Cedulario , 2: 217, and Roa y Ursua, El reyno de Chile , 9, 210.

46. AGI Indif. Gen. 2093 and ARCG 3 ^a -599-3.

47. AGI Contratación 5220, 5224, and Lodo de Mayoralgo, Viejos linajes , 48.

48. See Catálogo , 5, nos. 3507, 3843; AGI Indif. Gen. 2054, 2056; AGI Contratación 5222.

49. Catálogo , 3, no. 2977; AGI Indif. General 2093.

50. AGI Indif. Gen. 2090.

51. AGI Contratación 5227; the criado was Alonso Donaire (see also Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya , 394, 416).

52. Schäfer, El consejo de Indias , 2: 151, 482, 487, 492, 516. Blas Altamirano probably had been in Peru in the 1570s with his parents.

53. Catálogo , 5, nos. 1381, 1451; AGI Indif. General 2083.

54. All the documents relating to the transactions between Benito de la Peña and Pedro de Vita, as well as Vita's power of attorney made in Cáceres in October 1546, are in AHPC Diego Pacheco 4100. Peña was one of that large group of young men who left Cáceres in 1535, ostensibly for Santo Domingo, although most of them ended up in Peru (Boyd-Bowman, Indice , 2, no. 2776).

55. AGI Indif. Gen. 2085, 2087.

56. AHPC Pedro de Grajos 3925; Gómez de Solís paid the money the following year.

57. AHPC Pedro González 3830.

58. AGI Justicia 1126, no. 4, ramo 1.

59. Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca , 220-221, 295; AGI Justicia 1053, no. 5 (for the suit). Juan Cortés had fought in Navarre with Hernando Pizarro (see Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 1). Also see Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 8, for testimony about the enmity between Cortés and Herrera.

60. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 8. The account of this episode comes mainly from testimony of 1549 taken from Juan de Herrera, who clearly was embittered and seeking any opportunity to get even with Cortés (by this time the incident in which Cortés's criados had wounded Herrera's brother also had occurred), so Herrera might have been a less than wholly credible witness. Nevertheless, although no other witness recounted the incident in such detail, neither did anyone else contradict Herrera's version, and the details sound authentic.

61. ACC-HO leg. 5, pt. 2, no. 20.

62. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23. The regidores were Hernando de Orellana, Juan Casco, Gonzalo Rodríguez de Ocampo, and Melchior González, the last two very likely returnees.

63. AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-27. Navarro del Castillo, La epopeya , 413. Captain Gonzalo de Olmos's brother Juan de Olmos also was in Peru, at least through the 1540s.

64. AGI Indif. Gen. 2090 (informaciones of Cristóbal de Ribera and Juan de Tapia).

65. ARCG 3 ^a -599-3; Boyd-Bowman, Indice , 2, no. 3173; Acedo, "Linajes," Loaysa, 222 ^a3-15 . Don Gaspar de Ayala was thirty in 1596 when he returned from Peru; his brothers don Jerónimo de Loaysa and don Lorenzo de Loaysa Figueroa were thirty-four and twenty-five. They all could have been born in Trujillo in the 1560s, since their mother might have been fairly young when she came to Trujillo. She married a second time in Trujillo, to Diego García Barrantes, son of returnee Pedro Barrantes, and died in 1581 (AMT Pedro de Carmona B-1-23).

66. Icaza, Conquistadores , 1: 31; Muñoz de San Pedro, Doña Isabel , 28, 31, 33; Gibson, Aztecs , 92, 424-426.

67. AHPC Pedro González 3829, ACC-HO leg. 4, no. 39.

1. See, for example, Gibson, Aztecs ; Nancy Farriss, Maya Society under Colonial Rule (Princeton, 1984); James Lockhart, "Some Nahua Concepts in Postcolonial Guise," History of European Ideas 6 (1985): 465-482.

2. See Elliott, The Old World and the New ; Chiappelli, ed., First

Images ; Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange (Westwood, Conn., 1972).

3. AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 8. The statement was made by Alvaro de Hinojosa, husband of doña Graciana, youngest daughter of Captain Gonzalo Pizarro.

4. See the discussion of the term in Julian A. Pitt-Rivers, The People of the Sierra , 2d ed. (Chicago, 1971), 7, 30-31. He compares the word "pueblo" to the term "polis." For use of "pueblo" in reference to Trujillo, see testimony by Juan Vicioso and Juan de la Jara in AGI Justicia 1176, no. 2, ramo 8.

5. Lockhart, Men of Cajamarca , 318-320.

6. See, for example, Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York, 1986); Mildred Campbell, "English Emigration on the Eve of the American Revolution," American Historical Review 61 (1955): 1-20; David Cressy, Coming Over: Migration and Communication between England and New England in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1987); James Horn, "Servant Emigration to the Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century," in The Chesapeake in the Seventeenth Century: Essays on Anglo-American Society , ed. Thad W. Tate and David Ammerman (Chapel Hill, 1979), 51-95. These are only some of the studies of English emigration; work has also been done on Scottish and Irish emigration.