1. Thomas Wright Blakiston, Japan in Yezo (Yokohama: Japan Gazette, 1883), p. 5.

2. William W. Kelly, Deference and Defiance in Nineteenth-Century Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 24.

3. Richard Smethurst, Agricultural Development and Tenancy Disputes in Japan, 1870-1940 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), stresses the benefits of commercialization and capitalism for the peasantry. Taking a much dimmer view is Mikiso Hane, Peasants, Outcastes, and Rebels: The Underside of Modern Japan (New York: Pantheon, 1982). See the discussion in Kelly, Deference and Defiance in Nineteenth-Century Japan , pp. 14-25.

4. See Marius B. Jansen and Gilbert Rozman, eds., Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986); Thomas C. Smith, Native Sources of Japanese Industrialization, 1750-1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988); and the introductory chapter to Andrew Gordon's study of labor relations, The Evolution of Labor Relations in Japan: Heavy Industry, 1853-1955 (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1985). Business histories, such as W. Mark Fruin, Kikkoman: Company, Clan, and Community (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1983), try to bridge the gap, though their concern is not with the transformation of social relations.

5. Maurice Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1947), pp. 1-11.

6. James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1976).

7. This definition of capitalism is adapted from Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism , p. 7. The feudal mode of production is characterized, according to Rodney Hilton, "Introduction," in The Transition from Feudalism to Capitalism , ed. Rodney Hilton (London: Verso Editions, 1978), p. 30, by an "exploitative relationship between landowners and subordinated peasants, in which the surplus beyond subsistence of the latter, whether in direct labour or in rent in kind or in money, is transferred under coercive sanction to the former."

8. Susan B. Hanley and Kozo Yamamura, Economic and Demographic Change in Preindustrial Japan, 1600-1868 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977), p. 12.

9. Kazushi Ohkawa and Henry Rosovsky, "A Century of Economic Growth," in The State and Economic Enterprise in Japan: Essays in the Political Economy of Growth , ed. William W. Lockwood (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), p. 58; Eric L. Jones, Growth Recurring: Economic Change in World History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988).

10. In addition to Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and Demographic Change in Preindustrial Japan , see Kozo Yamamura, "Toward a Reexamination of the Economic History of Tokugawa Japan, 1600-1867," Journal of Economic History 33 (1973): 509-41, and Susan B. Hanley, "A High Standard of Living in Nineteenth-Century Japan: Fact or Fantasy?" Journal of Economic History 43 (1983): 183-92.

11. Thomas C. Smith, "Peasant Time and Factory Time in Japan," Past and Present 111 (1986): 165-97.

12. Hayami Akira, "Kinsei Nihon no keizai hatten to 'Industrious Revolution,'" in Tokugawa shakai kara no tenbo: Hatten, Kozo, kokusai kankei , ed. Hayami Akira, Saito Osamu, and Sugiyama Shin'ya (Tokyo: Dobunkan, 1989).

13. For an excellent discussion of this type of problem, see Philip C. C. Huang, The Peasant Economy and Social Change in North China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985).

14. Thomas C. Smith, The Agrarian Origins of Modern Japan (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959).

15. On Chichibu, see Irokawa Daikichi, The Culture of the Meiji Period , translation ed. Marius B. Jansen (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), and Irwin Scheiner, "The Mindful Peasant: Sketches for a Study of Rebellion," Journal of Asian Studies 32 (1973): 579-91; for a different interpretation, see Roger Bowen, Rebellion and Democracy in Meiji Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980). On the Hibiya riots, see Andrew Gordon, "The Crowd and Politics in Imperial Japan: Tokyo, 1905-1918," Past and Present 121 (1988): 141-70. On the rice riots, see Michael Lewis, Rioters and Citizens: Mass Protest in Imperial Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990).

16. Peter Kriedte, Hans Medick, and Jürgen Schlumbohm, Industrialization before Industrialization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, 1981), p. 6. The proto-industrialization model has run into criticism from various quarters, some of it prompted by the confusion concerning the precise role rural industry is supposed to have played in the process of structural transformation. For a critique of the proto-industrialization model in general, and particularly its claims for universal applicability, see D. C. Coleman, "Proto-industrialization: A Concept Too Many," Economic History Review , 2d series, 36 (1983): 435-48. See also the debate surrounding the value of Kriedte, Medick, and Schlumbohm, Industrialization before Industrialization , particularly Geoff Eley's defense of that work—"The Social History of Industrialization: 'Proto-Industry' and the Origins of Capitalism," Economy and Society 13 ( 1984): 519-39—the response by Frank Perlin—''Scrutinizing Which Moment?" Economy and Society 14 (1985): 374-98—and the numerous works cited in those articles, especially Maxine Berg, Pat Hudson, and Michael Sonenscher, eds., Manufacture in Town and Country before the Factory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). For a response to their German critics, see Peter Kriedte, Hans Medick, and Jürgen Schlumbohm, "Proto-Industrialization on Test with the Guild of Historians: Response to Some Critics," Economy and Society 15 (1986): 254-72. See also the discussions in Kären Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery , 1750-1920 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), pp. 8-9, and William D. Wray, "Afterword," in Managing Industrial Enterprise: Cases from Japan's Prewar Experience , ed. William D. Wray (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1989), pp. 365-71.

17. See the discussion in Kriedte, Medick, and Schlumbohm, Industrialization before Industrialization , pp. 1-11.

18. Franklin Mendels, "Proto-Industrializatiom The First Phase of the Industrialization Process," Journal of Economic History 32 (1972): 246.

19. Kriedte, Medick, and Schlumbohm, Industrialization before Industrialization , pp. 147-48.

20. Myron Gutmann, Toward the Modern Economy: Early Industry in Europe (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988 ).

21. Mendels, "Proto-Industrialization," p. 252.

22. Saito Osamu's discussion of Japanese proto-industrialization— Puroto-kogyoka no jidai (Tokyo: Hyoronsha, 1985)—which is summarized below, is framed largely in terms of the different courses taken by silk-reeling areas of the northern Kanto and Shinano and cotton-spinning regions in the Kinai after foreign trade was reopened.

23. Perlin, "Scrutinizing Which Moment?" pp. 386-87.

24. See E. Patricia Tsurumi, Factory Girls: Women in the Thread Mills of Meiji Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), and Takizawa Hideki, Mayu to seishi no kindaishi (Tokyo: Kyoikusha, 1979).

25. See Gary P. Leupp, "'One Drink from a Gourd': Servants, Shophands, and Laborers in the Cities of Tokugawa Japan" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1989), pp. 500-545, for an overview of rural industries in Tokugawa Japan. See also a number of case studies: William B. Hauser, Economic Institutional Change in Tokugawa Japan: Osaka and the Kinai Cotton Trade (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974); David L. Howell, "Hard Times in the Kanto: Economic Change and Village Life in Late Tokugawa Japan," Modern Asian Studies 23 (1989): 349-71; Arne Kalland, "Pre-modern Whaling in Northern Kyushu," in Silkworms, Oil, and Chips . . . (Proceedings of the Economics and Economic History Section of the Fourth International Conference on Japanese Studies, Paris, September 1985), ed. Erich Pauer (Bonn, 1986); Shunsaku Nishikawa, ''Grain Consumption: The Case of Choshu," in Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji , ed. Marius B. Jansen and Gilbert Rozman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986); Edward E. Pratt, "Village Elites in Tokugawa Japan: The Economic Foundations of the Gono" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1991); Saito Osamu, "The Rural Economy: Commercial Agriculture, By-Employment, and Wage Work," in Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji , ed. Marius B. Jansen and Gilbert Rozman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986); Thomas C. Smith, "Farm Family By-Employments in Preindustrial Japan," Journal of Economic History 29 (1969): 687-715; and Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery .

26. Saito, Puroto-kogyoka no jidai , pp. 168-69. See also Saito Osamu, "Population and the Peasant Family Economy in Proto-Industrial Japan," Journal of Family History 8 (1983): 30-54.

27. Saito, Puroto-kogyoka no jidai , pp. 197-205.

28. Ibid., p. 173.

29. Contrary to the general pattern discerned by Saito, communities of outcaste leather workers in the Kansai region did develop higher population densities as a result of their proto-industrial activities. Although the Japanese population as a whole leveled off after the mid-eighteenth century, the outcaste population grew steadily throughout the Tokugawa period, apparently as the result of natural increase rather than the recruitment of new outcastes from the commoner population. Hatanaka Toshiyuki, "Kinsei 'senmin' mibunron no kadai," in Soten: Nihon no rekishi , ed. Aoki Michio and Hosaka Satoru (Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu oraisha, 1991), 5: 179-80.

30. Saito, Puroto-kogyoka no jidai , p. 168.

31. Smith, The Agrarian Origins of Modern Japan .

32. According to Mendels, "Proto-Industrialization," p. 245, "Those [in continental Europe] who had remained isolated from market forces and those who had become fully specialized in commercial agriculture did not feel the necessity of turning to modern industry as much as those who had been depending on handicrafts." However, Gay L. Gullickson, Spinners and Weavers of Auffay: Rural Industry and the Sexual Division of Labor in a French Village, 1750-1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 65, while conceding that "proto-industrialization may have occurred more often in subsistence farming or pastoral regions," argues that "seasonal unemployment and landlessness, not poor land, were the distinguishing features of proto-industrial regions."

33. Kriedte, Medick, and Schlumbohm, Industrialization before Industrialization , p. 108.

34. Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and Demographic Change in Preindustrial Japan , organize their whole book in terms of this dichotomy but in doing so follow common practice; For a discussion of the innovative aspects of their treatment of regional differences, see Kären Wigen, "The Geographic Imagination in Early Modern Japanese History: Retrospect and Prospect," Journal of Asian Studies 51:1 (February 1992): 11-13.

35. Saito, Puroto-kogyoka no jidai , p. 176.

36. For a general overview, see Arai Eiji, Kinsei no gyoson (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1970).

37. Sasahara Masao, "Kinsei Kishu ni okeru takoku gyogyo no henshitsu," Chihoshi kenkyu 168 (December 1980): 31-54; Tajima Yoshiya, "Kinsei Kishu gyoho no tenkai," in Seisan no gijutsu ( Nihon no kinsei , vol. 4), ed. Hayama Teisaku (Tokyo: Chuo koronsha, 1992); Arne Kalland, "In Search of the Abalone: The History of the Ama in Northern Kyushu," in Seinan chiiki no shiteki tenkai , ed. Seinan chiikishi kenkyukai (Tokyo: Shibunkaku, 1988), 1: 588-617.

38. Kawaoka Takeharu, Umi no tami: Gyoson no rekishi to minzoku (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1987).

39. Kawamura Suguru and Miura Shigekazu, "Kujukurihama jibikiami gyogyo no hatten to kozo," in Zairai gijutsu no batten to kinsei shakai ( Gijutsu no shakai shi , vol. 2), ed. Sasaki Junnosuke (Tokyo: Yuhikaku, 1983); Yamaguchi Toru, "Kinseiteki koyo no ichi danmen: Jibikiami gyogyo o chushin ni," Rekishi to minzoku: Kanagawa daigaku Nihon jomin bunka kenkyujo ronshu 5 (1990): 7-66.

40. Hayami, "Kinsei Nihon no keizai hatten to 'Industrious Revolution,'" p. 22.

41. In Europe, too, "proto-industrialization was most likely to occur where urban and rural needs complemented each other." Gullickson, Spinners and Weavers of Auffay , p. 67.

42. Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery , p. 119.

43. Thomas C. Smith, "Pre-modern Economic Growth: Japan and the West," Past and Present 60 (1973): 127-60.

44. Shinbo Hiroshi and Hasegawa Akira, "Shohin seisan, ryutsu no dainamikkusu," in Keizai shakai no seiritsu ( Nihon keizai shi , vol. 1 ), ed. Hayami Akira and Miyamoto Matao (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1988), and Howell, "Hard Times in the Kanto."

45. C. Pemberton Hodgson, A Residence at Nagasaki and Hakodate in 1859-1860, with an Account of Japan Generally (London: Richard Bentley, 18611, p. 48.

46. A. H. Savage Landor, Alone with the Hairy Ainu: Or, 3,800 Miles on a Pack Saddle in Yezo and a Cruise to the Kurile Islands (London: John Murray, 1893; reprint New York: Johnson Reprint Company, 1970).

47. I examine the issues outlined here in depth in David L. Howell, "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State," Past and Present 142 (1994): 69-93.

48. Oishi Naomasa, "Kita no bushidan: Ando shi," in Nihonkai to hokkoku bunka ( Umi to retto bunka , vol. 1), ed. Amino Yoshihiko (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1990), pp. 318-42; Kaiho Mineo, "Hoppo koeki to chusei Ezo shakai," in Nihonkai to hokkoku bunka ( Umi to retto bunka , vol. 1), ed. Amino Yoshihiko (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1990), pp. 255-86; Mural Shosuke, Ajia no naka no chusei Nihon (Tokyo: Azekura shobo, 1988), pp. 339-43.

49. See Mural Shosuke, "Kenmu, Muromachi seiken to higashi Ajia," in Koza Nihon rekishi , ed. Rekishigaku kenkyukai and Nihonshi kenkyukai (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1985), 4: 1-42, and the discussion of a "pan-Japan Sea" region in medieval Japan in Mural, Ajia no naka no chusei Nihon , pp. 126-28.

50. For a discussion of the way the Tokugawa bakufu asserted its legitimacy through its ordering of international relations, see Ronald P. Toby, State and Diplomacy in Early Modern Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984). See also Arano Yasunori, Kinsei Nihon to higashi Ajia (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1988); Asao Naohiro, ed., Sekaishi no naka no kinsei ( Nihon no kinsei , vol. 1) (Tokyo: Chuo koronsha, 1991); and Fukaya Katsumi, Kitajima Manji, and Kato Eiichi, eds., Bakuhansei kokka to iiki, ikoku (Tokyo: Azekura shobo, 1989).

51. As Kamiya Nobuyuki, "Nihon kinsei no toitsu to Dattan," in Nihon zenkindai no kokka to taigai kankei , ed. Tanaka Takeo (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1987), pp. 166-72, points out, the initial object of the buffer was not Russia but rather the Jurchens, whose Qing dynasty later controlled China.

52. Donald Keene, The Japanese Discovery of Europe, 1720-1830 , rev. ed. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1969); Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, Antiforeignism and Western Learning in Early-Modern Japan: The New Theses of 1825 (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1986), pp. 73-86; John A. Harrison, Japan's Northern Frontier (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1953).

53. See Kelly, Deference and Defiance in Nineteenth-Century Japan , pp. 14-25, for a discussion of the continuity/disjunction issue. In addition, the articles in Jansen and Rozman, Japan in Transition , stress the continuities in every major facet of society, save the intellectual, while Tetsuo Najita and J. Victor Koschmann, eds., Conflict in Modern Japanese History: The Neglected Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), part l, contains several articles examining discontinuities in the Restoration period. Anne Walthall, Social Protest and Popular Culture in Eighteenth-Century Japan (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1986), deals with the 1780s, but with an eye on the 1860s.

