One
Marriages of the Ruling Elite in the Spring and Autumn Period

Melvin P. Thatcher

This chapter provides an overview and preliminary analysis of the marriage practices of the ruling elite in the aristocratic society of the Spring and Autumn period (770-453 B.C. ).^[1] Departing from previous Western-language investigations that frequently refer to classical ritual texts, such as the I-li and Li-chi (Granet 1920, 1930:152-60; Feng 1937:43-54), or draw on a narrow slice of historical data (Chang 1976:89-92, 1983:29-30), this is a study of references to marriage in the Ch'un-ch'iu and Tso-chuan , the most important primary sources for the Spring and Autumn period. It takes into account all 150 recorded marriages, but focuses on the 126 marriages that involve members of the ruling households,^[2] namely, rulers, their sons, daughters, and grandsons. Analyzing these marriages has several purposes, the first of which is descriptive or classificatory. In this regard attention is given to the hierarchy of women in the ruler's household and to wedding rituals, marriage rules, and patterns of intermarriage. The second purpose of analyzing these marriages is to determine how aristocratic marriages were connected to the social and political systems of this period. The relation between marriage and inequality is very much at issue here; the evidence suggests that marriages were used above all to create and strengthen ties between social and political equals. The third purpose for analyzing these marriages is to provide a baseline for discussing continuities and discontinuities over the course of Chinese history.

The Chou dynasty (c. 1122-256 B.C. ) is divided into the Western Chou (c. 1122-771) and Eastern Chou (770-256) eras. The former began with the successful conquest of the Shang dynasty by the Chou people from their western base. Having defeated the Shang, the kings of Chou established pockets of power in conquered territory by installing close kin and trusted lieutenants as their representatives and by recognizing the de facto power of

local chieftains who were willing to acknowledge Chou suzerainty. This policy allowed them to extend the sphere of their territorial control, although it ultimately led to their decline and fall as the outposts became embryonic states and the descendants of their founders established themselves as ruling lineages. With self-interest eventually prevailing over the demands of clan and affinal ties and political loyalty to the ruling house of Chou, the stage was set for epochal change as two of the Chou statelets joined with barbarian forces to depose King Yu (r. 781-71) in 771. In the aftermath of this event, a new Chou capital was established eastward in the Central Plain where the royal house could be given better protection from its internal and external enemies. The Eastern Chou era was inaugurated (Creel 1970; Hsu 1984).

The Eastern Chou was a time of great social and political changes that ultimately produced a unified Chinese empire. The first part of this era, the Spring and Autumn period, saw the emergence of a multistate system that covered most of the drainage areas of the Yellow, Yangtze, and Huai rivers and their major tributaries (Walker 1953; Liu Po-ch'i 1962). By the end of the first century of this period, the kings of Chou, no longer able to exercise effective military might, had lost political influence and real control over the various states. The institution of hegemon (pa ) filled the power vacuum, and from 679, interstate relations were conducted through summitry and covenant making, with the most powerful state ruler holding sway as hegemon. In theory the functions of the hegemon were to respect the king of Chou, to repel barbarian invasions, and to protect the weaker states. An elaborate interstate protocol developed whereby the states, which are estimated to have initially numbered 124 or more (CCTSP 4:1a [1036, "Preface"]; Lü 1962:151-65), were ranked as first-rate (ta-kuo ), second-rate (tz'u-kuo ), and third-rate (hsia-kuo ) (TCCS 26:4a [437, Ch'eng 3]). As we shall see below, this protocol was reinforced through marriage rituals. Competition among the more powerful states for the hegemonship resulted in the elimination of numerous weaker states, despite the precautions taken to ensure their survival. By the beginning of the Warring States period (453-222), only seven major states and fourteen minor ones remained viable (K. Yang 1980: 261-65). The rivalry among states was an important factor in marriages between ruling houses.

Early in the Spring and Autumn period the elite was defined by membership in a state's ruling house or appointment to a ranked office. The ruler presided over an administration staffed by officials of ch'ing, tai-fu , and shih , or equivalent ranks. Whereas minor offices were usually passed on, like occupations, from father to son, ranked offices, particularly those of ch'ing and tai-fu rank, were often filled through appointment by the ruler. In states that followed the Chou practice of awarding land grants to meritorious officials and military officers, politically effective lineages arose and competition was keen among them for the hereditary right to ch'ing (ministerial) status (TCCS 36:

17a-18a [625, Hsiang 25]). Control over the appointment process became the object of struggles between ruling houses and local lineages. When lineages were able to win control and establish the hereditary right to ranked offices, inter- and intralineage competition ensued for possession of that right. The way was thus prepared for major social and political changes (Thatcher 1977-78, 1985). These contests for power and status entered into marriage choices and created unstable conditions that were conducive to social mobility for individuals and groups alike.

Largely because of the dynamics of domestic politics, social mobility prevailed at the upper reaches of society during the Spring and Autumn period. The king of Chou sat at the apex of society, followed in descending order by members of ruling households (namely, the rulers of states and their brothers, sons, and grandsons), officials of ch'ing, tai-fu , and shih rank, and the bulk of the population, mainly commoners. In his discussion of social stratification and mobility, Hsu Cho-yun argues that in the earliest decades of the Spring and Autumn period the brothers and sons of rulers declined in importance as officials of the ch'ing and tai-fu ranks came to dominate the political scene, and that in the waning years of the period shih began to appear in significant roles, presaging their dominance in the subsequent Warring States period (Hsu 1965:24-37). There was, in fact, mobility both within states and across state boundaries. Ruling lineages lost their status when their states were extinguished by more powerful neighbors, but some lineage members might be appointed to relatively low-level positions in the new regime. Most were reduced, however, to commoner or lower status. As newly powerful lineages within particular states were able to usurp the rights of older, more established lineages to ch'ing status, it was possible for whole groups to climb the social ladder, while those whom they displaced became commoners. This particular mobility becomes evident during the late seventh century B.C. and is seen most clearly in the state of Chin (Thatcher 1977-78:153-59).

