1. Frances Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), 1.

2. A. Bartlett Giamatti, The Earthly Paradise and the Renaissance Epic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966). See especially chap. 2, "The Golden Age."

3. Christopher Columbus, Libro de las profecías (folio 5v), in Raccolta di documenti e studi publicati dalla Real Commissione pel quarto centenario dalla scoperta dell'America. Scriti di Cristoforo Colombo, ed. Cesare de Lollis (Rome: Real Commissione Colombina, 1892/1894). See pt. 1, 2: 82.

4. Karlfried Froehlich, "'Always to Keep the Literal Sense in the Holy Scripture Means to Kill One's Soul': The State of Biblical Hermeneutics at the Beginning of the Fifteenth Century," in Literary Uses of Typology from the Middle Ages to the Present, ed. Earl Miner (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), 20.

5. Rudolph Bultman, The Presence of Eternity: History and Eschatology (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957), 26.

6. The motives for pseudonymity are a subject of frequent debate. For a summary of the literature and for his own position on the matter see J. J. Collins, "Pseudonimity, Historical Reviews and the Genre of the Revelation of John," Catholic Bible Quarterly 39 (1977): 329-343.

7. For the equation of faithful believer and prophet see the discussion by D. Hill, "Prophecy and Prophets in the Revelation of St. John," New Testament Studies 18 (1971-1972): 401-418.

8. See, for example, Karl Löwith, Meaning in History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949) and Ernest Tuveson, Millennium and Utopia: A Study in the Background of the Idea of Progress (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949).

9. Karl Löwith keenly observed that the "Christian faith in the incalculable intervention of God's providence, combined with the belief that the world might at any moment come to a sudden end, had the same effect as the Greek theory of recurrent cycles of growth and decay of an inexorable fate—the effect of checking the rise of a belief in an indefinite progress and an ever increasing manageability" (p. 200).

1. "Novo Mundo e fim do mundo," Revista de Historia (São Paolo) 18 (1954). French original in L'Education Nationale 32 (1952): 3-6.

2. Nathaniel Hawthorne, The English Notebooks of Nathaniel Hawthorne . Randall Stewart, ed. (New York: Russell and Russell, 1942), 39.

3. Wallace Stevens, "The Idea of Order at Key West," in The Palm at the End of the Mind: Selected Poems, ed. Holly Stevens (New York: Random House/Vintage Books, 1972), 97-99.

4. The year 1492 was proclaimed as the time of the plenitudo temporum not only by Byzantine prophets but also Florentine Platonists. See Marsilio Ficino's 1492 letter to Paul of Middelburg in which the Renaissance academician declares the arrival of the Golden Age and all its attendant signs for a renovatio mundi . Cited in Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 429.

5. A. Vasiliev, "Medieval Ideas of the End of the World: East and West," Byzantion 16 (1942-1943): 462-502.

6. Columbus, Libro de las profecías, pt. 1, 2: 108-109.

7. My discussion of millenarianism draws on numerous sources. Chief among them, in addition to the work of Marjorie Reeves already cited, are: Robin B. Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis: Apocalypticism in the Wake of the Lutheran Reformation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988); Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970;1957); Jean Daniélou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity, trans. and ed. John A. Baker (London: Darton, Longman, & Todd, Ltd./Chicago: Henry Regnery Co., 1964); Robert E. Lerner, The Powers of Prophecy: The Cedar of Lebanon Vision from the Mongol Onslaught to the Dawn of the Enlightenment (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1983). For primary sources, in addition to the scriptures (Revised Standard Version, cited throughout this study), I have relied on two valuable collections by Bernard McGinn, trans. and ed., Apocalyptic Spirituality: Treatises and Letters of Lactantius, Adso of Montier-En-Der, Joachim of Fiore, the Spiritual Franciscans, Savonarola (New York: The Paulist Press, 1979) and Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979).

8. Cited in Daniélou, Theology of Jewish Christianity, pp. 396-397.

9. McGinn, Apocalyptic Spirituality, p. 22.

10. Daniélou, Theology of Jewish Christianity, p. 401.

11. See Werner Goez, Translatio imperii (Tübingen: Mohr, 1958).

12. In McGinn, Visions of the End, p. 111.

13. Columbus, Libro de las profecías, pp. 84, 97, 99, 102, 105.

14. Alain Milhou, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica en el ambiente franciscanista español . Cuadernos Colombinos XI (Valladolid: Museo de Colón y Seminario Americanista de la Universidad de Valladolid, 1983), 437.

15. Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, 2 vols. (Hartford Edition, 1820). See bk. 2, chap. 11.

16. Columbus, Libro de las profecías, p. 71. Translations are my own.

17. Increase Mather, "New Jerusalem" (1687), in William L. Joyce and Michael G. Hall, "Three Manuscripts of Increase Mather," Proceedings of the Antiquarian Society vol. 86, pt. 1 (April 1976): 113-123.

18. Germán Arciniegas, America in Europe: A History of the New World in Reverse (San Diego, New York, and London: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986), chap. 1.

19. Luther, Calvin, and Melancthon cited in Arciniegas, America in Europe, p. 82.

20. Cited in Mason I. Lowance, Jr., The Language of Canaan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), 152.

21. Cited in Lowance, p. 313, n. 39.

22. Marjorie Reeves's Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future (New York: Harper and Row, 1977) remains the most significant study on Joachim and the prophetic tradition throughout Europe.

23. John Leddy Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, 2d ed. rev. (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1970).

1. R. G. Collingwood, The Idea of History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1946), 49.

2. Norman Cohn, "Medieval Millennarianism: Its Bearing on the Comparative Study of Millennarian Movements," in Millennial Dreams in Action, ed. Sylvia L. Thrupp (The Hague: Mouton, 1962), 31-43; Peter Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of "Cargo" Cults in Melanesia, 2d ed. (New York: Schoken Books, 1968), pp. xlii, 225-227, 243.

3. See n. 4, chap. 2, above.

4. On Commodianus, see Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium, p. 28. On Europe's ambivalent identification of non-European peoples as paradisal, see Henri Baudet, Paradise on Earth, trans. E. Wentholt (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965). On the earliest attempts (1498) to identify the American natives with the ten lost tribes of Israel, see Don Cameron Allen, The Legend of Noah (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1949), 119-120.

5. Cited in J. B. Bury, The Idea of Progress: An Inquiry into its Origin and Growth (London: MacMillan and Co., 1920), 55.

6. Marcel Bataillon, Erasmo y España: Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo XVI (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1950; 1937).

7. Bernardo Monsegú, "Erasmo y Vives y la 'Philosophia Christi' como humanismo cristiano," in Erasmo en España, ed. Manuel Revuelta Sañudo and Ciriaco Morón Arroyo (Santander: Sociedad Menéndez Pelayo, 1986), 358. My translation.

8. See Daniel Boorstin, The Discoverers (New York: Random House, 1983), 225.

9. Ibid., p. 230.

10. Bartolomé de Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, ed. Juan Pérez de Tudela and Emilio López Otto (Madrid: BAE, 1957), bk. 1, chap. 2, p. 43. I cite the passage in English from Germán Arciniegas, America in Europe, chap. 2, n. 2, p. 268. Emphasis mine.

11. In Albert Hyma, The Christian Renaissance: A History of the "Devotio Moderna, " 2d ed. rev. (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1965; 1924), 311.

12. Cuadernos colombinos XI (Valladolid: Universidad de Vallodolid, 1983).

13. Ramón Iglesias, El hombre Colón y otros ensayos (Mexico: El Colegio de México, 1944); Columbus, Cortés, and Other Essays, trans. and ed. Lesley Byrd Simpson (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969).

14. Boorstin, The Discoverers, p. 227.

15. Columbus, Libro de las profecías, pp. 80, 82.

16. Columbus, Raccolta di documenti, 2: 161.

17. See, for example, the Columbus analyzed by Tzvetan Todorov in The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other, trans. Richard Howard (New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1985), particularly chap. 1, where Todorov discusses Columbus's inability to see things "as they are" rather than as his preconceptions determine them.

18. Columbus, Libro de las profecías, p. 82.

19. Amerigo Vespucci, El Nuevo Mundo: Cartas relativas a sus viaies y descubrimientos. Textos en italiano, español e inglés, ed. Roberto Leviller (Buenos Aires: Editorial Nova, 1951), 277.

20. Vespucci, El nuevo mundo, 290.

21. Lettera Rarissima from Jamaica to the queen and king of Spain, 7 July 1503.

22. As early as 1498, a certain licentiate of Salamanca by the name of Francisco Nuñez de la Yerva protests the nomenclature in print in his introduction to the Cosmographia of Pomponio Mela. He refers to the new discoveries made in the name of the Spanish monarchs, "que abusive India a quibusdam dicitur." See Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima: Ultimas adiciones, ed. Carlos Sanz, 2 vols. (Madrid: Libreria General Victoriano Suarez, 1960), 1: 245.