54. Harry Harootunian, "Ideology as Conflict," in Conflict in Modern Japanese History: The Neglected Tradition , ed. Tetsuo Najita and J. Victor Koschmann (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), p. 60. People were, however, quite aware of the political and military events of the Restoration period. See the discussion of the diary of Hirasawa Toyosaku, a resident of Oshamanhe on the southeast coast of Hokkaido, in Kaiho Mineo, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1978), pp. 268-82.

55. "Ichinen no yume Ezo miyage" [n.d.], Hokkaido Prefectural Archives.

56. Dobb, Studies in the Development of Capitalism , p. 7.

1. Doc. 1-10-55 [1828/11], Hayashi-ke monjo, Yoichi cho shi: Shiryohen , ed. Yoichi cho shi hensanshitsu (Yoichi: Yoichi cho, 1986), 1:182-83 (hereafter cited as Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS).

2. When referring to the Tokugawa period, I will use "Hokkaido" to refer to the islands included in the present Hokkaido prefecture, including Hokkaido, nearby islands, and the so-called Northern Territories of Kunashiri, Etorofu, Shikotan, and the Habomai Islands; "Wajinchi" to refer to that part of southern Hokkaido open to non-Ainu Japanese (Wajin) settlement; and "Ezochi" to refer to the remainder of Hokkaido, which was, in principle, not open to permanent Japanese settlement until 1853. I prefer "Ezochi'' to "Ezo" ("Yezo"), which is frequently used in Western accounts of Hokkaido before 1869, because "Ezo" was usually used in Matsumae to refer to the Ainu people, not their homeland, and in any case "Ezo" as a geographical term implies all of Hokkaido, whereas "Ezochi" refers to a specific portion of it. A fuller discussion of the Wajinchi/ Ezochi dichotomy will follow. I will use "Matsumae" to designate the domain. The Matsumae domain's castle town, Fukuyama, is now (and was sometimes during the Tokugawa period) called Matsumae, but, for the sake of simplicity, I will use only Fukuyama.

3. Although it was generally treated as a 10,000-koku domain, Matsumae never participated directly in the kokudaka system, in which the productivity of a domain's landholdings was expressed in terms of fictive rice yields. Because the land surveys ( kenchi ) that formed the basis for official yield assessments were never conducted in Matsumae, neither peasant tax obligations nor retainer stipends were expressed in terms of koku of rice (one koku equals approximately 180 liters). See the discussion in Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 14-16, 135-46, 151-80. In this Matsumae differed even from the Tsushima domain, whose economy was based almost entirely on trade with Korea. A common misperception is that Tsushima's landholdings outside of mainland Kyushu were never surveyed and were thus without kokudaka ; in fact, a survey conducted in 1627 yielded an assessment of about 17,560 koku. See Moriyama Tsuneo, "Tsushima han," in Nagasaki ken shi: Hansei hen , ed. Nagasaki ken shi henshu iinkai (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1973), pp. 813-19, 856-59, 884-87. Another misperception is that the bakufu, in recognition of Tsushima's economic and diplomatic importance, officially accorded it status as a 100,000-koku domain. In fact, the domain in effect treated itself that way, even after the bakufu expressly denied its request for 100,000-koku status. See Shin Tsushima-to shi henshu iinkai, ed., Shin Tsushima-to shi (Izuhara: Shin Tsushima-to shi henshu iinkai, 1964), pp. 354-55. I am indebted to Professor Tashiro Kazui for guiding me to these sources.

4. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 23-24. Financial problems led to infighting among domain elders so severe that the bakufu issued a stern warning to the domain in 1681.

5. For general overviews of Meiji development policies, see Harrison, Japan's Northern Frontier , and Augustin Berque, La riziére et la banquise: Colonisation et changement culturel à Hokkaidô (Paris: Publications Orientalistes de France, 1980).

6. Kaiho Mineo, "Hokkaido ni okeru hokensei shodankai settei e no ichi shiron," Chihoshi kenkyu 119 (October 1972): 46-47.

7. My characterization of these newcomers from Honshu as Wajin follows conventional practice, but according to Kaiho Mineo, Retto hopposhi kenkyu noto (Sapporo: Hokkaido shuppan kikaku senta, 1986), pp. 76-78, it is not clear that the groups that later formed the Matsumae house and its retainer band considered themselves to be ethnically distinct from the Ainu at this time, though they certainly did by the end of the sixteenth century. Takeda Nobuhiro himself, however, was originally from the province of Wakasa and therefore clearly a Wajin. Kaiho has written extensively on the formative period of Hokkaido history; the discussion here largely follows his work in both substance and interpretation. Readily accessible treatments can be found in Kinsei no Hokkaido (Tokyo: Kyoikusha, 1979), and especially Chusei no Ezochi (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1987); more specialized studies are contained in Nihon hopposhi no ronri (Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1974); Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido; and, particularly, Kinsei Ezochi seiritsu shi no kenkyu (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1984). In addition, he has edited a collection of pertinent documents, Chusei Ezo shiryo (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1983). See also the summary of this period in Richard Louis Edmonds, Northern Frontiers of Qing China and Tokugawa Japan: A Comparative Study of Frontier Policy (Chicago: Department of Geography, University of Chicago, 1985), pp. 41-49.

8. For the documents, see the domain's official history, "Fukuyama hifu" [1776], comp. Matsumae Hironaga, book 8, in Shinsen Hokkaido shi , ed. Hokkaido cho (Sapporo: Hokkaido cho, 1936), 5: 80, 83 (hereafter cited as SHS). For a general discussion of Hideyoshi's so-called red-seal letters ( shuinjo), which provided the model for the black-seal letters ( kokuinjo) of leyasu, see Mary Elizabeth Berry, Hideyoshi (Cambridge: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1982), pp. 101-2.

9. Matsumae, "Fukuyama hifu," book 8, SHS, 5: 82. See the discussion of the significance of these documents in Kaiho, Chusei no Ezochi , pp. 254-69, 282-300.

10. On Ainu in Tohoku and their contacts with Hokkaido Ainu, see Namikawa Kenji, Kinsei Nihon to hoppo shakai (Tokyo: Sanseido, 1992), and Namikawa Kenji, "Kinsei zenki ni okeru Matsumae, Ezochi to kita Tohoku," Matsumae ban to Matsumae 24 (March 1985): 1-16. On the Tsugaru domain's attitude toward the rebellious Ainu, see Kikuchi Isao, Bakuhan taisei to Ezochi (Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1984), pp. 59-61. For the 1833 episode, see "Zassho" [1833/12/3], book 16, Kikuchi-ke monjo, box 31, Aomori Prefectural Library. On Matsumae efforts to restrict Ainu trade before 1672, see Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 20-24. One crude but effective technique used to keep the Ainu in the Ezochi was to threaten their lives when they tried to leave; see the discussion of Chikurage, chieftain of the Yoichi Ainu, in Emori Susumu, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu: Bakuhan taisei to Ezochi (Sapporo: Hokkaido shuppan kikaku senta, 1982), p. 176.

11. The basic sources on Shakushain's War are: "Ezo hoki" [n.d.], in Nihon shomin seikatsu shiryo shusei, ed. Takakura Shin'ichiro (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1969), 4: 639-50; Matsumiya Kanzan, "Ezo dan hikki" [1710], in ibid., 4: 387-400; and "Tsugaru ittoshi" [1731], book 10, in Shinpen Aomori ken sosho, ed. Shinpen Aomori ken sosho kankokai (Tokyo: Rekishi toshosha, 1974), 1: 263-407. See the analyses of the rebellion's significance in Kaiho, Nihon hopposhi no ronri , pp. 61-98; Kaiho, Kinsei Ezochi seiritsu shi no kenkyu, pp. 284-318; Kikuchi, Bakuban taisei to Ezochi , pp. 50-69; and Emori, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu, pp. 183-89. See also two separatist histories of the Ainu (written, significantly, by non-Ainu): Ota Ryu, Ainu kakumei ron: Yukara sekai e no "taikyaku" (Tokyo: Ainu moshiri johobu, 1973), and Shin'ya Gyo, Ainu minzoku teiko shi , rev. ed. (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1977).

12. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 21-23.

13. "Ezo hoki," p. 643.

14. On Ainu troops, see ibid., p. 647; on Ainu spies in the employ of the Tsugaru domain, see Asakura Yuko, "Ezo ninshiki no keisei: Toku ni keiki to shire no joho o megutte," in Kita kara no Nihonshi , ed. Hokkaido, Tohoku shi kenkyukai (Tokyo: Sanseldo, 1990), 2: 126-51; on Shodayu (who was burned at the stake for his role in the conflict), see Matsumiya, "Ezo dan hikki," p. 398.

15. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 21-23. For an analysis critical of Kaiho, see Oi Haruo, "'Shakushain no ran (Kanbun 9-nen Ezo no ran)' no saikento," Hoppo bunka kenkyu 21 (1992): 1-66.

16. See Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 20-24, and Emori, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu, pp. 186-87.

17. The use of the term "Wajinchi" here is anachronistic, as it was rarely if ever used before the nineteenth century. Emori, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu, pp. 75-81, notes that domain documents usually refer to the area simply as the zaigo, a generic term for domain territories outside a castle town. Visitors used terms like "Shamochi" ( shamo is a Japanese corruption of the Ainu term for Wajin), "Nipponchi," or simply "Matsumaechi" or ''Matsumaeryo." My use of "Wajinchi" follows contemporary scholarly practice.

18. Kaiho, Kinsei no Hokkaido, pp. 72-73, 75; Suzue Eiichi, Hokkaido choson seidoshi no kenkyu (Sapporo: Hokkaido daigaku tosho kankokai, 1985), pp. 76-77. On the Ainu in the Wajinchi, see Emori, Hokkaido kinseishi no kenkyu, pp. 74-139. See also Edmonds, Northern Frontiers of Qing China and Tokugawa Japan , pp. 85-112, 122-33.

19. Emori Susumu, Shinpen monogatari banshi: Matsutnae , as cited by Suzue, Hokkaido choson seidoshi no kenkyu, p. 13. Kamiya, "Nihon kinsei no toitsu to Dattan," p. 170, takes a view similar to Emori's.

20. See Emori Susumu, Ainu no rekishi (Tokyo: Sanseldo, 1987), pp. 66-105, and Howell, "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State." For a similar instance of outside manufactures taking on an increasingly important cultural role, see Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choetaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983).

21. A list of posts and the retainers who held them as of the late eighteenth century can be found in Shirayama Tomomasa, Matsutnae Ezochi basho ukeoi seido no kenkyu, rev. ed. (Tokyo: Gannando shoten, 1971), pp. 35-40.

22. Kaiho, Retto hopposhi kenkyu noto p. 82.

23. See Kaiho, Chusei no Ezochi , chaps. 3 and 4, for a discussion of medieval Tohoku society.

24. Kanno Wataro, Omi shonin no kenkyu (Tokyo: Yuhikaku, 1941), chap. 8.

25. Western studies have tended to focus on large tozama domains, which enjoyed an unusual degree of political and economic autonomy. For instance, Albert Craig, Choshu in the Meiji Restoration (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1961), writes of domain "nationalism" in Choshu, and Luke S. Roberts, "The Merchant Origins of National Prosperity Thought in Eighteenth Century Tosa" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1991), very deliberately refers to "national'' prosperity thought and "international" (i.e., interdomainal) trade in Tosa. The cumulative effect of such studies has been to make large, unitary domains seem more typical than they really were. For a case study that focuses on an area outside of a major domain, see Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery . On the relationship between the bakufu and domains in general, see Conrad Totman, Politics in the Tokugawa Bakufu (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), which emphasizes the power of the bakufu, and Harold Bolitho, Treasures among Men (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1974), which stresses the daimyo's loyalty to their own domains.

26. Asao Naohiro, Sakoku ( Nihon no rekishi , vol. 17) (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1975).

27. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 14-16.

28. Toby, State and Diplomacy in Early Modern Japan ; Arano, Kinsei Nihon to higashi Ajia .

29. Arano, Kinsei Nihon to higashi Ajia , pp. i-xvi, 3-28. For a discussion of the concepts of the "civilized" and the "barbarian" as they relate to Tokugawa Japan, see Wakabayashi, Anti-foreignism and Western Learning in Early-Modern Japan , pp. 17-57.

30. Arano, Kinsei Nihon to higashi Ajia , pp. 43-44. See also the discussion in Kamiya, "Nihon kinsei no toitsu to Dattan," pp. 166-71.

31. See Wakita Osamu, "The Kokudaka System: A Device for Unification," Journal of Japanese Studies 1:2 (Summer 1975): 297-320, for an overview of the origins of the kokudaka system.

32. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, pp. 14, 151-80, discusses Matsumae's kokudaka . During the seventeenth century Matsumae was treated inconsistently: at Edo castle the daimyo was at times relegated to sit with bannermen ( hatamoto ) with 7,000-koku fiefs, while at the same time the domain's military obligations were equivalent to those of a 45,000-koku domain. In 1716 its status was finally set as equivalent to 10,000 koku.

33. Kitajima Masamoto, "Kan'ei-ki no rekishiteki ichi," in Bakubansei kokka seiritsu katei no kenkyu, ed. Kitajima Masamoto (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1978), pp. 3-9.

34. Kaiho, Bakuhansei kokka to Hokkaido, p. 14.

35. Matsumae, "Fukuyama hifu," book 24, SHS, 5: 202-3.

36. See the sample contracts in Shirayama, Matsumae Ezochi basho ukeoi seido no kenkyu, pp. 87-96.

37. The tshikari fishery in the west was actually a conglomerate of thirteen small parcels on the Ishikari River, but it is counted as one fishery here because the entire group usually went to one contractor. It produced salmon, not herring, almost exclusively.

38. Shirayama, Matsumae Ezochi basho ukeoi seido no kenkyu, fig. 3, following p. 264, and pp. 98-109.

39. See Hauser, Economic Institutional Change in Tokugawa Japan , pp. 126-32, and Walthall, Social Protest and Popular Culture in Eighteenth-Century Japan , pp. 88-89, 93, for accounts of the impact of rising fertilizer prices on cotton cultivation in the Kinai region.

40. Arai, Kinsei no gyoson , pp. 495-501; Arai Eiji, Kinsei Nihon gyosonshi no kenkyu (Tokyo: Shinseisha, 1965), pp. 539-59; "Osaka koemonosho kumiai enkakushi" [1901], in Osaka keizai shiryo shusei, ed. Osaka keizai shiryo shusei kanko iinkai (Osaka: Osaka shoko kaigisho, 1974), 5: 115, 163. The word for dried sardines ( hoshika ) was also used as a generic term for any commercial fertilizer made from processed fish or fish by-products. Thus references to dried sardines in discussions of fertilizer use, such as Smethurst, Agricultural Development and Tenancy Disputes in Japan , p. 199, or Smith, Native Sources of Japanese Industrialization , p. 177, should probably be interpreted to include herring meal.