Individual social mobility was also possible and occurred under a variety of circumstances. In states that were not totally dominated by powerful lineages, officials rose or fell according to their performance. The number of political exiles seeking asylum made it necessary to formulate rules to accommodate them in their host states. Some refugees were able to significantly improve their political fortunes and, consequently, their social status. The growing importance of shih toward the end of the period, as noted by Hsu Cho-yun, stemmed from the need for specialized functionaries at higher levels and a resulting deemphasis on lineage membership and position. At the bottom of the social ladder, slaves were manumitted (TCCS 35:12a [603, Hsiang 23]). Social mobility influenced individuals' marriage choices.

The economy of the Spring and Autumn period was based on intensive agriculture. In theory all land belonged to the king of Chou, but in practice it

was held by the rulers of states and aristocratic lineages. During much of the period, land could not be alienated or inherited by individuals. With the advent in the sixth century B.C. of iron implements, the ox-drawn plow, and taxation on land in various states, the seeds of land reform were sown and private ownership of land became possible. Nevertheless, lineage-held land remained the dominant form of landholding through the end of the period. In addition to agriculture, the local economies in the various states also included cottage industries that produced such products as iron, bronze, salt, `, and textiles. At the same time, commercial activity was growing with the establishment of marketplaces and appearance of merchants engaged in interstate transactions. Trade was conducted through barter, but toward the end of the period local currencies began to appear (Ch'i 1981:96-99; Liu et al. 1979:99-106; Tang 1982:6-64).

The Spring and Autumn kinship system was composed of patrilineal kin groups that can be classified as clans, lineages, and families.^[3] Although patrilineages were distinguished by lineage names (shih ), those that shared a clan name (hsing ) regarded themselves as agnatic kinsmen (KY 10:7b [258, "Chin yü" 4]). A rule of clan exogamy was recognized, but it was frequently violated, as will be shown below. The patrilineage was the critical kin group in this aristocratic society. Patrilineages were segmentary, socially stratified organizations (Chang 1976:74-75). The generational depth of powerful Spring and Autumn lineages ranged from three to twenty generations (CCTSP 12a: 1a-43a and 12b: 1a-31b [1281-1318]).^[4] The patrilineage was a corporate kin group, typically based on land held in common and on shared ancestral rites. Land was transmitted from generation to generation by males within the lineage. Movable property, however, could be owned and controlled by families, although there are no examples of its inheritance during this period. The rules of inheritance are therefore not clear. Succession to the headship of lineages and their segments was usually from father to son, but not necessarily to the eldest son, for all of a man's sons were eligible to become his successor. The patrilineage was the effective exogamous unit, and marriage choices were based on lineage or family considerations. Postmarital residence was usually patrilocal.^[5]

Women held an inferior status in Eastern Chou society, evident in a postmarital naming system that suppressed the bride's given name, in the determination of a wife's rank and status by those of her husband, and in funerary practices whereby husbands, fathers, and sons were shown more respect than wives, mothers, and married daughters (Liu Te-han 1976:5-11). Chia Shih-heng argues that wives did not have the right to own private property, citing this as one cause for forced divorces in the Warring States period (1980:27). Although these generalizations pertain to the Eastern Chou as a whole, most are documentable in Spring and Autumn sources, particularly the points concerning discrimination in referential terms or

naming, rank and status, and funerary practices. Gender inferiority is clearly manifest in the marriages I describe below.

The Hierarchy of Women in Rulers' Households

The women of elite households during the Spring and Autumn period consisted of primary and secondary wives, concubines, and maids. All but maids served as socially approved sexual partners for their husband and/or master. This section focuses on these consorts. Particular attention is paid to polygyny; the recruitment of primary wives, secondary wives, and concubines; status changes and ranking of women within the houshold; and the implications of the mother's status for her children, especially sons.

In marked contrast to elite males of imperial China, men of the ruling elite of the Spring and Autumn period could have more than one primary wife at the same time (see table 1.1). A ruler's primary wife had the status of fu-jen . Because the ruler could have more than one primary wife, they were differentiated as principal primary wife (yuan-fei ), second primary wife (erh-fei ), and third primary wife (hsia-fei ) (literally, "first mate," "second mate," and "third mate"). The basis of this distinction among wives is not altogether clear, but the order of acquisition, perhaps after a ruler had been installed, appears to be a determinant, for taking a principal primary wife was a top priority for new rulers.