23. Vespucci, El nuevo mundo, p. 309.

24. Ibid., p. 299.

25. Cited in Germán Arciniegas, Amerigo and the New World: The Life and Times of Amerigo Vespucci (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1955), 309.

26. Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, 2: 45-50. I cite from Boorstin, The Discoverers, p. 253. Emphasis mine.

27. Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, 1: 470 ff.

28. For yet another plausible fiction of America's naming, see, in this regard, a discussion by the psychiatrist and psychogeographer William G. Niederland on the psychosexual dynamics that animate Waldseemüller and, according to Dr. Niederland, assure that the name America captures the Renaissance imagination. See William G. Niederland, "The Naming of America," in Maps from the Mind: Readings in Psychogeography, ed. Howard F. Stein and William G. Niederland (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989), 82-96. I am grateful to my wife, Juana Celia, for calling this interesting source to my attention.

29. See, for example, Harold Jantz, "Image of America in the German Renaissance," in First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old, ed. Fredi Chiappelli, 2 vols. (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1976), especially pp. 98-99; and Harold J. Cook, "Ancient Wisdom, the Golden Age, and Atlantis: The New World in Sixteenth-Century Cosmography," Terrae Incognitae 10 (1978): 24-43, especially p. 38, n. 83.

1. Bradford's style is often held up as the epitome of "plain style." In sputtering thus, I obviously wish to convey that I find the plainness of the so-called Puritan "plain style" suspect. So do many others. For a lucid discussion see Larzer Ziff, "The Literary Consequences of Puritanism,'' in The American Puritan Imagination: Essays in Revaluation, ed. Sacvan Bercovitch (London and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 34-44, particularly p. 39 and ff.

2. Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, 2: 1408.

3. See, for example, the voluminous and elaborately argued treatise by the Spanish historian and emeritus Distinguished Chair of History at the University of Seville Juan Manzano Manzano, Colón y su secreto: El predescubrimiento (Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispánica, 1982). 780 pp.

4. Cited in Ronald Sanders, Lost Tribes and Promised Lands (Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1978), 86.

5. Michel de Certeau, L'écriture de l'histoire (Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1975). Available in English as The Writing of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988).

6. Christopher Columbus, Libro de los privilegios del Almirante Don Cristóbal Colón (1498), ed. Ciriaco Pérez-Bustamante (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1951). The transcription of the official document, reproduced also in facsimile later in the volume, is on pp. 41-44. Bracketed translations are my own.

7. Herbert Allen Van Scoy, A Dictionary of Old Spanish Terms Defined in the Works of Alfonso X, ed. Ivy Corfis (Madison: The Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1986), 6.

8. Columbus, Libro de los privilegios, p. xxv.

9. Walter Ullmann, Medieval Papalism: The Political Theories of the Medieval Canonists (London: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1949).

10. Silvio Zavala, Las instituciones jurídicas en la conquista de America, 2d ed. rev. and augmented (México: Editorial Porrua, 1971; 1935).

11. In Silvio Zavala, Las instituciones jurídicas, pt. 1, chap. 2, p. 38.

12. I translate, once more, from Zavala, Las instituciones jurídicas .

13. Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), 503.

14. For their views, in part, recorded mostly by the Spaniards, see Miguel León Portilla, La visión de los vencidos: Relaciones indígenas de la conquista (Mexico: UNAM, 1959).

15. Zavala, Las instituciones jurídicas, p. 79.

16. Such protestations would become a litany. Perhaps the most influential in terms of policy would be Richard Hakluyt's Discourse of Western Planting, 1584 and the Dutch Hugo Grotius's More Liberum, 1609, which Hakluyt translated in English.

17. In Pedro Leturia, "Maior y Vitoria ante la conquista de América," Anuario de la Asociación Francisco de Vitoria III (1930-1931): 43-83. My translation.

18. In Ullmann, Medieval Papalism, p. 125, n. 5. The English rendering of Innocent is Ullmann's.

19. Sepúlveda's treatise and its premises are discussed at some length most recently by Tzvetan Todorov, as are Las Casas's counterarguments, in his The Conquest of America, pp. 151-167. For a more elaborate treatment see Lewis Hanke, Estudios sobre Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas y sobre la lucha por la justicia en la conquista de América (Caracas: Universidad Central de Venezuela, 1968).