41. Arai, Kinsei Nihon gyosonshi no kenkyu, p. 543; Hasegawa Shinzo, "Kinsei koki ni okeru Ezochi-san gyohi no Kanto noson e no donyu," Matsumae ban to Matsumae 12 (July 1978): 14-26. For data on specific ports, see Kaitakushi, ed., "Tohoku shoko hokokusho" [1880], in Meiji zenki sangyo hattatsu shi shiryo, ed. Meiji bunken shiryo kankokai (Tokyo: Meiji bunken shiryo kankokai, 1959), vol. 2. In 1888 distribution patterns resembled those described here for the late Tokugawa period. See Hokusui kyokai, ed., Hokkaido gyogyo shiko, 1890, reprint of 1935 ed. (Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 19771, pp. 73-74. See also Katada Seishi, Hokkaido naikoku boeki shi no kenkyu ( Hokkaido chihoshi kenkyu special supplement 11) (Sapporo: Hokkaido chihoshi kenkyukai, 1965); Takase Tamotsu, "Kaga han ni okeru gyohi no fukyu," Nihon rekishi 354 (November 1977): 58-79.

42. Arai, Kinsei Nihon gyosonshi no kenkyu, pp. 540—41. See also Maeno Ryushin, Kitamaebune no jidai: Kinsei igo no Nibonkai kaiunsbi (Tokyo: Kyoikusha, 1979); Miyamoto Matao and Uemura Masahiro, "Tokugawa keizai no junkan kozo," in Keizai shakai no seiritsu ( Nihon keizai shi , vol. 1), ed. Hayami Akira and Miyamoto Matao (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1988), pp. 271-324; Robert G. Flershem, "Some Aspects of Japan Sea Trade in the Tokugawa Period," Journal of Asian Studies 23:3 (May 1964): 405-16.

43. Shirayama, Matsumae Ezochi basho ukeoi seido no kenkyu, pp. 133-47. For an account of a visit to his fishery in 1859 by Hayashi Chozaemon, see Yoichi cho shi hensanshitsu, ed., Yoichi onbasho mimawari nikki [1859] ( Yoichi cho shi shiryo sosho, vol. 3) (Yoichi: Yoichi cho shi hensanshitsu, 1973).

44. Hokkaido cho, ed. Hokkaido shi (Sapporo: Hokkaido cho, 1918), app. 3 (statistics), pp. 43-44; see also E. A. Hamreel, "A Glimpse into the Demography of the Ainu," American Anthropologist 90:1 (March 1988): 25-41. On the effects of smallpox on the Ainu, see, for example, two descriptions of late-eighteenth-century epidemics: Matsuda Denjuro, "Hokuidan" [n.d.], and Kushihara Shoho, "Igen zokuwa" [1793], in Nihon shomin seikatsu shiryo shusei, ed. Takakura Shin'ichiro (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1969), 4:98-99 and 4: 490-91, respectively. The bakufu sent doctors to the Ezochi to inoculate some 6,400 Ainu against the disease in 1858; see the account by one of them, Kuwata Ryusai, ''Ezo no kyokai" [1859], Resource Collection for Northern Studies, Hokkaido University Library (hereafter RCNS). Smallpox also figures in the traditional Ainu oral literature, the yukar ; see, for example, "Lullaby," in Donald L. Philippi, trans. and ed., Songs of Gods, Songs of Humans: The Epic Tradition of the Ainu (Princeton: Princeton University Press; Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1979), pp. 240-42.

45. For an early example of "lending" Ainu workers, see docs. I-2-3 [1814/12], I-2-4 [1815/1], I-2-6 [1815/12], Hayashi-ke monio, YCS, 1: 20-23.

46. This discussion of Ainu labor is based largely on Takakura Shin'ichiro, Ainu seisakushi , rev. ed. (Tokyo: San'ichi shoho, 1972), pp. 287-314. See also Emori, Ainu no rekishi .

47. "Ezochi kinban kokoroekata" [1832], Okudaira-ke monjo, cited in Takakura, Ainu seisakushi , p. 292.

48. See, for example, the case of the Sakhalin Ainu Tokonbe, described by Kikuchi Isao, Hopposhi no naka no kinsei Nihon (Tokyo: Azekura shoho, 1991 ), pp. 279-301.

49. The following description of the Kunashiri-Menashi rebellion is based on ibid., pp. 302-37; Takakura, Ainu seisakushi , pp. 102-9; and Narumi Kentaro, "Ezochi, Hokkaido to Shimokita hanto no koryushi ko," in Ezochi, Hokkaido: Rekishi to seikatsu , ed. Chihoshi kenkyu kyogikai (Tokyo: Yuzankaku, 1981), pp. 146-64.

50. John J. Stephan, "Ezo under the Tokugawa Bakufu , 1799-1821: An Aspect of Japan's Frontier History" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1969), is the most complete account of the first bakufu takeover of Hokkaido.

51. Sato Yusho, "Shimokita nogyomin no Ezochi dekasegi ni tsuite," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1982), 3: 260-64. On Ainu assimilation, see John J. Stephan, The Kuril Islands (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), pp. 104-10, and Kikuchi Isao, "Gaiatsu to dokashugi," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 1-30. For a survey of Russo-Japanese relations in this period, see George Alexander Lensen, The Russian Push toward Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1959); Harrison, Japan's Northern Frontier; and Keene, The Japanese Discovery of Europe , chaps. 3 and 6.

52. Stephan, "Ezo under the Tokugawa Bakufu ," pp. 70-72; Sato Yusho, "Ezochi bakuryoka seisaku no igi," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 31-54.

53. Stephan, "Ezo under the Tokugawa Bakufu ," pp. 101-4.

54. For the Golovnin Incident, see Vasalii Golovnin, Memoirs of a Captivity m Japan during the Years 1811, 1812, and 1813; with Observations on the Country and the People , 2d ed., 3 vols. (London: Henry Colburn & Co., 1824). On the profitability of direct administration, see Stephan, "Ezo under the Tokugawa Bakufu ," p. 238. For Matsumae's samurai outplacement policy, see Kikuchi Isao, "Bakuhanseika Hokkaido dekasegi, iju no tenkai shojoken to dotai," in Bakuhansei kara kindai e , ed. Hayashi Hideo and Yamada Shoji (Tokyo: Kashiwa shobo, 1979), pp. 125-29.

55. Tabata Hiroshi, "Bakufu chokkatsu jidai," in Hokkaido daihyakka jiten , ed. Hokkaido shinbunsha (Sapporo: Hokkaido shinbunsha, 1981), 2: 372, and Kaiho Mineo, "Hakodate bugyo," in Hokkaido daihyakka jiten , ed. Hokkaido shinbunsha (Sapporo: Hokkaido shinbunsha, 1981), 2: 391-92. On the prostitutes, see "Hakodate omote inbaijo no ken" [1856/5/3], in Dai-Nippon komonjo: Bakumatsu gaikoku kankei monjo , ed. Tokyo teikoku daigaku bungakubu shiryo hensan gakari (Tokyo: Tokyo teikoku daigaku, 1922), 14: 99-101. On bakufu attempts to force the assimilation of the Ainu, see Kikuchi, Bakubansei kokka to Ezochi , pp. 153-76; Kikuchi, Hopposhi no naka no kinsei Nihon , pp. 252-78; and Howell, "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State," pp. 89-91.

56. Suzuki Takahiro, "Bunkatsu shihaika no nishi Ezochi," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 201-35.

57. Ibid., p. 204.

58. Moriya Yoshimi, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," Tohoku gakuin daigaku Tohoku bunka kenkyujo kiyo 16 (November 1984): 131-58; Moriya Yoshimi, "Hakodate sanbutsu kaisho to 'moto shiire shiho,'" in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 161-200.

59. Tajima Yoshiya, "Bakumatsuki 'basho' ukeoiseika ni okeru gyomin no sonzai keitai: Nishi Ezochi Utasutsu Isoya ryobasho no baai." Shakai keizai shigaku 46:3 (1980): 69.

60. Seki Hideshi, "Bakumatsu ni okeru Shonai han no Rumoi chiho keiei o roeguru shomondai (1)," Hokkaido chihoshi kenkyu 90 (February 1973): 94-99.

61. "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi" [1865], Sato-ke monjo B10, RCNS.

62. Tabata Hiroshi, "Meiji shoki no gyogyo seido ni tsuite: Gyobamochi seido no kosatsu," Atarasbii doshi 41 (25 August 1970): 1-15.

63. Uemura Hideaki, Kita no umi no koekishatachi: Ainu minzoku no shakai keizaishi (Tokyo: Dobunkan, 1990), pp. 117-204.

64. See the discussion of treasures and indemnities in Kikuchi, Hopposhi no naka no kinsei Nihon , pp. 122-48.

65. Doc. 1-14-12 [1833/10], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 337-39.

66. Blakiston, Japan in Yezo , pp. 29-30.

67. Hayami Uichiro, "Kita Ezochi yo oboegaki" [1863], and Yoshida Setsuzo, "Hokuchi kaitaku shimatsu tairyaku" [c. 1881], RCNS.

68. Tabata Hiroshi, "Basho ukeoi seido hokaiki ni okeru ukeoinin shihon no katsudo: Nishikawa-ke monjo no bunseki," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 19821, 3: 287-325.

69. "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi" [1865], Sato-ke monjo.

70. See, for example, Seki Hideshi, "Imin to chiiki shakai no seiritsu: Tomamae chiho ni okeru gyogyo imin, dekasegi no doko to gyoson no seiritsu katei," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Seki Hideshi (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 5: 225-78; Seki Hideshi, "Rito shakai no keisei katei ni tsuite (1): Bunka nenkan-Meiji shoki ni okeru Rishiri-to no gyogyo to gyomin no doko," Hokkaido kaitaku kinenkan chosa hokoku 23 (19841: 7-16; Emori Susumu, "Meiji kaitakuki Nemuro chiho gyogyo kozo no shiteki tenkai," Hokkaido keizai shi kenkyu 19 (1965): 23-47.

71. By the 1880s agents were appearing in remote Ainu villages in eastern Hokkaido to recruit fishery workers in the same way they hired workers in Tohoku villages. See Watanabe Hitoshi, The Ainu Ecosystem: Environment and Group Structure (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1972), p. 88.

72. As Elizabeth Fox-Genovese and Eugene D. Genovese, Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 6-7, put it: "Although [merchant capital] provided a powerful solvent to feudal and seigneuriai relations and contributed mightily to the emergence of a world market, it could not create capitalist social relations or a new system of production. To the extent that it remained commercial and money-dealing capital—to the extent that it escaped becoming an agent of industrial capital—it eventually became an impediment to the emergence of the capitalist mode of production. This paradox had in fact appeared as early as antiquity and had marked every age of European, as well as non-European, history." As Fox-Genovese and Genovese note, however, this is a point of long-standing contention among scholars.

73. Leupp, "'One Drink from a Gourd,'" pp. 500-508.

74. It is worthwhile to note, however, that the merchant overseeing a putting-out operation was just as interested as the proto-factory operator in getting the surplus value of peasant labor—rather than the use value of the commodities being produced—and thus equally fulfilled a key criterion of capitalist production. In other words, Leupp's distinction between putting-out and manufactures is more valuable when looking at labor than when considering the purposes of production. See the discussion of the so-called manufactures debate among pre-World War II Japanese Marxist historians and particularly the analysis of the work of Hattori Shiso, in Germaine A. Hoston, Marxism and the Crisis of Development in Prewar Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 95-126.

1. "Ezokoku shiki" [c. 1780-1800], cited in Hokkaido suisanbu gyogyo choseika and Hokkaido gyogyo seido kaikaku kinen jigyo kyokai, eds., Hokkaido gyogyo shi (Nagano: Hokkaido suisanbu gyogyo choseika and Hokkaido gyogyo seido kaikaku kinen jigyo kyokai, 1957), p. 103 (hereafter cited as Hokkaido gyogyo shi ).

2. The huts, called hamagoya , survived as late as 1882. Hashimoto Takanao, "Esashi hamagoya no mukashi banashi," Ezo orai 4 (August 1931): 124-25.

1. "Ezokoku shiki" [c. 1780-1800], cited in Hokkaido suisanbu gyogyo choseika and Hokkaido gyogyo seido kaikaku kinen jigyo kyokai, eds., Hokkaido gyogyo shi (Nagano: Hokkaido suisanbu gyogyo choseika and Hokkaido gyogyo seido kaikaku kinen jigyo kyokai, 1957), p. 103 (hereafter cited as Hokkaido gyogyo shi ).

4. Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and Demographic Change in Preindustrial Japan , p. 12.

5. See E. Sydney Crawcour, "Economic Change in the Nineteenth Century," in The Cambridge History of Japan , ed. Marius B. Jansen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 5: 612-14.

6. Sakakura Genjiro, "Hokkai zuihitsu" [1739], in Hokumon sosho, ed. Otomo Kisaku (Tokyo: Hokko shobo, 1943-44), 2: 43.

7. "Ezo Matsumae kikigaki (Tsugaru kenbunki tsuki)" [1758], RCNS, leaf 43.

8. Hezutsu Tosaku, "Toyfiki" [1784], in Hokumon sosho, ed. Otomo Kisaku (Tokyo: Hokko shobo, 1943-44), 2: 325.

9. Ibid., p. 325.

10. Furukawa Koshoken, "Toyu zakki" [1789], in Kinsei sbakai keizai sosho, ed. Honjo Eijiro (Tokyo: Kaizosha, 1927), 12: 108, 113. For an account of Furukawa's tour of Tohoku and Hokkaido, see Harold Bolitho, "Travelers' Tales: Three Eighteenth-Century Travel Journals," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 50 (1990): 485-504.

11. Furukawa, "Toyu zakki," p. 129.

12. Mino Norio, "Nishin gyogyo to shinrin hakai: Furubira cho ni okeru rei," Hokkaido kaitaku kinenkan chosa hokoku, 26 (1987): 9-12.

13. "Mashike unjoya mondogaki" [1865/8], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

14. Mogami Tokunai, "Ezokoku fuzoku ninjo no sara" [1791], in Nihon shomin seikatsu shiryo shusei, ed. Takakura Shin'ichiro (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1969), 4: 447; Yajima Satoshi, "Kinsei koki Matsurnaechi ni okeru nenju gyoji shuzoku," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1982), 3: 327-64.