That polygynous marriage was practiced by rulers of states is unequivocally clear in the following three examples. First, in 720 Chuang Chiang, the barren principal primary wife of Duke Chuang of Wei, took the son he sired by Tai Wei to be her own son. Tai Wei was the younger sister of the duke's second primary wife, Li Wei, whose own son had died prematurely (TCCS 3:9b-10b [53, Yin 3]). Second, after Duke Wen was installed as ruler of Chin in 636, primary wife Tu Ch'i yielded rank to Chi Wei (TCCS 19a: 10a [315, Wen 6]). He had cohabited and fallen in love with Chi Wei after she was given to him as a female companion during his twelve-year exile among the Ti (TCCS 15:9a-b [25t, Hsi 23]). He evidently sent for and married her after gaining the rulership of Chin.^[6] Finally, when the king of Ch'u passed through Cheng in 638, he was entertained by Mi-shih and Chiang-shih, primary wives of its ruler (TCCS 15:5a-6a [249, Hsi 22]).

Some polygynous marriages may have been motivated by the desire to obtain progeny or increase the pool of potential heirs.^[7] Rulers also apparently contracted polygynous marriages to extend affinal ties and the associated political alliances; for example, all primary wives of rulers came from different states (see table 1.1).

Concubines provided another source of polygynous primary wives, usually because a concubine had become a ruler's favorite, or he wanted to make her son his successor, or both (TCCS 12:14a-16a [203-4, Hsi 4], 37:10b-

12a [633-34, Hsiang 26], 60:19a-20b [1050, Ai 24]). Although promoting a concubine to the status of primary wife was done, it was not considered proper. The Mencius claims that in 651 this practice was made a punishable offense in an interstate covenant (MTCS 12b:1b [218]). When Duke Ai of Lu was going to install his favorite concubine as a primary wife in 471, he ordered the official in charge of ritual to offer the appropriate rite. The official asserted, however, that no such rite existed (TCCS 60:19a-b [1050, Ai 24]). Nevertheless, Duke Ai promoted her to primary wife because he intended to make her son his heir-apparent.

Secondary wives were acquired through a form of sororal polygyny (Granet 1920; Feng 46-51; Ruey 1958:14-15, 1959:249-51). Under the year 583 the Tso-chuan states: "Whenever the various rulers marry off their daughters, [ruling lineages] of the same clan name ying them. [Ruling lineages] of different clan names, however, do not" (TCCS 26:23a [447, Ch'eng 8]). On the first mention of this practice in the Ch'un-ch'iu in 675, the Kung-yang Commentary glosses: "What is ying ? When a vassal lord took a bride from one state, then two states [each] sent a female to her accompanied by chih and ti. Chih means the daughter of her elder brother. Ti means her younger sister. The vassal lord in one betrothal [acquired] nine females. The vassal lord did not marry again" (KYCS 8:1b-2a [97, Chuang 18]). Tu Yü (A.D. 222-84) says that the principal bride and both ying were accompanied by a niece and a younger sister, so that the total number of females came to nine (CCCS 12: 23b [183, Ch'eng 8]).

In actuality the provision of ying was not exactly as outlined here. Ruling lineages of different clan names did not send secondary brides,^[8] as in the example above of Ch'i, clan name Chiang, sending a secondary bride to Lu, clan name Chi (CCCS 26:28a [449, Ch'eng 10]). More than two states could supply females, as when Wei, Chin, and Ch'i sent secondary brides to Lu between 583 and 581 for Po Chi, who was wed to Duke Kung of Sung (TCCS 26:23a [447, Ch'eng 8], 25a [448, Ch'eng 9]; CCCS 26:28a [449, Ch'eng 10]). And contrary to the observation by the Kung-yang Commentary , the presence of secondary brides in the household did not prevent additional marriages by rulers of states.

As the Tso-chuan evidence covering the Spring and Autumn period shows (table 1.2), the principal brides of rulers and officials of the ch'ing and tai-fu ranks were accompanied into marriage by a niece or younger sister, or both. There are no examples, however, of related lineages sending females to accompany the principal bride of a ch'ing or tai-fu . Apparently, only rulers were entitled to marry nine females at one time.

All of the females who accompanied the principal bride into marriage became secondary wives (even though theirs were not "secondary marriages" temporally speaking because they were married at the same time as the principal bride [Ruey 1958:15]). If the principal bride proved infertile or her offspring suffered premature death, reproduction became the main task of the secondary wives, a practice that ensured that a potential heir issued from the lineage of the principal bride, or, in the case of brides of rulers, a related lineage. Another important function for a secondary wife was to assume the role, but not the status, of the primary wife in the event of her death. For example, in 550 when the wife of Tsang Hsuan-shu of Lu died, Tsang "continued her role with her niece [chi shih i ch'i chih ]" (TCCS 35:18a [606, Hsiang 23]).^[9] In the case of divorce or separation from the principal bride, the husband retained possession of his secondary brides (TCCS 58:26a-b [1018,

Ai 11]), thus preserving the affinal relationships established or renewed by the marriage.

Secondary brides did not have to be sent to the groom at the time of marriage. If the niece or younger sister who was selected to accompany the bride was not old enough at the time of the wedding, she could be sent later. This was the case with Shu Chi of Lu, who was sent to Chi five years after her elder sister, Po Chi (aka Kung Chi), was married to its ruler in 721 (TCCS 2:30a [42, Yin 2]; CCCS 4:3b-4a [71, Yin 7—text and Tu commentary]). The secondary wives from Wei, Chin, and Ch'i for Po Chi were provided to Lu over a period of three years from 583 to 581 (see table 1.2).

Concubines made up the third category of consorts of the ruling elite. In the Tso-chuan there is evidence of the practice of concubinage by the rulers of nine states, certainly an incomplete record because most references to concubinage are incidental to discussions of succession struggles or other unusual circumstances. Concubinage was not limited to rulers, however; the Tso-chuan also refers to the concubines of high officials.