20. In Ullmann, Medieval Papalism, p. 130. I cite, once more, Ullmann's rendering of Innocent's Latin.

21. In Ullmann, Medieval Papalism, p. 131.

22. Bartolomé de Las Casas, Historia, bk. 3, chap. 57.

23. The document is included in Zavala, Las institutiones jurídicas, pp. 215-217. Bracketed translation is my own.

24. Ibid., pp. 216-217.

25. Edmundo O'Gorman, The Invention of America: An Inquiry into the Historical Nature of the New World and the Meaning of its History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1961).

26. Beatriz Pastor, Discursos narrativos de la conquista: mitificación y emergencia, 2d ed. rev. (Hanover, N.H.: Ediciones del Norte, 1988), especially chap. 1.

27. Zavala, Las instituciones jurídicas, p. 488.

28. See references to Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo's eyewitness accounts as participant in such acts in Todorov, Conquest of America, chap. 3, and in Zavala, Las instituciones jurídicas, p. 79.

29. I translate from documentation in Zavala, Las instituciones jurídicas, p. 79.

30. For a discussion of the papal bull and its repercussions, see Lewis Hanke, "Pope Paul III and the American Indians," Harvard Theological Review (1937): 65-97.

31. Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de las Indias, bk. 4, title I, law VI. Cited in Hanke, Estudios, p. 89. Parenthetical translation is my own.

32. English charters and "letters patent" cited in this study are collected in Foundations of Colonial America: A Documentary History, ed. W. Keith Kavenagh, 4 vols., 6 parts (New York: Chelsea House 1983). "Letters of Patent to Sir Humphrey Gilbert" in vol. 3, part 1, pp. 1690-1693.

33. A. L. Rowse, The Elizabethans and America (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1959), 32.

34. Columbus, Libro de los privilegios, p. 43.

35. In Foundations, vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 18.

36. Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean 1492-1797 (London and New York: Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1986), 156.

37. Samuel Eliot Morison, Admiral of the Ocean Sea: A Life of Christopher Columbus (Boston: Little Brown and Co., 1942), 308.

38. Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1970).

39. Annette Kolodny, The Lay of the Land (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975).

40. Peter Hulme remarks the fact that the historiographic foundations of "American Genesis" tend to bracket Virginia's "guiltily acknowledged chronological 'priority'" and invokes Perry Miller's ironic confessions on the ''coherence" of Puritan New England with which a historian can "coherently begin.'' I suspect Hulme would not quibble with the suggestion that "beginnings," as Edward Said taught us not so long ago in a book by that title, can be as dubious as ends could be devious. I would own that "American Genesis" is embedded in scripture, the Genesis of scripture that underlies the foundations of a teleological ideology and an apocalyptic narrative that authorized, in turn, the productive scripture of the charters that engender a territorial reality for their own conquering ends even before its geographic discovery. See Hulme, pp. 138-139.

41. Columbus, Libro de los privilegios, p. 43, line 36.

42. In Foundations, vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 18.

43. John Winthrop, "General Considerations for the Plantation in New England" in Winthrop Papers (Massachusetts Historical Society, 1931), 2: 106-121.

44. Peter Hulme is quite informative on this point. See Colonial Encounters, pp. 157-173.

45. In Foundations, vol. 3, pt. 1, p. 1690.

46. In this regard, I would beg to differ with Peter Hulme's passing comment on ideology as articulated by Gramsci and Althuser as being irrelevant to the New World's colonial context "because we are dealing not with a consensual model of the social formation in which ideology can be seen as fully pervasive, almost constitutive of social and civil life itself, but rather with a model of division in which ideology is a discourse whose mode is largely textual in the narrow sense and whose address is largely internal, towards that group in society most directly concerned with colonial matters." Colonial Encounters, p. 7. To begin with, the claims for any text as "textual in the narrow sense whose address is largely internal" I find untenable, particularly when Hulme and I are dealing with texts whose worldly repercussions through the actions of those "most directly concerned with colonial matters" have determined the fate, often the extinction, of whole races of people, changed the imperial frontiers of hegemony among European powers, and continue to have an impact on policy and cultural discourses down to our own day. What Hulme sees as a ''model of division," I would consider a practical expediency of ideological insinuation into textual processes that have pragmatic determinations. I do not believe, as Hulme states, that the Requerimiento in particular is the exception that proves the rule. Rather, it is a cruder manifestation of a formative ideology, what I have termed an ideology of conquest, whose symptom is the genre of the charter as I have defined it earlier in this chapter, a genre that manifests the ideological symptoms of a consensual and pervasive social formation in a much more refined form in Elizabethan charters. The resurgence of this ideology in cruder, hegemonic form with the Puritans might well constitute proof not only of its pervasiveness and formative determinacy but of its durability. Hulme's chastising observation on Henry Nash Smith's and Annette Kolodny's failure to mention the native inhabitants in their respective books (see nn. 35 and 36 above) may be read as further corroboration of the perdurability and pervasiveness of such an ideological formation through three centuries.