15. Yajima Satoshi, "Nishin gyoba no minzoku," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Yajima Satoshi (Osaka: Seibundo, 1985), 7: 218-21. In the early twentieth century "nearly all local customs" of Nebuta village, near Fukuyama, were taken from Tsugaru. Oshima kyoikukai, ed., "Hakodate shicho kannai choson shi" [c. 1918], comp. and ed. Suzue Eiichi, Matsumae ban to Matsumae 24 (March 1985): 43. Taboos involving women were not unusual in fishing communities elsewhere in Japan. See Arne Kalland, Shingu: A Study of a Japanese Fishing Community (London and Maimö: Curzon Press, 1981), p. 57.

16. Suzue, Hokkaido choson seidosbi no kenkyu, p. 57.

17. Ibid., pp. 63-65.

18. Ibid., pp. 76-77.

19. Hokkaido cho, Hokkaido shi , appendix 3, p. 42.

20. The following account of the Tenpo years in Matsumae is taken from Hakodate ken, comp., "Matsumae Tenpo kyokoroku" [1929], Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 415, RCNS; it is an abridged version of "Biko chochiku ikken" [1886], which was based on interviews with elderly residents conducted by officials of Hakodate prefecture in villages under its jurisdiction. For a general description of the Tenpo period, including the famine, see Harold Bolitho, "The Tempo Crisis," in The Cambridge History of Japan , ed. Marius B. Jansen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 5:116-67.

21. Hirao Rosen, "Matsumae kiko" [1855], in Hakodate shi shi: Shiryohen, ed. Hakodate shi (Hakodate: Hakodate shi, 1974), 1: 278-79. See Rosen's sketch of the customs office in SHS, 2: following p. 158.

22. Hirao, "Matsumae kiko," p. 279.

23. "Mashike unjoya mondogaki" [1865/8], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

24. "Tabibito aratamekata" [n.d.], in Nihon zaisei keizai shiryo, ed. Okurasho (Tokyo: Okurasho, 1925), 10: 223-24.

25. Ibid., pp. 223-24. A total of 109 new residents were naturalized in Fukuyama between 1860 and 1866. Of these, eighty (seventy-three percent) were men, and all but four came from Tohoku, Hokuriku, or Omi. "Hayashi-ke monjo: Ban nikki" [1860-66], in Matsumae cho shi henshfishitsu, ed., Matsumae cho shi (Matsumae: Matsumae cho shi henshushitsu, 1974-88), 2:655-1040 (hereafter cited as MCS).

26. "Mashike unjoya mondogaki" [1865/8], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

27. See loose docs. 1-6, Sasanami-ke monjo, RCNS.

28. Hokkaido gyogyo shi , p. 113.

29. Independent fishers appear not to have been prominent at the small contract fisheries close to the Wajinchi border until the end of the Tokugawa period. See, for example, Futoro murayakuba, ed., "Futoro gun Futoro mura gaikyo" [1908], and Kudo murayakuba, ed., "Kudo gun Kudo mura enkaku" [c. 1920], RCNS.

30. Matsuura Takeshiro, Takeshiro kaiho nikki [1856-57], 2 vols., ed. Takakura Shin'ichiro (Sapporo: Hokkaido shuppan kikaku senta, 1978), 1:388.

31. The register is reproduced in Saito Josaku, Isoya son shi (Sapporo: Salto Josaku, 1981), pp. 29-212.

32. "Mashike unjoya mondogaki" [1865/8], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

33. Saito, lsoya son shi , pp. 213-56. The independent producers are listed in the register as "herring fishery holders" ( nishinba mochi ), which indicates they held rights to waterfront land to process their catch. In contrast to almost all the entries for independent producers, those for hired laborers ( temadori ) rarely indicate ownership of nets or boats. The remaining households in the village included five "migrant workers" ( dekasegi ), whose place in production relations is unclear, and a number of agricultural settlers.

34. See, for example, docs. I-9-29 [1829], I-11-13 [1830/8], I-11-14 [1830/8], I-1443 [1833/10], I-26-8 [1840], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 155, 295-96, 296-97, 339, 648-49; Tajima, "Bakumatsuki 'basho' ukeoiseika ni okeru gyomin no sonzai keitai," pp. 65-66.

35. Tajima, "Bakumatsuki 'basho' ukeoiseika ni okeru gyomin no sonzai keitai," pp. 63-64.

36. Innkeepers performed a number of services for contractors. For example, Sato Eiemon, contractor of the lsoya and Utasutsu fisheries, relied on two innkeepers to look after his laborers wintering in the Ezochi. See "Tabibitotori Takeda-tsuke" [1859-71] and "Tabibitotori Yagitsuke" [1859-71], Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 197, 198, RCNS. These inns functioned like the urban employment agencies examined by Gary E Leupp, Servants, Shophands, and Laborers in the Cities of Tokugawa Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. 69-72.

37. "Zassho tojikomi" [1866], Nakagawaya monjo, Baba Collection, Hakodate Municipal Library; "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi" [1865-66], Sato-ke monjo.

38. An adult man needed an annual income equivalent to at least 1.8 koku of rice to support himself; this would have cost just under 3 ryo at Osaka prices at that time. Even allowing for higher commodity prices in Hokkaido fishery wages were not bad. On income needs, see Leupp, Servants, Shophands, and Laborers in the Cities of Tokugawa Japan , p. 104; on prices, see Miyamoto Mataji, ed., Kinsei Osaka no bukka to rishi (Osaka: Osaka daigaku kinsei bukka shi kenkyukai, 1963), pp. 117, 124.

39. Tajima, "Bakumatsuki 'basho' ukeoiseika ni okeru gyomin no sonzai keitai," pp. 66-67.

40. Saito, Isoya son shi , pp. 29-212.

41. Ibid.,pp. 213-56.

42. "Gyoba ninbetsu narabi ni amikazu kakiage" [1868/3], in Atsuta mura shiryo kohon: Sasaki-ke monjo , ed. Atsuta mura shiryoshitsu (Atsuta: Atsuta mura shiryoshitsu, 1967), pp. 24-42.

43. "Oboe" [1866/1], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

44. "Onshakkindaka narabi ni namen kakiage" [1866/7], Nakagawaya monjo, Baba Collection, Hakodate Municipal Library.

45. "Shiokoshi mura," in Akita ken no chimei ( Nihon rekishi chimei taikei , vol. 5), ed, Imamura Yoshitaka (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1980), p. 61. The article does not draw an explicit connection between the earthquake and the prevalence of people from Shiokoshi in the fishery. An alternative explanation is that people in the Yuri district of Dewa province, which included Shiokoshi, began seeking work in the Ezochi after salt production fell in the face of imports of inexpensive salt from the Inland Sea region. Igawa Kazuyoshi, "Kinsei no seien gijutsu to engyo keiei," Koryu no Nihonshi , as cited by Kikuchi, Hopposhi no naka no kinsei Nihon , p. 342.

46. For a description of the depressed state of the peninsular economy, see the 1873 document cited by Sasazawa Royo, Shimokita hanto shi , 3rd rev. ed. (Ohata: Shimokita kyodokai, 1962), pp. 5-6.

47. Hasegawa Toshiyuki, "Bakuhan taiseika ni okeru Ezochi dekasegi o meguru shomondai: Shimokita hanto nomin no dekasegi o chushin to shite," Usori 15 (1978): 20-47. See also Takeuchi Toshiyoshi, Shimokita no sonraku shakai: Sangyo kozo to sonraku taisei (Tokyo: Miraisha, 1968), pp. 51-80, and Narumi Kentaro, "Shimokita dekasegi shi ko," Usori 13 (1976): 51-59.

48. Takeuchi, Sbimokita no sonraku shakai , p. 56.

49. Murabayashi Gensuke, "Genshi manpitsu fudo nenpyo" [1804-18], in Micbinoku sosho, ed. Aomori ken bunkazai hogo kyokai, 1960 (reprint, Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 1982), 6: 131-32.

50. Hasegawa, "Bakuhan taiseika ni okeru Ezochi dekasegi o roeguru shomondai," pp. 26-33. When Shimokita peasants went to Hokkaido they apparently brought Ainu customs back with them. In 1809, 1810, and 1813 local officials banned the use of attush , an Ainu outer garment made from bark cloth, and prohibited the shaving of women's eyebrows in the Ainu manner. Murabayashi, "Genshi manpitsu fudo nenpyo," 6: 138, 150, 246, reported also that during the Tenreel period (1780-88) domain officials had forbidden the use of the Ainu language. On attush , see Kodama Marl, "Ainu minzoku no ifuku to fukushokuhin," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Yajima Satoshi (Osaka: Seibundo, 1985), 7: 294-97. Although it is possible that these injunctions were directed in part toward residual Ainu communities in Shimokita, it is likely that Wajin fishers sought out attush and other Ainu garments because they were so much more practical for cold, wet weather than anything the Wajin could make for themselves. Kikuchi Isao, "Kinsei Ou shakai no'Ezo' mondai,'' in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kaiho Mineo (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 4: 91-118, and Namikawa, "Kinsei zenki ni okeru Matsumae, Ezochi to kita Tohoku," pp. 11-15; Emori Susumu, personal communication, 1987.

51. Kakizaki Hirotsune, "Kuchigaki todome" [1837], Hakodate Municipal Library.

52. Hasegawa, "Bakuhan taiseika ni okeru Ezochi dekasegi o roeguru shomondai," pp. 26-33.

53. Esashi cho shi henshushitsu, ed., Esashi cho shi (Esashi: Esashi cho, 1978-81), 5:419 (hereafter cited as ECS).

54. Nihon gakushiin, ed., Meijizen Nihon gyogyo gijutsushi (Tokyo: Nihon gakujutsu shinkokai, 1959), pp. 410-13.

55. Takasaki Ryutaro, Kaokuzuiri Hokkai risshi hen (Hakodate: Hokutosha, 1897), 4: leaf 33.

56. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, ed., Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku (Tokyo: Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, 1892), p. 106.

57. For data on herring-meal prices, see Shinbo Hiroshi, Kinsei no bukka to keizai batten (Tokyo: Toyo keizai shinposha, 1978), pp. 250-51; Miyamoto, Kinsei Osaka no bukka to rishi , pp. 316-21.

58. SHS, 2: 262-63.

59. Shirayama Tomomasa, "Ezochi amikiri sodo shimatsu: Kinsei nishin ami hattatsu shi sobyo," Nihon rekishi 257 (October 1969): 105.

60. For Yoichi, docs. I-23-4 [1846], I-25-6 [n.d.], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 554-55, 596-97; for Hamamashike, Hamamasu suisan kumiai, ed., "Gyogyo enkakushi" [1911], Hokkaido Prefectural Library, leaf 5.

61. Shirayama, "Ezochi amikiri sodo shimatsu," pp. 105-6. See also "Ansel nenkan zaruami sojo tanmatsu" [n.d.], ECS, 2: 1363-80, and "Nishi Ezochi amikiri sodo narabi ni tateami myoga no oboe'' [n.d.], MCS, 2: 1055-69, upon which all secondary accounts are based.

62. SHS, 2: 600-609.

63. Hakodate magistrates to senior council, doc. 143 [1860/1/21], Tokyo daigaku shiryo hensanjo, ed., Dai-Nippon komonjo: Bakumatsu gaikoku kankei monjo (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1969), 34: 286-88; SHS, 2: 746-48.

64. See, for example, "Tateami sodan torikiwame hikae" [1866], Sasanamike monjo, ECS, 2: 1283-94.

65. Osaka Heizo, "Oshima no kuni Nishi gun Kumaishi mura gyogyo enkakushi" [1910], Hokkaido Prefectural Library, pp. 6-9; for 1869 figures, "Esashi-zai hachikason nishintori ninzu hikae" [1870/1], in "Taneda-ke monjo," Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 200, RCNS.

66. Takahata Sen'ichi, Otaru-ko shi (Takikawa: Takahata Sen'ichi, 1899), p. 69.

67. "Sato-ke shoyo shorui (2)" [18681, Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 135-10, RCNS.

68. "Gyoba ninbetsu narabi ni amikazu kakiage," pp. 24-42.

69. For discussions of the place of moral economy in peasant-domain relations, see Irwin Scheiner, "Benevolent Lords and Honorable Peasants: Rebellion and Peasant Consciousness in Tokugawa Japan," in Japanese Thought in the Tokugawa Period, 1600-1868 , ed. Tetsuo Najita and Irwin Scheiner (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), pp. 39-62; Stephen Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); and Walthall, Social Protest and Popular Culture in Eighteenth-Century Japan .

70. Ezochi no tateami yameba shimaju
tairyo wa me no mae ni, mae ni .
Shamochi no nishin no aru yue ni
funebune kudari wa takusan ni, okami no
goshuno mo tanto tanto .
Kotoshi ya tairyo mansaku da .

"Shinban negoto monku tairyo mansaku bushi" [1862], cited in Shirayama, "Ezochi amikiri sodo shimatsu," pp. 106-7.

71. Doc. 1-33 [18431, Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 810.

72. Kikuchi, "Gaiatsu to dokashugi"; Kaiho, Nibon bopposhi no ronri , pp. 266-68.

73. See the discussion in David L. Howell, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo gijutsu to gyoson no keisei katei: Bakumatsuki-Meiji chuki o chushin ni," Hokudai sbigaku 28 (1988): 30-32.

74. Docs. I-23-25 [1858/2] and 1-23-25-2 [1858/2], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 592-93.

75. Tajima Yoshiya, "Kinsei koki gyokaku nishin no shuka katei: Nishi Ezochi Yoichi basho o rei to shite," Rekishi to minzoku: Kanagawa daigaku Nihon jomin bunka kenkyujo ronshu 1 (1986): 167.

76. Doc. I-46-6-3 [1856], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 1266.

77. Takeya [Hayashi] Chozaemon to Nabeya Kichiemon, doc. I-39-20 [1857/312], doc. I-23-25-3 [1858/2], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 593-94.

78. Sato Eiemon to Nakagawaya Yusuke [1866/5/12], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

79. Takahata, Otaru-ko shi , p. 73.

80. Two village officials from Kaminokuni, Sasanami Kyuemon and Hisasue Heizo, appear to have been among the fourteen signers of the 1858 agreement in Yoichi. See doc. 1-23-25 [1858/2], Hayashi-ke monjo, YCS, 1: 592-93.

81. See "Kishida San'emon monjo: Ryoke shikomi" [1688-1911], ECS, 2: 1162-63, for two examples of destitute fishers offering the services of their sons as collateral for a debt.

82. Hezutsu, "Toyuki," p. 326.

83. Tabata Hiroshi, "Basho ukeoi seido hokaiki ni okeru ukeoinin shihon no katsudo," pp. 320-25.

84. See, for example, Kalland, Shingu, pp. 36-41,137-40.

85. ECS, 2: 43-44.

86. William D. Wray, "Shipping: From Sail to Steam," in Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji , ed. Marius B. Jansen and Gilbert Rozman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 250-54; Mori Shogo, Bezaisen okanki: Hokkaido, Iwanai o biraita bitobito (Tokyo: Nihon keizai hyoronsha, 1983), p. 125.