Females became concubines in a variety of ways. A fairly common practice was for rulers to send females of their lineage, or for fathers to send their daughters, into concubinage (TCCS 7:11a [123, Huan 11], 10:13a [177, Chuang 28], 15:12b-13a [253, Hsi 23], 19a:9b [315, Wen 6], 26:6a-b [619,

Hsiang 25]). Mothers may also have sent their daughters to become concubines (TCCS 15:6a [249, Hsi 22]). Females were probably sold into concubinage (TCCS 41:24a [707, Chao 1]). The Tso-chuan provides no examples, however, of the purchase of concubines. Under fortunate circumstances a maid could become a concubine (TCCS 37:10b-12a [633-34, Hsiang 36—text and Tu commentary]). Finally, some women voluntarily joined the harems of the powerful (TCCS 45:18b- 19a [785-86, Chao 11 ]).

Rulers observed a truncated version of the marriage rites for some concubines, particularly those acquired from other powerful ruling lineages. When Duke P'ing of Chin secured Hsiao Chiang from Ch'i in 543, no reference is made to the betrothal request, but the rites of presenting betrothal gifts and fetching, escorting, and presenting the bride were performed. One can discern that Hsiao Chiang was not going to be a wife of Duke P'ing from the rank of the officer sent to fetch her and from that of the officer from Ch'i who escorted and presented the concubine to him (TCCS 43:3a-4a [719, Chao 2—text and commentaries]). Although some concubines may have been recruited in this fashion, most were acquired without any ceremony at all.

Duke Huan of Ch'i is reputed to have had many favored concubines. After noting that he had three barren wives, the Tso-chuan says that Duke Huan, "being fond of concubines, had many concubinal favorites. Six concubines were treated just like primary wives [fu-jen ]." All six appear to have been from or related to the ruling lineages of their native states. Four had the clan name of Chi, one Ying, and one Tzu. Each bore at least one son, four of whom eventually became dukes of Ch'i (TCCS 14:18a-b [237, Hsi 17]).^[10]

The masters of concubines looked after them like the personal property that they evidently were. Prior to 558 Duke Hsien of Wei had a music instructor flogged three hundred times because he had whipped one of the duke's favorite concubines, whom he had been assigned to teach the lute (TCCS 32:14a-b [560, Hsiang 14]). And before the battle of Fu-chih in 594 Wei Wu-tzu of Chin became ill and ordered his son, Wei K'o, to marry off a favorite concubine who was without child. Then, when he became seriously ill, he instructed that she be buried alive with his corpse (TCCS 24:12a [409, Hsuan 15]), something he would not have ordered for his wife. Evidently some masters felt their proprietary rights over concubines extended beyond this life.

Wives and concubines were formally ranked within the household. In the state of Chin, for example, we know that at least nine ranks existed among consorts of the ruler because Huai Ying (aka Chen Ying), the concubine of Duke Wen, was ranked ninth (pan tsai chiu-jen ) (TCCS 19a:9b [315, Wen 6]). The consorts of Duke Mu of Cheng were evidently ranked, as the rank (pan ) of Kuei Wei was inferior to (ya ) that of Sung Tzu (TCCS 34:7a-b [587,

Hsiang 19]). Though the term pan does not appear in the Tso-chuan in reference to household women in other states, there is ample indirect evidence that they, too, were formally ranked.

The ranks of consorts were subject to change as the result of the addition of more primary wives or the promotion of sons. For example, among the women in the household of Duke Wen of Chin, Tu Ch'i yielded rank twice, once to Po Chi, who may have originally been a concubine and whose son was named heir-apparent, and again to Chi Wei, the captive girl mentioned earlier whom the Ti had given to Duke Wen during his exile among them. Tu Ch'i therefore ended up being ranked fourth (pan tsai ssu ). According to Tu Yü's calculations, Tu Ch'i's original rank was second (TCCS 19a:9a-10A [315, Wen 6]). In 636 a daughter whom Duke Wen had wed to a loyal follower also yielded rank to another Wife so that the latter's son could become her husband's heir (TCCS 15:16b-17a [254-55, Hsi 24]).

The distinctions among primary wives, secondary wives, and concubines were not simply matters of personal prestige. They also affected their children's status in the key event in the corporate life of state and lineage; namely, the selection of heirs and successors. The general rule was that the eldest son of the principal primary wife should be the first choice, then his full younger brothers in order of age, followed by half brothers by age. When Duke Hsiang of Lu died in 542, the son of Ching Kuei, a concubine from Hu, was selected to succeed him. But when this young man suddenly passed away, a half brother, the son of his mother's younger sister, was installed in his stead. Thereupon, an officer of Lu objected in vain saying:

When the heir-apparent dies, if he has a younger full brother (mu-ti ), then install him. If none, then install the eldest [half brother]. If their age is equal, then select the most worthy. If their sense of duty is equal, then divine [the selection]. This is the Way of antiquity. [Since the son of Ching Kuei] was not the legitimate heir (shih-ssu ), why must the son of her younger sister [be installed]? (TCCS 10:14b-15a [685-86, Hsiang 31])

Thus, since Duke Hsiang's heir-apparent had not been the son of his principal primary wife, the substitute heir need not be determined on the basis of closeness to him.^[11]