My difference with Hulme may be symptomatic, in turn, of our own respective praxes as readers of colonial texts. He, being British, it seems to me, reads ideology and its social formation as "consensual model" and symptom of its formative context, as manifestation of its conditions of production. I, a former British subject raised in a British colony, concur with Hulme's reading, as far as it goes. But, perforce, I must read ideology not only as symptomatic form and as formative of a consensual model, but also as performative and repercussive, as consequential practice to which accrue ends and results that may or may not be symmetrical to the modeling of the consensual enablements, as "model of division" or otherwise, that empowers those ideological productions.

47. For a succinct commentary on such comparisons see J. H. Parry, "Introduction: The English and the New World," in The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America 1480-1650, ed. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), 1-16.

1. Alfonso Reyes, The Position of America, trans. Harriet de Onís (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950), 45. Though he antedates them, neither Perry Miller nor Daniel Boorstin gives any indication in his work of having heard of Alfonso Reyes.

2. A valuable collection of Christopher Columbus's writings have been compiled and annotated by Consuelo Varela in Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1982).

3. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, p. 101. All English renderings are my own.

4. Ibid., p. 101.

5. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias, islas y Tierra firme del Mar Oceano (1535), 5 vols. (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, 1959), bk. 2, chap. 3; bk. 29, chap. 30.

6. In Rafael Diego Fernández, Capitulaciones Colombinas (1492-1506) (Michoacan, Mexico: El Colegio de Michoacan, 1987). Includes facsimiles of originals and transcriptions . See pp. 369-373. Translations are my own.

7. For a succinct and lucid historical review of the term cannibal and its cultural repercussions see Peter Hulme, Colonial Encounters, pp. 16-22, 78-87. For a Latin American perspective, and for the pertinence of this complex phenomenon to contemporary, "postcolonial" culture, see the Cuban Roberto Fernández Retamar's "Caliban," Casa de las Américas (Havana) 68 (September-October 1971). Reprinted as title essay in an English collection by the author, Caliban and Other Essays, foreword by Fredric Jameson (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989), pp. 3-45.

8. In Rafael Diego Fernández, Capitulaciones Colombinas, p. 377.

9. On a discussion of legal issues of cannibalism and slavery see Silvio Zavala, Las instituciones jurídicas, pp. 92, 183 et passim.

10. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, Historia general y natural de las Indias, bk. 3, chap. 8.

11. Ibid., bk. 8, chap. 2.

12. The locus classicus of "barbarism" and "cannibalism" as relative cultural phenomena is still Montaigne's ''Des Cannibales." See the facsimile edition in Essais. Reproduction photographique de l'edition originale de 1580, ed. Daniel Martin, 2 vols. (Geneva: Slatkin and Paris: Champion, 1976), 1: 31. For a modern edition in English, see "Of Cannibals" in The Complete Essays of Montaigne, trans. Donald M. Frame (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1989; 1958), pp. 150-159.

13. The most serviceable biography is Philip L. Barbour's The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1964).

14. John Smith, The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631), ed. Philip L. Barbour, 3 vols. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 2: 151. "A True Relation" is in vol. 1, pp. 23-97. "The Generall Historie" is in vol. 2, pp. 33-478. The editor, Philip L. Barbour, offers a useful ''Recension of the Narratives of Smith's Captivity" (vol. 1 pp. 9-15), in which the texts of Smith's two works, as well as Samuel Purchas's Pilgrimage, relating this episode are juxtaposed. The contrast is telling. Whatever it does tell, however, will by no means curtail the industry spawned by the episode.

15. Smith, The Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 346.

16. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 5.

17. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 346.

18. Perry Miller, "The Religious Impulses in the Founding of Virginia: Religion and Society in the Early Literature," William and Mary Quarterly 3d series, V (1948): 492-522.

19. Louis B. Wright, Religion and Empire: The Alliance between Piety and Commerce in English Expansion 1558-1625 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1943; reprinted, New York: Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 1965), especially chap. 4.

20. John Parker, "Religion and the Virginia Colony 1609-10," in The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America 1480-1650, ed. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny, and P. E. H. Hair (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), 245-270.

21. Wright, Religion and Empire, pp. 87-88.

22. In his enthusiasm, Wright overshot the significance of this unquestionably significant figure to the occasion when he confuses him with his more obscure namesake, John Done, poet and translator, who authored a commendatory poem at the head of Captain John Smith's Generall Historie . See p. 111 of Wright.

23. Parker, "Religion and the Virginia Colony 1609-10," p. 247.

24. Barbour asserts the likelihood of John Healey's authorship of this introduction. See vol. 1, p. 98, n. 11. Should Barbour be right, the ironies of the whole New World enterprise become compounded. John Healey was the translator into English of Joseph Hall's Mundus alter et idem, a bawdy satirical novel of the time based on the New World, such as it was then known. Hall introduced Juvenalian satire to England, making the New World its brunt.

25. Smith, The Complete Works, vol. 1, p. 25.

26. Both charters are gathered in Foundations of Colonial America: A Documentary History, ed. W. Keith Kavenagh (New York: Chelsea House, 1983), vol. 3, pt. 1. The relevant passages are to be found on p. 1698 for the first charter and p. 1715 for the second.

27. Perry Miller, Errand into the Wilderness (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1956); Sacvan Bercovitch, The Puritan Origins of the American Self (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975).

28. In Wright, Religion and Empire, p. 91. The concerted nature of the pulpit campaign in 1609 is evidenced, in part, by the echoic language and imagery of the sermonists. The likening of the Indians to "troupes like heards of Deer in a Forrest" also occurs in Richard Johnson's Nova Brittania (1609). See Roy Harvey Pearce, The Savages of America: A Study of the Indian and the Idea of Civilization, rev. ed. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1965; 1953), 12.

29. In Parker, "Religion and the Virginia Colony," p. 253.

30. In Wright, Religion and Empire, p. 98.

31. In Parker, "Religion and the Virginia Colony," p. 253.

32. Ibid., p. 266.

33. Ibid., p. 255.

34. Ibid., p. 256.

35. See chap. 9 of Hernando de Colón's history of his father, Vida del Almirante Cristóbal Colón (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1947).

36. In Wright, Religion and Empire, p. 98.

37. See Juan Pérez de Tudela, "Vida y escritos de Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo." Introduction to Oviedo's Historia, pp. vii-clxix. On this aspect of Pedrarías, see p. xlix.

38. Pérez de Tudela, "Vida y escritos," p. xlix, n. 143.

1. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, Civilización y barbarie: Vida de Juan Facundo Quiroga, 1845. Many modern editions. For one of the most lucid and incisive discussions of this topos and hemispheric allegory in contemporary culture, see Rafael Humberto Moreno Durán, De la barbarie a la imaginación: La experiencia leída, 2d ed., augmented (Bogota: Tercer Mundo Editores, 1988). I am most grateful to this accomplished novelist, modern polymath, and fellow pilgrim suspicious of all shrines for many hours of conversation over innumerable bottles of genuine and questionable vintage.

Useful, as well, on the question of culture and colonization as focused through this binomial construct is Roberto Fernández Retamar's discussion, already cited (see n. 7, chap. 5). Fernández Retamar juxtaposes Sarmiento's idolatrous view of "civilization" to José Martí's admonitions as to what such cultism entails in terms of Latin America's neocolonial history. Sarmiento and Martí, or, for that matter, Fernández Retamar himself and Carlos Fuentes, whose treatment of this binary in the Mexican's La nueva novela hispanoamericana (Mexico: Joaquin Mortiz, 1969) he assails, ultimately are the dialectical personifications of the cultural ambivalence in the New World, an ambivalence that begins with the first encounter between Europe and what European's would baptize as the New World.