87. "Kishida San'emon monjo: Ryoke shikomi," pp. 1070-1233.

88. On interest rates, see Ronald P. Toby, "Both a Borrower and a Lender Be: From Village Moneylender to Rural Banker in the Tempo Period," Monumenta Nipponlea 46:4 (Winter 1991), pp. 499-503; Dan Fenno Henderson, Village "Contracts" in Tokugawa Japan (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1975), pp. 106-18; John Henry Wigmore, Law and Justice in Tokugawa Japan, Part III-A: Contract: Legal Precedents (Tokyo: Kokusai bunka shinkokai, 1970), pp. 256-86; and Miyamoto, Kinsei Osaka no bukka to rishi , pp. 45-49. On the price paid by Kishida for herring, see, for example, the loan taken out by one Nagakawa Riemon in 1840, "Kishida San'emon monjo: Ryoke shikomi," pp. 1198-1200; on prices charged by supply merchants, see Hokusui kyokai, Hokkaido gyogy shiko, pp. 713-14.

89. "Kishida San'emon monjo: Ryoke shikomi," pp. 1182-83.

90. Ibid.,p. 1211.

91. See the petition of 1854/8 presented to the domain by a group of westcoast contractors, SHS, 2: 608.

92. See the series of documents in "Shoyo tojikomi" [1861], Date-ke monjo, MCS, 3: 832-39, and the discussion in Moriya, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," pp. 153-56.

93. Moriya, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," p. 156.

94. "Otasshigaki no utsushi" [1865112], "Hamamashike yoyogaki to-jikomi," Sato-ke monjo; "Zassho tojikomi" [1866], Nakagawaya monjo.

95. Sato Eiemon' to Fukuyama town elders [1866/3/29]; Sato Eiemon to Nakagawaya Yusuke [186612/3]; Sato Eiemon to Ike Yusuke (a Shonai official) [ 186612/3], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

96. Nakagawaya Yusuke to Hamamashike intendant [1866/11; Nakagawaya Yusuke to Sato Eiemon [186612129], "Hamamashike yoyogaki tojikomi," Sato-ke monjo. See also the documents relating to this matter in "Zassho tojikomi" [1866, 1867], Nakagawaya monjo.

97. Moriya, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," pp. 131-48.

98. Kudo Mutsuo, "Tsugaru Fukaura-ko to bakumatsu ni okeru kaisen no nyushin jokyo," Kaijishi kenkyu 28 (April 1977): 26-42. See also Takase, "Kaga han ni okeru gyohi no fukyu."

99. See the account of the incident involving Shonai in Kelly, Deference and Defiance in Nineteenth-Century Japan , pp. 66-104.

100. Matsuzaki Iwaho, Kaminokuni son shi (Kaminokuni: Kaminokuni murayakuba, 1956), pp. 100-121; MCS, vol. 1, part 2, pp. 1160-83.

101. Suzuki Takahiro, "Matsumae ryomin no fukuryo undo," Matsumae ban to Matsumae 7 (March 1975): 15-34.

102. Ibid., p. 32.

103. Moriya, "Bakufu no Ezochi seisaku to zaichi no doko," pp. 148-50.

104. Ibid., pp. 148-50; Suzuki, "Matsumae ryomin no fukuryo undo," pp. 24-30.

105. Toby, "Both a Borrower and a Lender Be."

106. See the discussion of the centrality of interpretations of the Meiji Restoration in modern Japanese historiography in Hoston, Marxism and the Crisis of Development in Prewar Japan . For a reflection of this scholarship in English, see E. H. Norman, Origins of the Modern Japanese State: Selected Writings of E. H. Norman , ed. John W. Dower (New York: Pantheon, 1975).

107. Pratt, "Village Elites in Tokugawa Japan," and Roberts, "The Merchant Origins of National Prosperity Thought in Eighteenth Century Tosa."

108. Pratt, "Village Elites in Tokugawa Japan," pp. 7-8.

109. Roberts, "The Merchant Origins of National Prosperity Thought in Eighteenth Century Tosa," pp. 209-24.

110. Kalland, Shingu; Arne Kalland, "A Credit Institution in Tokugawa Japan: The Ura-tamegin Fund of Chikuzen Province," in Europe Interprets Japan , ed. Gordon Daniels (Tenterden, Kent, England: Paul Norbury Publications, 1984), pp. 3-12.

111. Although he eschews terms like feudalism and capitalism , Jones, Growth Recurring , structures his argument around this point.

112. Kriedte, Medick, and Schlumbohm, Industrialization before Industrialization , p. 10.

113. See ibid., pp. 9-10, and Eley, "The Social History of Industrialization," pp. 523-26, on the differences among the authors' conceptions of proto-industrialization. Franklin Mendels subtitled the article in which he coined the term proto-industrialization "the first phase of the industrialization process," which certainly suggests a teleology.

1. For a partisan account of the Ofuyu Incident, with extensive reprints of contemporary newspaper coverage, see Ishibashi Gen, Hamamasu son shi (Hamamasu: Hamamasu mura, 1980), pp. 503-7, 1187-1227; see also Koshizaki Soichi, "Ofuyu jiken ni tsuite," Hokkaido chihoshi kenkyu 79 (November 1970): 6-11.

2. Ishibashi, Hamamasu son shi , pp. 501-3; Rumoi cho, ed., Rumoi cho shi (Rumoi: Rumoi cho, 1945), pp. 138-39.

3. On border disputes between Matsumae villages, see Suzue, Hokkaido choson seidoshi no kenkyu, pp. 77, 100; on conflict between contract fisheries, see Kaiho, Kinsei Ezochi seiritsu shi no kenkyu, pp. 319-56; on fishing rights outside of Hokkaido, see Ninohei Tokuo, Gyogyo kozo no shiteki tenkai (Tokyo: Ochanomizu shobo, 1962), chap. 1; Arne Kalland, "Sea Tenure in Tokugawa Japan: The Case of the Fukuoka Domain," in Maritime Institutions in the Western Pacific ( Senri Ethnological Studies , vol. 17), ed. Kenneth Ruddle and Tomoya Akimichi (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 1984).

4. The fishery accounted for about seventy-five percent of the gross product of Hokkaido in 1881 and over forty percent in 1897. It was superseded by agriculture as the largest industry in 1900 and by manufacturing as the second largest in 1907. In 1891, about forty-one percent (by value) of all manufactured marine products in Japan originated in Hokkaido; herring, the most important catch in the country, accounted for 68.4 percent of the Hokkaido harvest. Hokkaido gyogyo shi , pp. 225-27, 234. On development policies in general, see Takakura Shin'ichiro, Hokkaido takushoku shi (Sapporo: Hakuba shoin, 1947).

5. Blakiston, Japan in Yezo , p. 60.

6. Nakai Akira, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo seido no hensen: Kindaiteki gyogyoken no seiritsu to tenkai," Atarashii doshi 3:1 (January 1965): 4; Tabata Hiroshi, "'Fukuyama, Esashi sodo' no kenkyu," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Seki Hideshi (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 5: 143-223.

7. I examine these issues in detail in Howell, "Ainu Ethnicity and the Boundaries of the Early Modern Japanese State." For a discussion of the late Tokugawa precedent for the Meiji state's policy of Ainu assimilation, see Kikuchi, Bakuhan taisei to Ezochi , pp. 153-76, and Kikuchi, Hopposhi no naka no kinsei Nihon , pp. 34-54. On specific Meiji policies toward the Ainu, see Kaiho Yoko, Kindai hopposhi: Ainu minzoku to josei to (Tokyo: San'ichi shobo, 1992), part 1. On policy toward the Ainu in general, see Takakura, Ainu seisakushi , and Emori, Ainu no rekishi .

8. Discrimination has forced many people of Ainu ancestry to hide their roots, though some have recently started to "come out." See, for example, the case of a seventy-five-year-old half-Ainu who revealed her background to her family after fifty years of secrecy: "Ainu minzoku to san'insen (1)," Hokkaido shinbun , 18 June 1992.

9. Of course, Wajin continued to prey upon the Ainu even after the Meiji Restoration. See the complaints of a local official concerning Wajin con artists who cheated Ainu in isolated communities out of land and money, forcing them to seek labor in the fishery: "Bunai Kamikawa, Akan, Ashoro sangun kakuson ni atsukaisho setchi no gi joshin" [26 January 1885] (request from Kushiro district secretary Miyamoto Chimaki to Nemuro prefecture), in "Nemuro ken kyudojin" [1882-86], RCNS.

10. Watanabe, The Ainu Ecosystem; Uemura, Kita no umi no koekishatachi.

11. On Ainu dissatisfaction with their position in the fishery, see Yamada Shin'ichi, "Iboshi Hokuto den e no kokoromi," paper presented at the Erumu Shidankai, Sapporo, 1992; on self- or communally employed Ainu kelp fishers, see the report dated 13 October 1884 by Officer Ensai Katsuzo to Yabe Kyohei, chief of the Akkeshi police department, in "Nemuro ken kyudojin."

12. Nakai, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo seido no hensen," pp. 1-6.

13. The Ezochi-Wajinchi distinction was lost after Hokkaido ("Northern Sea Circuit") became the official name of the island in the eighth month of 1869.

14. Okurasho, ed., Kaitakushi jigyo hokoku furoku: Furei ruiju (Tokyo: Okurasho, 1875), 1: 841.

15. Hokkaido gyogyo shi , pp. 349-51.

16. Tabata, "Meiji shoki no gyogyo seido ni tsuite," is the most detailed account of the dismantling of the contract-fishery system.

17. Ibid., pp. 3-5; Hokkaido gyogyo shi , pp. 351-53.

18. Imada Mitsuo, Nishin bunka shi: Maboroshi no nishin kamuicheppu (Sapporo: Kyodo bunkasha, 1987), p. 256.

19. Nakai, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo seido no hensen," pp. 3-4. On the application of the land-tax reform elsewhere in Japan, see Kozo Yamamura, "The Meiji Land Tax Reform and Its Effects," in Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji , ed. Marius B. Jansen and Gilbert Rozman (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), pp. 382-99.

20. Suzue Eiichi, "Kaisan kanba chiso sotei kankei monjo: Kaidai," MCS, 4: 1-19.

21. The diversity of local treatments of fishing rights does, however, make it difficult to generalize about the impact of this and other Meiji policy shifts. For example, Hori Miyashizu, Zushu Uchiura gyomin shiryo no kenkyu: Meiji shonen ni okeru "kyuhei torinaoshi" undo to sono rekishiteki igi (Tokyo: Rinjinsha, 1966), has documented the variation in customary fishing rights in a homogeneous group of six villages on a small bay in western Izu.

22. Nakai, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo seido no hensen," p. 3.

23. Ibid., pp. 4-5.

24. Ishibashi, Hamamasu son shi , pp. 709-10.

25. On the Meiji fishery law, see Ninohei Tokuo, Meiji gyogyo kaitaku shi (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1981), chap. 4.

26. Nakai, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo seido no hensen," pp. 5-6. For detailed analyses of transfers of fishing rights in two districts, see Yamada Takeshi, "Rishiri-to ni okeru nishin teichi gyogyoken no sonzai keitai: 'Menkyo gyogyo genbo' no naiyo to kosatsu," Hokkaido kaitaku kinenkan chosa hokoku 24 (1985): 39-88, and Yamada Takeshi, "Furubira chiho ni okeru nishin teichi gyogyoken no hensen (1): 'Menkyo gyogyo genbo' no naiyo to kosatsu," Hokkaido kaitaku kinenkan chosa hokoku 26 (19871: 27-36.

27. Only a reference to the survey ("Dekasegi no mono namen sono hoka haishaku kasho kensugaki") in a letter to a Shonai official survives. Nakagawaya Yusuke to Hamamashike intendant [1865/10/26], "Hamamashike yoyogaki to-jikomi," Sato-ke monjo.

28. Suzue, Hokkaido choson seidoshi no kenkyu, pp. 103-18. The oldest extant reference to a transfer of waterfront land dates to 1688, just as the herring fishery was assuming commercial importance. For the transfer document, see "Kishida San'emon monjo: Ryoke shikomi," pp. 1070-71.

29. "Kaminokuni mura nayaba aratame" [1747] and "Hama kenchiwari cho" [1748], both in ECS, 2: 1275-79, 1257-74. See the discussion in Suzue, Hokkaido choson seidoshi no kenkyu, pp. 103-6, 109-17.

30. Suzue, Hokkaido choson seidoshi no kenkyu, pp. 115-21.

31. Ishikawa Hiroshi, "Wajinchi (Matsumaechi) ni okeru 'basho' to gyogyoken: Esashi cho shozai shiryo o chushin to shite," Atarashii doshi 44-45 (15 March-31 March 1971): 1-12, 1-8. Although Ishikawa does not cite it, his work is obviously indebted to Habara Yukichi, Nihon gyogyo keizai shi , 4 vols. (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1952-55).

32. Hokkaido gyogyo shi , p. 38.

33. Doc. 4 [4 January 1877], "Chiso sotei kankei shorui," MCS, 4: 132.

34. Doc. 73 [1876], "Chiso sotei kisoku todome," MCS, 4:86.

35. Ibid., pp. 86-87.

36. Docs. 4 [4 January 1877] and 5 [4 January 1877], "Chiso sotei kankei shorui," MCS, 4: 132-35.

37. Doc. 73 [1876], "Chiso sotei kisoku todome," MCS, 4: 86.

38. Figures for Eramachi were calculated from data in docs. 3 and 3-1 [1879], "Kaisan kanba chikenjo uketorisho tojikomi," MCS, 4: 589-99; those for Kumausu were calculated from data in "Kumausu mura kaisan kanba chiken daicho" [1883], Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 9, RCNS. Standard landholdings are cited in Hokkaido gyogyo shi , pp. 255-56.

39. In 1886 only thirty-nine pound traps were in use in the district of Matsumae, as compared with 26, 984 sets of gill nets. Hokkaido cho, ed., Hokkaido cho tokeisho, 1886 ed. (Sapporo: Hokkaido cho, 1888), pp. 267-70.

40. Yamamura, "The Meiji Land Tax Reform and Its Effects," takes a generally positive view of the impact of the reform on agricultural districts.

41. Katsura Gengo, Iwanai Furuu nigun shi (Iwanai: Katsura Gengo, 1894), p. 26.

42. Arthur E McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and Law in the California Fisheries, 1850-1980 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 6.

43. Ibid., p. 10.

44. See Howell, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo gijutsu to gyoson no keisei katei."

45. On the effects of the Matsukata deflation, see Takahata, Otaru-ko shi , p. 139. The price of herring meal fell from 10.68 yen/ton in 1880 to 7.85 yen/ton in 1881, and continued to drop throughout the deflationary period, reaching a low of 4.28 yen/ton in 1885. Murao Motonaga, Hokkaido gyogyo shiyo (Tokyo: Murao Motonaga, 1897), table following p. 710.