Overturning the order of birthright was seen to undermine social stability and moral order (see Holmgren, chapter 2 of this volume, for a discussion of succession in later periods). Alluding to the struggle of a former concubine to get her son installed as heir-apparent, in 660 an officer of Chin is said to have quoted an ancient admonition to the Duke of Chou: "Treating concubines equal to queens, allowing external favorites to share political authority [with the chief minister], making the son of a favorite concubine (pi-tzu ) equal with the legitimate heir (ti ), and letting major walled towns grow to match the

capital, all of these give rise to chaos" (TCCS 11:14b [193, Min 2]). Concern about the ability of the son of a low-ranking woman to command the necessary respect is seen in Chao Tun's argument against installing Huai Ying's son as the ruler of Chin in 621: "Since she is lowly and her rank is ninth, what awe has her son?" (TCCS 19a:9a-10a [315, Wen 6]).^[12]

Marriage Institutions

Among the ruling elite of the Spring and Autumn period, betrothals and weddings involved a series of rites. Although there is no complete record of the entire process on any one occasion, such rites include the following:

1. The tortoise shell and/or milfoil were consulted by the male and/or female side to divine the auspiciousness of initiating and/or continuing the betrothal and marriage process (TCCS 9:23b [163, Chuang 22], 14:8a-10b [232-33, Hsi 15], 36:2b-4a [617-18, Hsiang 25]).

2. Initial inquiry concerning the possibility of marriage would be initiated by either the male (TCCS 22:1b [367, Hsüan 5], 22:3a [377, Hsüan 6], 31:24b-25a [548, Hsiang 12], 43:11a (747, Chao 5]) or female side (4:6b [72, Yin 7]).

3. The marriage agreement was finalized either on the spot or at a later date (TCCS 4:6b [72, Yin 7], 31:24b-25a [548-49, Hsiang 12]).

4. The female side would respond to a request from the male side by offering a prospective bride for consideration (TCCS 43:11a [747, Chao 5]). (Requests for grooms from the female side, by contrast, were groom-specific.)

5. The groom's side had to make a formal petition for betrothal (TCCS 26:21b [446, Ch'eng 8], 51:6b-7a [887-88, Chao 25], 58:26b-27b [1018-19, Ai 11]).

6. The groom's side would then send betrothal gifts to the bride's family (TCCS 18:15b [304, Wen 2], 26:21b [446, Ch'eng 8], 41:14b-15a [702-3, Chao 1]).

7. Before fetching the bride, the groom reported to his key ancestors in their respective ancestral temples (TCCS 41:3a-b [697, Chao 1 ]).

8. The groom either sent a representative^[13] or went himself^[14] to fetch the bride from her home.

9. The bride was sent off by her parents (CCCS 6:3a [103, Huan 3—text and Tu commentary]; TCCS 4:6b [744, Chao 5]).^[15]

10. A representative of the bride's family escorted the bride to the husband's home (TCCS 4:9b-10a [74, Yin 8], 6:4b-5a [104-5, Huan 3], 43:6b-13a [744-48, Chao 5]).

11. There the escort formally transferred the bride to her husband's family (TCCS 6:5a [104, Huan 3], CCCS 26:23b [447, Ch'eng 9], TCCS 26:25a [448, Ch'eng 9]).

12. In order for the marriage to be valid, the couple reported to the groom's ancestral temple before consummating their marriage (TCCS 4:9b-10a [74, Yin 8]).

13. After a trial period of about three months, the horse upon which the bride came was returned to her natal family, apparently as a sign that she was content to remain with her husband.

14. At some point after the marriage, the bride would also visit her parents to inquire about their welfare (CCCS 22:1a-b [376, Hsüan 5], TCCS 22:2a [376, Hsüan 5—text and commentaries]).^[16]

The formal petition for betrothal (p'in ) was critical in this series of rites for it established the woman's status as that of primary wife. Without it, she was held to be merely a concubine (TCCS 27:1b [456, Ch'eng 11—text and Tu commentary]). Rituals performed for marriages between members of ruling houses were designed to reflect and reinforce interstate protocol. For example, a ruler was expected to depute officers of ch'ing rank to present betrothal gifts to the bride's family and to fetch the bride. Likewise, the ruler who was father of the bride was expected to send a person of appropriate rank to escort his daughter to her husband's state as follows:

When the daughter of a duke is married to [the ruler of] a state of equal rank, if she is an elder or younger sister [of the reigning duke], then a shang-ch'ing escorts her in order to show proper courtesy toward [her father] the former ruler. If she is the child of the duke, then a hsia-ch'ing escorts her. If the marriage is to the ruler of a greater state, even though she is the daughter of the duke, still a shang-ch'ing escorts her. If she is married to the Son of Heaven, then all those of ch'ing rank escort her. The duke does not himself escort her. If she is married to the ruler of a lesser state, then a shang tai-fu escorts her. (TCCS , 6:4b-5a [103-4, Huan 3])

Two types of prestations were associated with marriages among the ruling elite, namely, betrothal gifts and dowry. The former appear to have been presented by the groom's side to the family of the bride as part of the rite of initial inquiry and at the time of betrothal. Little is known about the goods that typically made up betrothal gifts. In 541 Kung-sun Hei of Cheng, who was seeking to claim his cousin's betrothed as his own, forced the woman's family to accept a fowl, perhaps to signal its favorable response to his overtures. When the woman's brother gave her the option of choosing between the two suitors, Kung-sun Hei came in the courtyard and "spread out his betrothal gifts" (pu ch'i pi [pi literally means "silk"]), while the woman looked on from her room (TCCS 41:14b-15a [702-3, Chao 1—text and Tu commentary]). In the event, the woman married her original fiancé,

who for his presentation had come into the courtyard in full battle dress, shot an arrow to the left and another to the right, vaulted into his chariot, and departed. Betrothal gifts had important symbolic functions, for the continuation or termination of the marriage process depended upon their reception (Liu Te-han 1976:48). Because betrothal gifts were received by the bride's family, they appear to be akin to bridewealth; however, there is no evidence that they became part of a "circulating pool of resources" used to acquire wives for brothers of the bride (Goody 1973:5).