2. In R. H. Moreno Durán, De la barbarie, p. 13.

3. For a lucid and productive recapitulation of the theme of the Noble Savage see Hayden White, "The Noble Savage: Theme as Fetish" in First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old, ed. Fredi Chiappelli, 2 vols. (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1976), 121-135. The most thorough study on the treatment of the Indian as theme in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is still Antonello Gerbi's La disputa del Nuovo Mondo: Storia di una polemica, 1750-1900 (Milano: Riccardo Ricciardi Editore, 1955). A revised and augmented edition has been translated by Jeremy Moyle, The Dispute of the New World (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973).

4. See chap. 3, n. 18 above.

5. Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom, p. 19.

6. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, p. 205.

7. Ibid., p. 289.

8. Reproduced in Raccolta, Part I, p. 310.

9. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, pp. 332-336.

10. Ibid., p. 204.

11. Ibid., p. 205.

12. Ibid., p. 212.

13. Ibid., p. 218.

14. Ibid., p. 215.

15. Ibid., p. 205.

16. See chap. 2, n. 13 above.

17. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, p. 243. Also in Raccolta, vol. 2, p. 66.

18. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, p. 251.

19. Ibid., p. 249.

20. Ibid., p. 243.

21. Ibid., p. 250.

22. Salvador de Madariaga, Vida del muy magnífico señor Don Cristóbal Colón (Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1975), 292.

23. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, pp. 297-298. Also in Raccolta, vol. 2, p. 192.

24. Alain Milhou, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica, especially pp. 272-286.

25. Claude Kappler, "La vocation messianique de Christophe Colomb," in Voyage, quête, pélerinage dans la littérature da la civilisation médiévales, Senéfiance. Cahiers du CUERMA 2 (Université de Provence, 1976), pp. 255-271, focuses on the millennialist and mystical significance of this and, especially, of Columbus's letter on his third voyage. On the other hand, Alexandre Cioranescu is more suspecting of Columbus's genuine devotion. He considers this passage from the Lettera Rarissima as yet another rhetorical ploy by which Columbus, typically, takes the Spanish monarchs to task for their broken promises and his treatment. See Cioranescu's comments in his edition of Oeuvres de Christophe Colomb (Paris: Gallimard, 1961), 486, n. 35.

26. In Foundations, vol. 1, pt. 1, pp. 23-24.

27. See Gov. Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony, in Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of Plymouth from 1602-1625, ed. Alexander Young (Boston: Charles C. Little and James Brown, 1841; reprinted New York: Da Capo Press, 1971), 98-99.

28. Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 239.

29. For a cursory recapitulation of Columbus's reading culture significant to his visionary pilgrimage, see Pauline Moffitt Watts, "Prophecy and Discovery: On the Spiritual Origins of Christopher Columbus's 'Enterprise of the Indies'," The American Historical Review 90 (1985): 73-102.

30. Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 240.

31. Ibid., p. 241.

32. Ibid., p. 248.

33. Cushman is referring to the Indians' and their Sachem Massosoit's recognition of King James as their "master and commander." See p. 244 of Cushman, and also Edward Winslow's letter "to a friend," believed to have been George Morton, Gov. Branford's brother-in-law, dated from "Plymouth in New England, 11 December 1621," in Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 230-238, especially, p. 232.

34. Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 245-246.

35. Ibid., pp. 243-244.

36. John Winthrop, Life and Letters of John Winthrop, ed. and commentary by Robert C. Winthrop (Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1869), 1: 316. I have spelled out the frequent abbreviations employed by Winthrop and transcribed by his descendant in this collection of the governor's correspondence.

37. In addition to Reeves's already cited treatise, see M. W. Bloomfield and M. E. Reeves, "The Penetration of Joachism into Northern Europe," Speculum 29 (1954): 772-793. Also see M. W. Bloomfield, "Joachim of Flora: A Critical Survey of His Canon, Teachings, Sources, Biography, and Influence," Traditio 13 (1957): 249-311.

38. Winthrop, Life and Letters, p. 309.

39. Ibid., p. 311.

40. Ibid., pp. 309-310.

41. Ibid., p. 312.

42. Ibid., p. 312.

43. Ibid., p. 314.

44. Ibid., p. 315.

45. See Larzer Ziff, The Career of John Cotton (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962), 76, and Richard S. Dunn, "Experiment Holy and Unholy 1630-31," in The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America 1480-1650, ed. K. R. Andrews, N. P. Canny, P. E. H. Hair (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), 280-281.

46. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, p. 31.