46. Hokkaido gyogyo shi , pp. 322, 325, 243-44, 229-30.

47. Hokkaido cho, "Shiribeshi no kuni Yoichi gun nishin sashiami chosa" [1899], RCNS.

48. Rumoi suisan kumiai, ed., "Rumoi gyogyo enkakushi" [c. 1913], RCNS.

49. Ishibashi, Hamamasu son shi , pp. 481-82.

50. [Oguro Kaemon], "Mansai kiroku" [c. 1908], Hokkaido Prefectural Library.

51. Rebun and nearby Rishiri both had large numbers of absentee fishery operators, particularly from the Shakotan peninsula. See Seki Hideshi, "Rito shakai no keisei katei ni tsuite (2): Meiji shoki-Taisho chuki ni okeru Rishiri-to Oniwaki mura o chushin ni," Hokkaido kaitaku kinenkan chosa hokoku 24 (1985): 3-20; Yamada Takeshi, "Rishiri-, Rebun-to ni okeru nishin gyoba no gyoro shuzoku," in Nihonkai to hokkoku bunka , ed. Amino Yoshihiko (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1990), pp. 513-53; and Yamada, "Rishiri-to ni okeru nishin teichi gyogyoken no sonzai keitai," pp. 39-47.

52. The fishery in Hiyama subprefecture, which includes the area around Esashi, went into a precipitous decline after the 113,000-ton harvest of 1897, with hauls of only 525 tons in 1906 and 459 tons in 1907. The 21,237 tons caught in 1908 must have seemed fabulous by comparison. The last substantial herring run in the area was in 1916. Imada, Nishin bunka shi , pp. 257, 274.

53. The following discussion is based on Emori Susumu, "Nemuro chiho ni okeru nishin sashiami seigan undo," Atarashii doshi 27 (31 March 1968): 1-9. For more on the development of the Nemuro fishery, see Emori, "Meiji kaitakuki Nemuro chiho gygyo kozo no shiteki tenkai."

54. The agency did lift restrictions on gill-net use in some parts of the district in 1875. Development Agency Ordinance no. 40 [18 September 1875], in Okurasho, Kaitakushi jigyo hokoku furoku , 1: 870.

55. Calculated from data in Hokkaido gyogyo shi , p. 621.

56. Ibid., pp. 681, 691.

57. The president of Godo Gyogyo was Mitsui Yonematsu, former administrative vice-minister of commerce and industry. Chalmers Johnson, MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy, 1925-1975 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1982), p. 107.

58. Hokkaido gyogyo shi , pp. 685-87; Ishibashi, Hamamasu son shi , pp. 634-39.

59. Ishibashi, Hamamasu son shi , pp. 612-14.

1. Osaka, "Oshima no kuni Nishi gun Kumaishi mura gyogyo enkakushi," pp. 10, 27-28.

2. "Kumaishi mura fujinkai no bifu," Shokumin koho 73 (July 1913): 103-4.

3. Ibid.

4. See the sample family budgets in Aomori ken chiho shokugyo shokai jimukyoku, ed., Tohoku chiho, Hokkaido no-, san-, gyoson shokugyo shokai no mondai (Aomori: Aomori ken chiho shokugyo shokai jimukyoku, 1935), pp. 24, 37-38.

5. Rumoi suisan kumiai, "Rumoi gyogyo enkakushi," leaves 29-30.

6. Hokkaido gyogyo shi , p. 238. On Suhara see also Tanaka Osamu, Nihon shihonshugi to Hokkaido (Sapporo: Hokkaido daigaku tosho kankokai, 1986), chap. 6, and Tajima Yoshiya, "Kita ni mukatta Kishu shonin: Suhara Kakubei-ke no jiseki," in Nihonkai to bokkoku bunka (Umi to retto bunka , vol. 1), ed. Amino Yoshihiko (Tokyo: Shogakukan, 1990), pp. 374-426.

7. The data are taken from Takasaki, Kaokuzuiri Hokkai risshi hen , and Katsura, Iwanai Furuu nigun shi . See the background discussion on these works and the nature of the data in Howell, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo gijutsu to gyoson no keisei katei," pp. 32-35.

8. These categories are not, of course, mutually exclusive. Gill-netters' sons often worked for wages before establishing themselves as independent producers, and the son of a merchant might end up a wage laborer. However, the relevant criterion in classifying pound-trap operators is not family origin so much as the experience that led most directly to the individual's entry into the pound-trap fishery. Thus the fisher's son who worked for wages for a few years before succeeding to the family gill-net fishery, which he then converted to pound traps, would be counted as a former gill-netter, while his brother, adopted into his employer's household after years of service, would be classified a former wage laborer.

9. Katsura, Iwanai Furuu nigun shi , pp. 85-86.

10. Sakai Tadaiku, "Hokkaido junkoki" [1879], 3 books, RCNS, book 2, leaves 79-80. Unfortunately, Sakai does not say what the basis for his classification of fishers was.

11. Ishibashi, Hamamasu son shi , pp. 474-78; Hokusui kyokai, Hokkaido gyogyo shiko, pp. 100-103.

12. Katsura, Iwanai Furuu nigun shi , pp. 150-51.

13. Ibid., pp. 94-95.

14. "Kaisan kanbachi, tatemono, gyogu, shobuppin shakuyo sho" [23 December 1884] and "Shakuyobutsu meisaisho" [23 December 18841; see also, for instance, "Gyogu shobuppin shakuyo sho" [24 March 1887], ''Shakuyo shosho" [23 July 1889], and Honma Toyoshichi to Sawaya Shinzaburo [25 November 1885], "Hamamasu gun Honma-ten gyogyo kankei shorui toil," RCNS.

15. See the discussion in Howell, "Hokkaido ni okeru gyogyo gijutsu to gyoson no keisei katei," pp. 36-37.

16. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, p. 96.

17. Tanaka, Nihon shihonshugi to Hokkaido, p. 293.

18. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 93-94; compare pp. 148-49, 151-52.

19. See Miyamoto Mataji, "'Osaka Hokkai-san niuke ton'ya kumiai enkakushi' no kaisetsu," in Osaka keizai shiryo shusei, ed. Osaka keizai shiryo shusei kanko iinkai (Osaka: Osaka shoko kaigisho, 1977), 10: 573-617, and "Hokkaido niuke ton'ya kumiai kisoku" [1902], in Osaka shogyo shi shiryo, ed. Osaka shoko kaigisho (Osaka: Osaka shoko kaigisho, 1964), vol. 28, especially leaves 96-97. On fertilizer brokers in Omi, see Mizuhara Masamichi, "Meiji zenki ni okeru ryutsu kiko no saihen: Omi Hachiman no hiryosho kumiai no baai," Shiga daigaku keizaigakubu fuzoku shiryokan kenkyu kiyo 13 (March 1980): 29-84, and Mizuhara, "Meiji zenki ryutsu kiko no saihen katei ni okeru ichirei: Shiga ken Omi Hachiman no Nakaichi Shokai ni tsuite," Shiga daigaku keizaigakubu fuzoku shiryokan kenkyu kiyo15 (March 1982): 45-94.

20. For example, Honma Toyoshichi, a pound-trap fisher in Hamamasu, noted in his journal for 10 November 1880 that he had begun lending to gill-netters on that day. Honma-ten, "Ishikari no kuni Hamamasu gun Moi mura Honma-ten gyogyo nikki" [1881], Hakodate Municipal Library.

21. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 154-55. On Hakodate, "Hakodate yori kyokyu suru gyogyo shihon," Shokumin koho 47 (March 1909): 46; on Fukuyama, see Kobayashi Masato, "Meiji nijunendai ni okeru Matsumae shonin no doko," Matsumae han to Matsumae 13 (March 1979): 22-34, and Kuwabara Masato, ed., "Hakodate shin-bun keisai no Matsumae cho kankei kiji," Matsumae han to Matsumae 26, 28 (March 1986, March 1987): 44-87, 68-123.

22. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 95-97, 154.

23. Ibid., p. 97; see also Takao Michinori, Hokkai suisan jikkan (Tokyo: Yurindo, 1896), pp. 26-29.

24. Kato to Honma [26 November 1878], "Hamamasu gun Honma-ten gyogyo kankei shorui toil."

25. Kato to Honma [12 July 1879], ibid.

26. "Hakodate yori kyokyu suru gyogyo shihon," Shokumin koho 47 (March 1909): 46.

27. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, p. 97.

28. Draft letter from Honma to district officials [13 August 1875], "Hama-masu gun Honma-ten gyogyo kankei shorui toji."

29. "Furubira teiki tsushin," Hokkai shinbun , 8 March 1887.

30. "Otaru tokubetsu tsushin," ibid., 15 March 1887; Murao, Hokkaido gyogyo shiyo, table following p. 710.

31. "Kayabe gun Otoshibe mura jikkyo no gi ni tsuki joshin" [24 December 1884], in "Otoshibe murayakuba shorui (2)," Hokkaido shi hensan shiryo 48-2, RCNS. On Otoshibe's worth as a fishery, Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, p. 103.

32. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, p. 140. Casual laborers were commonly assigned to carry wooden baskets of fish from boat landings to processing stages, which gave rise to the nickname "basket carrier" ( mokko seoi ).

33. Ibid., pp. 140-44.

34. Honma-ten, "Honma-ten gyoba nikki," entries for 19 December 1880 (labor recruiters to Ishikari) and 14 December 1880 (bear festival). Short excerpts of this journal have been published in Taniuchi Ko, "Hokkaido nishi kaigan ni okeru nishin gyoba: Atsuta mura o chushin to shite (2)," Atsuta mura shiryoshitsu kiyo 5 (October 1966): 1-10. The Ainu population of 164 in Hamamasu in 1880 was down from 311 in 1810 but still somewhat above the 145-50 of the 1890s. See Hamamasu mura [Masuda Ryo], "Hamamasu enkakushi" [1900], Hokkaido Prefectural Library, pp. 317-20. For the 1896 contracts, see "Hamamasu gun Honma-ten gyogyo kankei shorui toji."

35. Watanabe, The Ainu Ecosystem , p. 88, describing conditions in Tokachi in the 1880s.

36. Tokyo chiho shokugyo shokai jimukyoku, ed., "Hokkaido nishin gyogyo rodo jijo" [1928], in Gyomin ( Kindai minshu no kiroku , vol. 7), ed. Okamoto Tatsuaki (Tokyo: Shinjinbutsu oraisha, 1978), p. 531.

37. Kaitakushi, "Tohoku shoko hokokusho," p. 379 (see also pp. 319, 353, 369); Takeuchi, Shimokita no sonraku shakai , pp. 120-26. Similar conditions prevailed in villages in Toyama prefecture, which also supplied large numbers of workers to the Hokkaido fishery. Lewis, Rioters and Citizens , pp. 38-39.

38. See the oral-history accounts in Sato Kin'yu, Hokuyo no dekasegi: Hokuhen gyoba ni ikita kosaku nomin no kindaishi (Akita: Akita bunka shuppansha, 1985), and Matsumura Chota, Akita no dekasegi: Gyominhen , 3rd ed. (Akita: Akita bunka shuppansha, 1978).

39. Anakura Moriya, "Dekasegi gyofu hogo kumiai no kaiso ni tsuite," Hokuyo gyogyo 1:4 (August 1940): 30.

40. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 99-100, 140, 147-48.

41. Lewis, Rioters and Citizens , chap. 2.

42. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 144-45. For an example of this type of labor recruitment, see the letter dated 13 November from Nakayama Matsuzo of Osawada village, Aomori, to Furuu fisher Tatsuke Shinjuro, reporting that he had recruited about seventy workers at wages ranging from twenty-two to thirty-five yen each and that all the workers would proceed to Hokkaido together on the fifth day of the lunar new year (doc. B41 [c. 1901], Tatsuke-ke monjo, RCNS). In 1896 Honma Toyoshichi paid a commission of 4.50 yen to one Iwata Sadakichi of Horobetsu for recruiting five workers (Honma to Iwata [10 July 1896], "Hamamasu gun Honma-ten gyogyo kankei shorui toji").

43. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 144-45.

44. Takahata, Otaru-ko shi , p. 142. Three of the earliest companies were Hokushinsha (capitalized at 2,000 yen), established in 1881 to supply labor to both the fishery and agriculture; Hokkaido Yatoinin Hogo Kaisha (capitalized at 50,000 yen), founded in 1883; and Kyoekisha (capitalized at 60,000 yen), also set up in 1883. See the charter of another such company, Hokkaido Dekasegi Gyofu Hogo Kaisha: [Okazaki Shuzo], "Hokkaido dekasegi gyofu hogo kabushiki gaisha kari teigi narabi ni soritsu shui" [1904] (Kuroishi: Hokkaido dekasegi gyofu hogo kabushiki gaisha), Hakodate Municipal Library.

45. Kobayashi Takiji, Kani kosen, 1929 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1967); see also the translation by Frank Motofuji, "The Factory Ship" and "The Absentee Landlord" (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press; Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1973), pp. 1-83. Compare Sato, Hokuyo no dekasegi , passim.

46. Naimusho somukyoku, "Hokkaido gyogyo torishirabesho" [1899], cited in Taniuchi, "Hokkaido nishi kaigan ni okeru nishin gyoba," pp. 16-17. For similar characterizations of Meiji industrial workers, see Gordon, The Evolution of Labor Relations in Japan , pp. 25-38.

47. Hida Ryudo, "Hokkaido kiko shoshutsu" [1882], RCNS. Very similar comments can also be found in Kaitakushi, ed., Hokkaido shi (Tokyo: Okurasho, 1884), pp. 14-15.

48. Honma-ten, "Ishikari no kuni Hamamasu gun Moi mura Honma-ten gyogyo nikki."

49. Hida, "Hokkaido kiko shoshutsu."

50. Officials demonstrated similar concerns about the textile industry in the 1880s and 1890s. See Sheldon Garon, The State and Labor in Modern Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 20-21.

51. Naimusho somukyoku, "Hokkaido gyogyo torishirabesho," cited in Taniuchi, "Hokkaido nishi kaigan ni okeru nishin gyoba," pp. 19-20. Again, a very similar assessment was made in 1884 by Kaitakushi, Hokkaido shi , pp. 14-15.

52. Hida, "Hokkaido kiko shoshutsu." On day laborers' wages in Iwanai, see Katsura, Iwanai Furuu nigun shi , pp. 37-38. See also the newspaper account from 1881 cited in Kuwabara, " Hakodate shinbun keisai no Matsumae cho kankei kiji," Matsumae han to Matsumae 28 (March 1987): 94, and "Otaru tsushin," Hokkai shinbun , 15 March 1887.