The practice of direct dowry, whereby property was given to the bride by her kinsmen (ibid., 17), is clearly evident in many Western and Eastern Chou bronze inscriptions, which record a father giving (ying ) a bronze vessel to his daughter upon the occasion of her marriage.^[17] From these inscriptions and the Tso-chuan a number of things can be learned about the outlays made by the bride's family in this period. Because of the political role of ruling-house marriages and the landholding system itself, land was not given as dowry. Bronze vessels, however, were gifts of considerable value. Servants were also sometimes given as dowry (TCCS 12:25b [205, Hsi 5]). The dowry provided by the bride's side could be very costly when a bride came from a ruling house. For example, the Tso-chuan reports that in 484 a high official in the state of Ch'en taxed grant lands (feng-t'ien ) in order to marry off the daughter of the duke (TCCS 18:23a-b [1077, Ai 11]).

The Western Chou rule of clan exogamy (Wang n.d.: 453-54) continued to be voiced in the Spring and Autumn period. In Tso-chuan dialogues it is usually stated as "male and female distinguish clan names [nan nü pien hsing ]," and it is mentioned only in contexts that make note of its violations (TCCS 15:11a-b [252, Hsi 23], 36:2b-4a [617-18, Hsiang 25], 38:25a-b [654, Hsiang 28], 41:24b [707, Chao 1]). Violation of this rule was thought to cause physiological problems for the perpetrators and any offspring that might be produced. For example, when Tzu-ch'an of Cheng was sent in 541 to the sickbed of Duke P'ing of Chin, who had four consorts with the same clan name as his own, he advised the duke to get rid of them:

I have heard that wives and concubines do not reach to the same clan name [as the husband]. If they do, their offspring do not mature. When their physical attraction is first exhausted, indeed, then their relationship gives birth to trouble. Because of that the gentleman despises it. Therefore, the record says, "If when buying a concubine, you do not know her clan name, then divine [the purchase] ." The ancients were wary about violating this rule. Male and female distinguishing clan names is a major regulation of ritual. (TCCS 41: 24a-b [707, Chao 1])^[18]

In spite of perceptions that clan endogamy brought negative consequences, Chao ! reports that the rule was violated more often during the Spring and Autumn period than in any other era in ancient Chinese history

(KYTK 31:646-47). The Tso-chuan records sixteen violations in the taking of wives and concubines (table 1.3). If secondary wives were factored into the above figures, the number of violations would be even higher.

Why was the rule of clan exogamy often ignored? In the fragmented polity and society of the period, clan ties had lost most of their relevance. In the pursuit of political alliances through intermarriage between ruling houses, political exigencies often outweighed exogamous considerations. In interstate relations clan ties provided no assurance of privileged treatment, as is evident in the complaint that when in 544 Duke P'ing of Chin fortified the capital of Chi, his mother's native state, he was assisting a state with a different clan name but had no pity for states bearing his own (TCCS 39:6b-7a [666-67, Hsiang 29]). At the individual level, self-interest overrode any concerns about endogamy. For example, in 545 Ch'ing She offered to marry a daughter to his retainer Lu-p'u Kuei, even though the Ch'ing and Lu-p'u lineages bore the same clan name of Chiang. A retainer of the prospective father-in-law criticized Lu-p'u Kuei for violating the rule on clan exogamy, but Lu-p'u countered that he had not taken the initiative in the match, and besides he stood to gain from it (TCCS 38:25a-b [645, Hsiang 28—text and Tu commentary]). By the Spring and Autumn period, the lineage had displaced the clan as the key kin group in the day-to-day affairs of state and society. In this environment, the rule of clan exogamy was ignored whenever

it became inconvenient, while lineage exogamy was strictly observed. Ruling houses, for example, never took brides from or gave daughters to members of segments of their own lineage or to members of lineages that had split off from it.

Chang Kwang-chih has suggested the existence of positive marriage rules in Shang and Chou China in the following hypothesis:

Within the framework of bilateral cross-cousin marriage, strong emphases were sometimes placed exclusively either on patrilateral (marrying father's sister's daughter [FZD] only) or the matrilateral (marrying the mother's brother's daughter [MBD] only) . . . the guiding principle of the shifting emphasis appears to be the political status of the intermarrying parties. Patrilateral cross-cousin marriages tended to take place between political equals, whereas matrilateral cross-cousin marriage tended to take place as a contributing factor to the delicate and dynamic balance of political power between lineages of unequal status. (1983:29)