47. For the complete bibliography of Anglo-America's effort to account for the origin of the Indians through the mid-nineteenth century see Samuel F. Haven, Archaeology of the United States . Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. 8 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institute, 1856), pp. 3-16. For modern discussions of the issue, see Roy Harvey Pearce, The Savages of America: A Study of the Indian and the Idea of Civilization, rev. ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1965; 1953).

48. Cited in John Leddy Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, p. 26.

49. Ibid., The Millennial Kingdom, pp. 24-25.

50. Don Cameron Allen, The Legend of Noah: Renaissance Rationalism in Art, Science, and Letters (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1949). For discussion of the origins of the native peoples in the New World, see pp. 113-137.

51. Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America, offers an extensive discussion of this Dominican in a chapter entitled "Hybridization of Culture," pp. 185 ff.

52. Diego Durán, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España y Islas de Tierra Firme, ed. José F. Ramírez, 2 vols. (Mexico: Editora Nacional, 1951), 1: 1.

53. Durán, vol. 1, p. 3.

54. Tzvetan Todorov traces the parallels and coincidences gleaned by Father Diego that led him to this conclusion, pp. 185 ff.

55. Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom, p. 25.

56. Allen, The Legend of Noah, pp. 119-121.

57. Thomas Morton, New English Canaan (1632) in Force's Tracts and Other Papers, Relating Principally to the Origin, Settlement, and Progress of the Colonies in North America, from the Discovery of the Country to the Year 1776, collected by Peter Force, 1836, 4 vols. (reprinted Gloucester, Mass: Peter Smith, 1963), vol. 2, document V, chap 2, p. 18.

58. Morton, New English Canaan, p. 16.

59. I cite from Allen Mandelbaum's inimitable rendering, The Aeneid of Virgil (New York: Bantam, 1971; Bantam Classic Edition, 1981).

60. [John White], The Planters Plea. Or the Grounds of Plantations examined, And vsuall Objections answered, in Force's Tracts, vol. 2, document III, chap. 2, p. 8.

61. The Planters Plea, pp. 8-9.

62. Ibid., p. 9.

63. In The Light Appearing More and More Towards the Perfect Day . Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3d series, 4: 127-128 (1834).

64. Robert Ricard, The Spiritual Conquest of Mexico: An Essay on the Apostolate and the Evangelizing Methods of the Mendicant Orders in New Spain: 1523-1572, trans. Lesley Byrd Simpson (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1966).

65. I am consulting the facsimile edition, Menston, England: The Scolar Press, Ltd., 1971, of the original 1643 publication printed by Gregory Dexter of London and now in the Bodleian Library.

66. Roger Williams's eschatological hopes have been discussed by W. Clark Gilpin, The Millenarian Piety of Roger Williams (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979).

1. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, pp. 312-313.

2. Ibid., pp. 320-321.

3. Samuel Eliot Morison, Christopher Columbus Mariner (New York: The New American Library, Inc. A Mentor Book, 1955), 147.

4. A modern transcription of these drafts has also been made by Consuelo de Varela and included in Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, documents LI-LIV, pp. 266-277.

5. See Amy Schrager Lang, Prophetic Women: Anne Hutchinson and the Problem of Dissent in the Literature of New England (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1987). For a more general and canonical view of this phase of early American history through its documents, see The Antinomian Controversy, 1636-1638: A Documentary History, ed. David D. Hall (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1968). Nathaniel Hawthorne's biographical essay I allude to here can be found in his Tales and Sketches (New York: Library of America, 1982). It is discussed by Amy Schrager Lang at some length.

6. Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom . See especially pt. 3, entitled "The Babylonian Captivity of the Indian Church (1564-1596)."

7. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, p. 251.

8. Ibid., p. 286.

9. Ibid., pp. 287-288.

10. Ibid., pp. 328-329.

11. Ibid., p. 278.

12. The "memorandum in my own hand" Columbus refers to is more than likely the letter to the Spanish monarchs written from Cadiz or Seville in 1501 and included (folio 4) in the Admiral's Libro de las profecías . Father Bartolomé de Las Casas has made a copy of the memorandum, Historia, bk. 1, chap. 3, assuring us that these are the words of the Admiral himself, written to Their Highnesses from Seville or Cadiz in 1501. The cover letter of the Libro de las profecías is dated 13 September 1501. The Book of Prophecies closes with 23 March 1502.

13. Cristóbal Colón: Textos y documentos completos, p. 304.