53. Honma-ten, "Ishikari no kuni Hamamasu gun Moi mura Honma-ten gyogyo nikki," entries for 9 April and 12 April 1881; see also entries for 12 March and 23 March 1881.

54. At about the same time, employers' organizations in the textile industry came up with plans similar to those outlined here to combat mobility among their workers. See Koji Taira, Economic Development and the Labor Market in Japan (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), pp. 110-16.

55. Honma Toyoshichi, "Hokkaido gyogyo yatoifu tobo bogyoan kiso" [c. 1889], RCNS; Takao, Hokkai suisan jikkan , pp. 88-89. See also Honma's notes on organizing a conference, sponsored by the Hokkaido Fisheries Association, on the problem in "Hamamasu gun Honma-ten gyogyo kankei shorui toil."

56. In the late 1880s, Momoishi village, Aomori, issued passes ( dekasegi shomeisho) to migrant workers from the village. Taniuchi, "Hokkaido nishi kaigan ni okeru nishin gyoba," p. 33.

57. See Departmental Ordinance 530 [9 December 1875] and Civil Affairs Bureau Regulation otsu-80 [December 1875], in Kaitakushi, ed., Kaitakushi fureiroku , 1875 ed. (n.p., 1881), pp. 684, 866; Prefectural Regulation otsu-82 [25 March 1884] in "Iwanai Furuu gun'yakusho sanko shorui" [c. 1883], RCNS; and Honma, "Hokkaido gyogyo yatoifu tobo bogyoan kiso," article 23.

58. Gerald M. Sider, Culture and Class in Anthropology and History: A Newfoundland Illustration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, 1986), p. 17.

59. The same sorts of recruitment networks that led Tohoku peasants into the Hokkaido fishery took western Japanese farmers to Hawaii. See Alan Takeo Moriyama, Imingaisha: Japanese Emigration Companies and Hawaii, 1894-1908 (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985). On convict labor, see Nagai Hideo, "Iwayuru 'kangoku beya' rodo no shakaiteki haikei," Hokkaido musashi joshi tanki daigaku kiyo 24 (1992): 1-20; Sapporo kyodo o horu kai, ed., Sengo mo tsuzuita takobeya rodo : Makomanai Beigun kichi kensetsu koji (Sapporo: Sapporo kyodo o horu kai, 1987).

60. Takayama Itaro, "Karafuto gyogyo romu jijo: Hokuyo romu to no kankei o shu to shite," Hokuyo gyogyo 2:9 (September 1941): 26-31.

61. "Otaru gyogyosha no kinkyo," Hokkai shinbun , 1 March 1887; "Gyofu no irikasegi oyobi sono funachin," Shokumin koho 13 (March 1903): 66.

62 . Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 145-46.

63. Ibid., pp. 147-48.

64. See, for example, Yamaguchi, "Kinseiteki koyo no ichi danmen," for a discussion of bonuses (called atari ) in the Chiba sardine fishery.

65. See his calculations of bonus money for 207 workers in 1900 (6.6264 yen per worker), "Teatekin shirabe hyo" [9 July 1900], "Hamamasu gun Honma-ten gyogyo kankei shorui toji." See also Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 146-47, and "Kuichi haishite gobu to naru," Hokkai shinbun , 18 March 1887.

66. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 99-100.

67. This is a frequent theme in the accounts of former workers given in Sato, Hokuyo no dekasegi , and Matsumura, Akita no dekasegi .

68. Hokkaido cho naimubu suisanka, Hokkaido suisan yosatsu chosa hokoku, pp. 140-47.

69. Naimusho somukyoku, "Hokkaido gyogyo torishirabesho," cited in Taniuchi, "Hokkaido nishi kaigan ni okeru nishin gyoba," pp. 19-20.

70. See Takayama, "Karafuto gyogyo romu jijo," pp. 26-31.

71. Lewis, Rioters and Citizens , pp. 39-40, gives examples of wage deductions levied against fishery workers from Toyama, many of whom were active in the Hokkaido fishery.

72. "Gyofu seisan zankin shishutsu chosahyo" [10 July 1897], "Hamamasu gun Honma-ten gyogyo kankei shorui toji."

73. "Meiji sanjusannendo bun seisan zankin uketori sho" [9 July 1900] and "Sho" [1900], ibid.

74. Calculated from eighteen contracts in ibid.

75. Hida, "Hokkaido kiko shoshutsu."

76. This account of labor conditions is based mostly on Asari Masatoshi, "Hokuyo gyogyo to dekasegi rodo," in Hokkaido no kenkyu, ed. Kuwabara Masato (Osaka: Seibundo, 1983), 6: 210-59. See also Asari Masatoshi, "Hokuyo gyogyo ni okeru kosen kani gyoro," Matsumae han to Matsumae 13-14 (March-September 1979): 81-108, 61-90; Sato, Hokuyo no dekasegi; Matsumura, Akita no dekasegi; Kuwabara Masato, ed., "Kyodo ni ikiru" (oral-history project), Matsumae han to Matsumae 27 (February 1987): entire issue; and Anakura Moriya, ''Kita Chishima gyogyo rodo ni kansuru ichi kosatsu," Hokuyo gyogyo 1:7 (November 1940): 15-34.

77. Kuwabara, "Kyodo ni ikiru," pp. 23-26.

78. Ikeda Yoshinaga, "Hokuyo gyogyo romu to eisei jokyo ni tsuite: Shu to shite kita Chishima ni okeru," Hokuyo gyogyo 1:2 (June 1940): 18-20.

79. Hokkaido cho gakumubu shokugyoka, ed., Kita Chishima gyogyo narabi ni sono rodo jijo ron [marked "secret"] (n.p., 1938).

80. Ibid., p. 16.

81. Aomori ken chiho shokugyo shokai jimukyoku, Tohoku chiho, Hokkaido no-, san-, gyoson shokugyo shokai no mondai , part 2, pp. 40-42. Figures are numbers of workers.

82. Kuwabara, "Kyodo ni ikiru," pp. 23-26.

1. Anton Chekhov, The Island: A Journey to Sakhalin , trans. Luba and Michael Terpak (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1977), p. xxxiv. Throughout this chapter I will use Karafuto to refer to the portion of the island under Japanese rule and Sakhalin otherwise. Likewise, I will use only the Japanese versions of place names.

2. Karafuto cho, ed., Karafuto choji ippan , 1915 ed. (Toyohara: Karafuto cho, 1916); Karafuto cho, ed., Daiikkai kokusei chosa hokoku (Toyohara: Kara-futo cho, 1923), pp. 179-81. Takakura, Hokkaido takushoku shi , p. 281, states that in 1909 fishers constituted forty-three percent of the households and seventy-two percent of the Karafuto Wajin population of about 24,000. This proportion dropped as farmers and other immigrants came in.

3. Taniguchi Hidesaburo, Karafuto shokumin seisaku (Tokyo: Takushoku shinposha, 1914), p. 337.

4. For a general history of Sakhalin in English, see John J. Stephan, Sakhalin: A History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 197l). For a short account of Japanese rule in Karafuto, see Takakura, Hokkaido takushoku shi , chap. 7. On the native peoples of Sakhalin and their ties to the Hokkaido Ainu, see Uemura, Kita no umi no koekishatachi, pp. 21-38. On Japanese fishing activities in Sakhalin before 1905, see Tanba Heitaro, Roryo Sagaren-to gyogyo chosa hokoku (Tokyo: Noshomusho suisankyoku, 1900).

5. Carol Gluck, Japan's Modern Myths (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985); Andrew Gordon, Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991); Lewis, Rioters and Citizens .

6. The Provisional Order ( Karafuto gyogyo karikisoku ) is reprinted in Okada Yoshitane, ed., Karafuto-to shokisoku ruiju (Wakkanai: Karafuto shinbunsha, 1906), pp. 1-5. It formed the basis for the Karafuto Fishery Law ( Karafuto gyogyo rei ) (Imperial Ordinance 96, 31 March 1907; amended through Imperial Ordinances 252, October 1908, and 318, December 1908), which is reprinted in Karafuto cho chokan kanbo, ed., Karafuto horei ruiju (Toyohara: Karafuto cho, 1909), pp. 479-81.

7. This income declined gradually as tax revenues from other industries increased but still accounted for twenty-five percent (550,419 yen) in 1916. Karafuto teichi gyogyo suisan kumiai, ed., Karafuto to gyogyo (Toyohara: Karafuto teichi gyogyo suisan kumiai, 1931 ), pp. 283-84.

8. The Fishing License Regulations (Gyogyo kansatsu kisoku) (Dept. of Civil Affairs Notification 4, 3 October 1905) and amendments (Dept. of Civil Affairs Notifications 5, 9 October 1905, and 6, 14 October 1905), are reprinted in Okada, Karafuto-to shokisoku ruiju, pp. 55-61.

9. Sugimoto Zennosuke, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi (Maoka: Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi kankokai, 1935), p. 11. The number of licensed cod boats doubled between 1906 and 1907 1836 to 1,705), but catches did not rise accordingly--the result, according to the official view of the Karafuto government, of an influx of inexperienced newcomers. Karafuto cho, ed., Karafuto yoran, 1907 ed. (Tokyo: Ryubunkan, 1908), pp. 176-78.

10. Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , p. 46.

11. Karafuto cho, ed., Karafuto choji ippan , 1910 ed. (Toyohara: Karafuto cho, 1911 ), p. 20; Karafuto cho, Daiikkai kokusei chosa hokoku, pp. 179-81.

12. "Nodasan gyokyo," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 25 May 1911.

13. Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , p. 21. The government noted with approval in 1908 that "a market, albeit a small one, has emerged for fresh herring for cod bait," to supplement the less profitable production of herring meal. Karafuto cho, Karafuto yoran (1907 ed.), p. 173.

14. Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 25-26.

15. Emori, "Nemuro chiho ni okeru nishin sashiami seigan undo."

16. Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 27, 28.

17. Tsuji Seitaro, Karafuto-to kaihatsu ni kansuru seigan [1907], RCNS. Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 30-42, reprints the petition and gives a sympathetic summary of the events surrounding its presentation.

18. Karafuto teichi gyogyo suisan kumiai, Karafuto to gyogyo, pp. 169-202.

19. Ibid., pp. 152-53.

20. The petition was adopted by the House of Representatives on the recommendation of the Petition Committee on 27 March 1907. Dai-Nippon teikoku gikai shi kankokai, ed., Dai-Nippon teikoku gikai shi (Tokyo: Dai-Nippon teikoku gikai shi kankokai, 1930), vol. 6 [23rd Imperial Diet], p. 1671.

21. See Wada's report on the prospects of the Karafuto fishery, presented to the governor of Hokkaido in December 1905: "Karafuto-to gyogyo chosa hokoku" [1905], RCNS.

22. "Karafuto-to jumin kyuzai ni tsuki seigan," reprinted in Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , p. 58.

23. Ibid., p. 60.

24. Karafuto cho, Karafuto yoran (1907 ed.), pp. 173, 180-81.

25. In 1906 the cod fishery was still dominated by experienced fishers, who harvested 112.5 tons or more of fish each, while in 1907 the average catch dropped by half or more. Ibid., pp. 178-79.

26. Karafuto cho, ed., Karafuto yoran, 1913 ed. (Toyohara: Karafuto cho, 1914), p. 124.

27. Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 75-76. The petition, "Sashiami kumiai tokkyo no gi ni tsuki seigan," is reprinted on pp. 76-90.

28. Karafuto tateami gyogyo suisan kumiai rengokai, ed., Hoppo gyogyo no shiori (Tokyo: Karafuto tateami gyogyo suisan kumiai rengokai, 1912), p. 10.

29. The petition, "Karafuto-to nishin sashiami gyogyo hinin no seigansho," is reprinted in Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 93-101.

30. Item 10 of the petition, ibid., pp. 98-99.

31. Taniguchi, Karafuto shokumin seisaku , pp. 337-38.

32. Ibid.

33. "Gyoson no shinfucho," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 28 October 1913.

34. Karafuto tateami gyogyo suisan kumiai rengokai, Hoppo gyogyo no shiori , p. 10.

35. On the committee discussion, see Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 101-6; for the floor of the Diet, see Dai-Nippon teikoku gikai shi kankokai, Dai-Nippon teikoku gikai shi , vol. 7 [24th Imperial Diet], pp. 123 (House of Peers), 552 (House of Representatives).

36. Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , p. 163. On Hiraoka, see also Sugimoto Ken, Karafuto: Kaerazaru shima (Tokyo: TBS-Buritanika, 1979), pp. 196-203, and Saga Rentaro [Nagai Kenzo], "Kanritsu" Karafuto chugakko to Natsume Soseki (Sapporo: Minami Karafuto mondai kenkyujo, 1987), pp. 22-30.

37. The application of the revised national Fishery Law (Law 58, 1910) to Karafuto in 1911 provided for the establishment of cooperatives at the discretion of the governor. Karafuto cho, ed., Karafuto cho shisei sanjunen shi (Toyohara: Karafuto cho, 1936), p. 327.

38. Karafuto cho, Karafuto yoran (1913 ed.), pp. 116-17.

39. "Kaizen no daiippo (futatabi kumiai gyoba ron)," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 22 October 1910; "Kumiai gyoba kakushinkai," ibid., 3 July 1913.

40. "Karafuto gyomin no boko," Yomiuri shinbun , 11 June 1909.

41. Cited in Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 185-86.

42. Taniguchi, Karafuto shokumin seisaku , p. 317; Tazawa Miho [Rishichi], Karafuto kigyoka no shishin (Toyohara: Karafuto kigyoka no shishinsha, 1924), pp. 187-88.

43. Ichiki canceled a planned tour of inspection of the west coast because of "unrest among small fishers" in the area. "Karafuto no fuon," Yomiuri shinbun , 16 June 1909.

44. Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 172-81, reprints a large part of the Karafuto District Court decision on the case.

45. The court decision includes extended quotations (ibid., pp. 174-77) of the Karafuto jiji articles.

46. See, for example, "Mitsuryo nishin no bosshu," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 23 May 1911.

47. "Nayashi tayori," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 17 July 1910.

48. Kyogoku Takayoshi, Nomura Masuzo, and Todo Terumaru, Karafuto no kenkyu (Tokyo: Yamada Saburo, 1914), 1: 12-14.

49. "Chinjosho," reprinted in Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 236-42.

50. Items 5 and 7, ibid., pp. 238-39.

51. See the discussion in ibid., pp. 244-50.

52. The petitions are reprinted or summarized in ibid., pp. 261-87.

53. The petition to Hara, in ibid., p. 282.

54. "Karafuto gyosei kaisei hantai no riyu," reprinted in part in ibid., pp. 290-98.