While acknowledging that his own views on patrilateral cross-cousin marriage during the Shang are controversial, Chang argues for the existence of matrilateral cross-cousin marriage during the Eastern Chou, more particularly the Spring and Autumn period. His key points are, first, "intermarrying · states referred to each other as 'maternal uncle and sororal nephew states' [Chang's translation of chiu-sheng ], and this designation strongly suggests the probability that the relationship. . . was an ongoing one" (1983:29). Second, this term, "maternal uncle and sororal nephew states," applies to their respective states as states and not simply to particular rulers. Third, marriage exchanges tended not to be reciprocal, particularly from the perspective of lineage as opposed to clan. Fourth, there was a "difference in political status between the maternal uncle and sororal nephew states, and. . . the wife-receivers seem to have higher political and/or ritual status than the wife-givers" (Chang 1983:29-30). Anthropologists characterize this kind of marriage system as "asymmetrical" because women are always moving in one direction. Where prescriptive MBD marriage is practiced, it is found in stratified societies and results in perpetual marriage alliances between wife-givers and wife-receivers (Fox 1967:209-14).^[19] My examination of Ch'un-ch'iu and Tso-chuan evidence does not bear out Chang's interpretation of marriage in the Spring and Autumn period.

For example, the most common usages of chiu ("father-in-law/mother's brother") and sheng ("sister's son/daughter's husband") imply sister exchange or reciprocal marriages (Granet 1930:156-60; Ch'en and Shyrock 1932:629-30; Feng 1937:43-46). Ruey Yih-fu notes a merging of consanguineous and affinal relatives in the uses of these terms, which he lists as

chiu : mother's brother, wife's father, husband's father

sheng : father's sister's son, mother's brother's son, wife's brother, sister's husband, daughter's husband, daughter's son

Ruey concurs that this phenomenon (i.e., the merging of consanguineous and affinal relatives in the usages of chiu and sheng ) indicates, and might be caused by, "the practice of cross-cousin marriage and, to a certain extent, of sister exchange marriages among the noble class at least" (1958:8-9). Chang's "framework of bilateral cross-cousin marriage" is based on this interpretation of these terms (1983:29), but he seeks to break new ground by showing that emphasis was placed on unilateral MBD marriages. Ruey argues convincingly, however, that chiu or sheng are difficult to distinguish because intermarriage between kin groups continued for generations (1959:245-46). Although the meanings of chiu and sheng can be used as evidence of the possibility of reciprocal cross-cousin marriage, they do not support the argument for one-way, nonreciprocal marriage. Depending on one's point of reference, the other party could be either chiu or sheng because of past or present bilateral marriage links.

Chang's second point, that these terms could refer to relations between states and not simply to particular rulers, can be accepted. Ruey has shown this was clearly the case because subsequent generations continued to use the terminology brought into play by a marriage, even though they had not renewed the marriage relationship (1959:252-54). But this practice negates the notion that these terms suggest ongoing relationships, or perpetual marriage alliances, between intermarrying states.

Ample evidence shows that many lineages intermarried. Thirty-five percent of marriages (twenty-nine of eighty-three) by rulers fall in this category, which I label "bilateral" instead of "reciprocal" because in the Spring and Autumn period there is no evidence of the creation of mutual marriage rights to females and obligations to continue to intermarry. Chang's conclusion is based primarily on data for marriages between Lu and Ch'i. Table 1.4 takes into account the marriages of rulers and their sons and grandsons in all of

the major states. It shows that the ruling lineages listed both gave and accepted each other's daughters in marriage (numbers in parentheses indicate number of recorded wives): not only did brides move in both directions, but there is also no evidence for marriage with FZDs^[20] and very little for MBDs.^[21]

Chang's assertion that wife-receivers tend to hold higher political or ritual status than wife-givers does not stand up. For example, when the marriages of the ruling houses of Ch'i, Chin, Lu, and Wei are considered, the record shows that in one-way relationships as wife-receivers or as wife-givers, the political strength of these states was usually equal to or greater than those of their ruling-house marriage partners.^[22] When interstate protocol—in which ritual status may have tended to outweigh political strength—at the time of marriage is taken into account, most of the bilateral marriage ties between the states listed in table 1.4 were contracted between ruling houses of equal status (even Chi and Lu). Of course, according to ritual status, the royal house of Chou was superior to its marriage partners, but it both sent daughters to and received brides from these lower-ranking houses. These is no evidence of a preference for one-way MBD marriage exchanges in which the wife-receiver always held higher status than the wife-giver. Within the gradations of ruling houses, superiors were giving women to and receiving women from inferiors, and equals were exchanging women among themselves.

In the Spring and Autumn period, marriages among the ruling elite tended to be class endogamous. For example, male members of ruling households usually chose spouses from other ruling households. Such marriages were, indeed, quite common (see table 1.5). But as revealed in the discussion above, considerable intermarriage took place among ranks from the same class, indicating that marriage, in its social implications, was a means of perpetuating class solidarity.

Heterogamous marriages between social classes also occasionally occurred. In addition to being married to men from their class, some daughters of rulers were married up to the king of Chou (who, after all, had to take women

from lower levels). A few ch'ing and tai-fu families married their daughters up to rulers, presumably as additional wives; one was pursued by the ruler of her state (TCCS , 10:22a [181, Chuang 28]) and the other, from a powerful ministerial lineage in a major state, was married to the ruler of a minor state (TCCS 48:22a [844, Chao 19]). Two marriages between sons of rulers and daughters of ch'ing and tai-fu involved sons who were not in line for the rulership.^[23] Kings of Chou, who were without peer in the realm, married their daughters to rulers of select states (TCCS , 8:4a-b [137, Chuang 1]; 9:3b [153, Chuang 11]; 20:5b [349, Wen 16]; also CCCS , 9:la [152, Chuang 1]). Even more common in the sources are unequal matches involving daughters of ruling households who married down. Eleven of sixteen such marriages, however, involved unusual circumstances;^[24] so hypogamous marriages between ruling households and ch'ing and tai-fu lineages may not have been as common as these figures suggest (for marriages of imperial daughters in later periods, see Chaffee, chapter 4, and Rawski, chapter 5, in this volume).