55. Item 5, Section 3, ibid., p. 296.

56. See ibid., pp. 307-12, for a blow-by-blow account.

57. Kyogoku, Nomura, and Todo, Karafuto no kenkyu 1: 10-14. Hiraoka himself admitted that problems of timing and scale made it difficult to balance fishing and farming--as did the indisposition of the family fishers toward agriculture. "Chokan no shisei hoshin: Nijukunichi Karafuto cho ni oite shisatsudan ni taisuru setsumei," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 4 July 1913.

58. Kyogoku, Nomura, and Todo, Karafuto no kenkyu 1: 17-21. The delegation read but did not formally present the seventh and eighth points to Hiraoka and later cut them from their statement. In the formal petition presented to Hi-raoka they amended the sixth point to read, "some appropriate means other than pound traps" in place of "gill nets."

59. Yamamiya Tokichi, Karafuto no kenkyu (Tokyo: Yamada Saburo, 1914), 2:20-21.

60. Ibid., pp. 22-25.

61. Taniguchi Hidesaburo, ed., Hiraoka Karafuto cho chokan danwa: Kara-futo no gyogyo seido (n.p.: Karafuto kyokai, [1913]), pp. 8-17.

62. Sugimoto Ken, Karafuto: Kaerazaru shima , pp. 196-97, 203; Saga, "Kanritsu" Karafuto chugakko to Natsume Soseki, pp. 22-30.

63. "Hiraoka chokan jinin," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 6 June 1914. The article makes no mention of the scandals, nor, indeed, does it give any reason at all for Hiraoka's resignation.

64. "Karafuto gyogyo seido ni kansuru seigan," reprinted in Sugimoto, Karafuto gyosei kaikaku enkakushi , pp. 352-54.

65. "Karafuto gyosei kaisei ni kanshi seigan," reprinted in ibid., pp. 354-57.

66. Teikoku gikai kizokuin giji sokkiroku (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1981), vol. 30 [29th-35th Imperial Diets, part 21, pp. 298-300.

67. Article 5, Karafuto Fishery Law, amended through imperial Ordinance 106, 3 July 1915. Karafuto tateami gyogyo suisan kumiai rengokai , ed., Kaisei Karafuto gyogyo hoki (Hakodate: Karafuto tateami gyogyo suisan kumiai rengokai , 1917), pp. 31-33.

68. "Gyogyorei kaisei ni tsuki Okada chokan dan," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 4 July 1915.

69. "Chumoku subeki yudan," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 4 July 1915; "Juken sonpo," ibid., 6 July 1915; "Nokoru mondai," ibid., 7 July 1915; "Kore mo itten," ibid., 8 July 1915; "Gokai o saru toki,'' ibid., 9 July 1915.

70. "Maoka no chochin gyoretsu," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 7 July 1915 (lantern parade); "Odomari sashiami shukugikai," ibid., 23 July 1915 (memorial service).

71. Karafuto cho, Karafuto cho shisei sanjunen shi , p. 326. On the trading of fisheries from the pound-trap operators' point of view, see Karafuto teichi gyogyo suisan kumiai, Karafuto to gyogyo, pp. 307-8.

72. Tazawa, Karafuto kigyoka no shishin , pp. 191-92.

73. "Kaizen no daiippo (futatabi kumiai gyoba ron)," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 22 October 1910.

74. An apparent example of an ideal cooperatively held company (notwithstanding the fact that it tottered on the brink of bankruptcy in 1911) is one set up by the "comparatively industrious small fishers" of the Seventh West Coast Cooperative. ("Nishi kaigan no shokaisha," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 7 January 1911.) All sorts of financial monkey business surrounded the management of the Fifth West Coast and Third Aniwa Bay cooperatives. ("Nayoro kumiai tai dantai funjo jiken no shinso," ibid., 7 January 1911; ''Odomari no daigigoku," ibid., 18 January 1911.)

75. "Kumiai gyoba no kongo: Keiyaku kaijo ikan," ibid., 9 July 1915; "Ku-miai gyoba chinshakusha shitsumon: Wannai keieisha no shucho," ibid., 10 July 1915.

76. "Gyogyoken taishaku keiyakusho" [1917], Hokkaido Prefectural Library.

77. Karafuto tateami gyogyo suisan kumiai rengokai, ed., Taisho sannen kaisei gyogyoryo narabi ni saikin sankanen shukakudaka (n.p., 1915), pp. 35-36.

78. Suzuki Tayoji, Karafuto suisan dantai taikan (Odomari: Karafuto suisansha, 1935), p. 209.

79. Karafuto cho, Karafuto cho shisei sanjunen shi , p. 325. Between 1905 and 1913 the northwest coast of Karafuto had the most desirable fisheries, but they declined sharply after that; the coast of Aniwa Bay and the central and southern parts of the east coast were productive between 1913 and 1918 but faded later. See Karafuto gyosei no enkaku , c. 1921, Hokkaido Prefectural Library.

80. Toyama Shin'ichiro, Karafuto no jijo to shorai (n.p., c. 1923), pp. 7-8.

81. Regulations Concerning the Application of the Fishery Law in Karafuto ( Karafuto ni okeru gyogyoho shiko kisoku ), Departmental Ordinance 12, 1926. Reprinted in Karafuto cho, Karafuto cho shisei sanjunen shi , pp. 326-27.

82. Otaka Kentaro and Nishikawa Yoshihiro, "Karafuto no gyogyo chosa: Karafuto no suisan," in "Oshoro-maru Showa hachinendo renshu kokai gyogyo chosa hokokusho," ed. Hokkaido teikoku daigaku suisan senmonbu gyoroka (1933), RCNS.

83. Ibid.

84. Ibid.

85. The statistics used in the following discussion are from the descriptions of fishing cooperatives in Suzuki, Karafuto suisan dantai taikan , pp. 78-252.

86. Ibid., p. 95.

87. Ibid., pp. 214-15.

88. Taniguchi, Karafuto shokumin seisaku , p. 314.

89. Otaka and Nishikawa, "Karafuto no gyogyo chosa"; Suzuki, Karafuto suisan dantai taikan , p. 295.

90. Karafuto tateami gyogyo suisan kumiai rengokai, Taisho sannen kaisei gyogyoryo narabi ni saikin sankanen shukakudaka, pp. 1-59; on Nichiro Gyogyo, see the company history: Okamoto Nobuo, Nichiro Gyogyo keiei shi (Tokyo: Suisansha, 1971).

91. Sato Suguru, Oguma Koichiro den (Hakodate: Hakodate shoko kaigisho, 1958), pp. 122-46.

92. Karafuto teichi gyogyo suisan kumiai, Karafuto to gyogyo, pp. 315-16.

93. Suzuki, Karafuto suisan dantai taikan , pp. 293-341.

94. Ibid., p. 297.

95. Taniguchi, Karafuto shokumin seisaku , pp. 345-46.

96. "Dojin gyoba to dojin," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 3 September 1910.

97. "Gyofu yatoiire chui," ibid., 30 November 1913.

98. "Furyo no sanjo," ibid., 22 June 1915; "Hibi kenbun," ibid., 19 June 1915.

99. "Kushunnai no gyofu boko jiken," ibid., 9 May 1912; also, "Kushunnai no gyofu domei boko jiken senpo," ibid., 15 May 1912; "Sodo jiken kohan," ibid., 29 June 1912; "Sodo jiken no hanketsu," ibid., 30 June 1912; ''Sodo jiken no hanketsu," ibid., 5 July 1912.

100. "Yatoi gyofu no shingensho," ibid., 11 April 1911.

101. "Karafuto to roryoku mondai," ibid., 21-22 September 1911. For a proposal that the indigenous peoples of Karafuto be put to work as industrial laborers, see Nakame Satoru, Dojin kyoka ron (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1918), pp. 94-108.

102. "Saharin zanryu Kankoku-, Chosen-jin ni Soren no hairyo," Hokkaido shinbun , 27 November 1987. Between sixty and eighty thousand Koreans were taken to Karafuto during World War II; about thirty-six thousand persons of Korean descent (including second- and third-generation Koreans) remain in Sakhalin today: "Zai-Saharin Kankokujin issei: Miyori nai 150-nin, 9-gatsu ni eiju kikoku," Hokkaido shinbun , 21 June 1992.

103. Karafuto cho, Karafuto yoran (1913 ed.), pp. 117-20.

104. Gordon, "The Crowd and Politics in Imperial Japan," p. 147.

105. Gordon, Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan , pp. 13-25. Gordon's "imperial democracy" is more commonly known as "Taisho democracy." See his discussion of the terms, pp. 5-10.

106. Lewis, Rioters and Citizens , chap. 2.

107. Ibid., pp. 38-42. Not only did many men from the Toyama coast work in fisheries in Hokkaido, Karafuto, and Soviet territory, but women in Toyama labored as dockworkers, unloading herring meal from the north and loading grain destined for Hokkaido and Karafuto.

108. See Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Uprisings in Tokugawa Japan , pp. 16-18.

109. Herbert P. Bix, Peasant Protest in Japan , 1590-1884 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1986), pp. 209-14; Scheiner, "The Mindful Peasant"; lrokawa, The Culture of the Meiji Period , pp. 151-95, and Bowen, Rebellion and Democracy in Meiji Japan , pp. 49-69 and passim.

110. Bowen, Rebellion and Democracy in Meiji Japan , p. 103.

111. Tenkai-sei, "Karafuto tai Hakodate," Karafuto nichinichi shinbun , 3 April 1912.

1. Kawashima Hiroyuki, "Yanshu no yume," Hokkaido shinbun , 10 January 1988.

2. McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem , pp. 149-55, discusses the ecological damage done by the decimation of the California sardine fishery.

3. Kawashima, "Yanshu no yume."

4. See, for example, the letters to the editor from Arisaka Yoshinori, 77, and Shigematsu Sumi, 63, Hokkaido shinbun , 20 March 1987 and 16 June 1987; compare Blakiston, Japan in Yezo , p. 5.

5. Kon Zensaku, "Nishinryo oboegaki," Hokkaido no bunka 4 (September 1963): 28.

6. Tashiro Kazui, "Foreign Relations during the Edo Period: Sakoku Reexamined," Journal of Japanese Studies 8:2 (Summer 1982): 283-306.

7. Furuta Ryoichi, Kawamura Zuiken (Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan, 1988), pp. 17-44; E. Sydney Crawcour, "Kawamura Zuiken: A Seventeenth Century Entrepreneur," Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan 3rd ser., 9 (1966): 1-23. See also Miyamoto and Uemura, "Tokugawa keizai no junkan kozo." Kawana Noboru, Kashi ni ikiru hitobito: Tonegawa suiun no shakai shi (Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1982), has an informative discussion of river transportation networks in the Kanto.

8. The Nanbu and Matsumoto domains controlled forestry in this manner. Hasegawa, "Bakuhan taiseika ni okeru Ezochi dekasegi o meguru shomondai," pp. 26-33; Conrad Totman, The Green Archipelago: Forestry in Preindustrial Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 70-71.

9. John W. Hall, Tanuma Okitsugu, 1719-1788: The Forerunner of Modern Japan (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1955).

10. As Sidney W. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place of Sugar in Modern History (New York: Viking Press, 1985), demonstrates so well, the preoccupation of the Japanese with rice as a staple food is consistent with practice in most cultures. See also Fernand Braudel, The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits of the Possible (Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century , vol. 1) (New York: Harper & Row, 1979), for a discussion of staple grains throughout the world.

11. Much of the economic thought of the Tokugawa period can be seen as an attempt to rationalize commerce and industry as legitimate alternatives to a rice-based economy. See, for example, Tetsuo Najita, Visions of Virtue: The Kaitokudo Merchant Academy in Tokugawa Japan (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), and Roberts, "The Merchant Origins of National Prosperity Thought in Eighteenth Century Tosa."

12. Howell, "Hard Times in the Kanto," pp. 357-64.

13. Kriedte, Medick, and Schlumbohm, Industrialization before Industrialization , pp. 95-96.

14. Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and Demographic Change in Preindustrial Japan , chap 6.

15. For treatments of economic development and peasant rebellion in Nanbu see, in addition to ibid.: Herbert P. Bix, "Miura Meisuke, or Peasant Rebellion under the Banner of 'Distress,'" Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 10:2 (1978): 18-26; Herbert P. Bix, "Leader of Peasant Rebellions: Miura Meisuke," in Great Historical Figures of Japan , ed. Murakami Hyoe and Thomas J. Harper (Tokyo: Japan Culture Institute, 1978); Mori Kahei, Nanbu han hyakusho ikki no kenkyu ( Mori Kabel chosakushu, vol. 7) (Tokyo: Hosei daigaku shuppan kyoku, 1974 [1935]), pp. 345-570; Moriya Yoshimi, "Bakuhan koshin han no keizai jokyo: Morioka han bakumatsu hyakusho ikki no yobiteki kosatsu no tame ni," Nihonshi kenkyu 150-51 (1975): 184-202; Iwamoto Yoshiteru, Kinsei gyoson kyodotai  no hensen katei: Shohin keizai no shinten to sonraku kyodotai (Tokyo: Ochanomizu shobo, 1977); and Yokoyama Toshio, Hyakusho ikki to gimin densho (Tokyo: Kyoikusha, 1977), pp. 173-96.

16. Sider, Culture and Class in Anthropology and History , pp. 34-35. Sider, p. 189, it should be noted, argues that merchant capital was in fact dynamic: "To claim . . . that merchant capital . . . remains within the sphere of circulation, and in no significant way alters prior or more autonomous modes of production, is to miss the whole dynamic of social and cultural differentiation . . . in the formation of the modern world."

17. Pratt, "Village Elites in Tokugawa Japan," chap. 1.

18. See the case studies of three cotton and three silk regions, ibid., chaps. 4-5.

19. Edward E. Pratt, "Proto-Industry and Mechanized Production in Three Raw Silk Regions" (paper delivered at the 43rd annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, New Orleans, 1991), pp. 17-18.

20. Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery , p. 291.

21. Ibid., pp. 173-74, 289-91; Pratt, "Proto-Industry and Mechanized Production in Three Raw Silk Regions."

22. Henry Rosovsky, "Japan's Transition to Modern Economic Growth, 1868-1885," in Industrialization in Two Systems: Essays in Honor of Alexander Gerschenkron , ed. Henry Rosovsky, as cited by Sydney Crawcour, "The Tokugawa Period and Japan's Preparation for Modern Economic Growth," Journal of Japanese Studies 1:1 (Autumn 1974), p. 115.

23. See Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery , especially chap. 8, and Kären Wigen, "Social and Spatial Divisions of Labor in Nineteenth Century Shinano: Mapping the Contested Terrain of Paper Craft Production" (paper delivered at the 43rd annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, New Orleans, 1991).

24. Gordon, Labor and Imperial Democracy in Prewar Japan .

25. Doc. 235 [18 February 1891], Toyama ken, ed., Toyama ken shi: Shiryohen (Toyama: Toyama ken, 1978), 6: 692-93.