If ruling-house marriages were not structured by patterns of accepting wives from lower-ranking ruling houses and giving them to higher ones or vice-versa, what did govern marriage choices? From my reading of the sources, these marriages, particularly when contracted by the ruler himself, were dictated by political considerations. From the points of view of both the groom's and the bride's side, they were political marriages. As a rule, they were not the product of perpetual marriage alliances that had to be renewed in every generation (cf. Goody 1973:35-36). When Lu experienced a famine in 666, its ruler was told that the way to obtain aid from neighboring states was to "secure the trust of the rulers, compound it through marriage, and enhance it through covenants" (KY 4:3a [111, Lu Yü shang ]). Lü Hsiang of Chin echoed these remarks when he observed that the good relationship between deceased rulers Duke Hsien of Chin and Duke Mu of Ch'in had been extended by way of covenant and enhanced through marriage; namely, that of the daughter of Duke Hsien to Duke Mu in about 655 (TCCS 27:1 la-b [461, Ch'eng 13—text and Tu commentary]). The Tso-chuan states that marriage and the maintenance of good relations with affines were of the first order of importance in the affairs of a new ruler (TCCS 18:15b [304, Wen 21 ]). Rulers received brides from and gave daughters to other ruling houses to seal agreements, signal friendly intentions, extend recognition, and, most important, secure the support and protection of affines in the interstate, and sometimes domestic, struggle for power and survival. Despite the incompleteness of the marriage record in the Ch'un-ch'iu and Tso-chuan , it is evident that wives were received from and given to many different lineages (see table 1.6).

The major states of Ch'i and Chin and the less powerful states of Lu and Wei show a pattern of wide geographic dispersal of marriages. Chin provides a good example of how the geographic span of ruling-house marriages was influenced by interstate politics. Duke Hsien (r. 676-52), who ruled when

Chin was building its regional power base, received brides from the ruling houses of the weaker nearby states of Chia and the barbarian Ta Jung and Hsiao Jung, presumably to secure the peace and obtain their allegiance, and he gave a daughter to Ch'in (whom Chin was not strong enough to dominate) in order to firm up friendship with this rival power. Duke Wen (r. 636-28), who had received a "courtesy" bride from the ruling house of Ch'i while in exile as a ducal son, was installed as ruler of Chin through the intervention of Duke Mu of Ch'in. His first act as ruler was to take a daughter of the latter as principal wife. (Although Duke Mu had earlier received a half sister of Duke Wen as wife, this marriage should be interpreted in its political context rather than as an obligatory marital exchange.) Under the leadership of Duke Wen, Chin took the role of hegemon away from Ch'i, establishing itself as one of the most powerful states of the Spring and Autumn period. The rulers of Chin, now hegemons, established marriage ties with the rulers of more distant rival states. In 550 Chin sent a ruler's daughter to the state of Wu, a newcomer to power politics (TCCS 35:9b [602, Hsiang 23]). Duke P'ing received a bride from Ch'i in 539 (TCCS 42:8b-9b [721-22, Chao 2]). In 537 Duke P'ing gave a daughter to King Ling of Ch'u, the chief competitor of Chin, who had requested the match because

Ch'u perceived itself to be in a weaker military position (TCCS 43:11 a [747, Chao 5]). As instruments of interstate politics, marriages followed shifting alliances among the competing states.

The ruling elite recognized both specific and diffuse obligations to affines and matrilateral kin. Mourning rites were observed for deaths of atones (TCCS 35:11a [603, Hsiang 23]; 45:6a [779, Chao 9]). One ruler aided in building or repairing defensive walls around the capital city of his mother's home state (TCCS 29:6b [666, Hsiang 29]). The marriage of the ruler of Yü to the daughter of the chief minister of Sung bore fruit in 523 when her brother persuaded the duke of Sung to send an army against the state of Chu because it had attacked Yü in the previous year (TCCS 48:17b-18a [842, Chao 18], 22a [844, Chao 19]). Duke Mu of Ch'in installed two of his wife's half brothers, Duke Hui and Duke Wen, as rulers of Chin (TCCS 13:13a-14a [220, Hsi 9]; 15:16a [254, Hsi 24]). A speech of Lü Hsiang, breaking relations with Ch'in in 579, enumerates many more instances of how Chin and Ch'in had helped each other in dealing with other states and settling succession problems since the time of Duke Hsien and Duke Mu (TCCS 27:11b-12a [461, Ch'eng 13]).^[25]

Much of the responsibility for achieving the goals of a political alliance based on or reinforced by marriage fell to the woman who was transferred by the marriage. From the perspective of the ruling house that gave its daughter to another ruling house in marriage, the woman was to become its agent in her new home. In the short run she was to use her influence to look after the interests of the state ruled by her natal lineage and in the long run to produce a line of heirs who would be amenable to maintaining friendly and supportive relations with it (for later periods, see Holmgren, chapter 2 of this volume). These short- and long-term objectives must have accelerated the practice of sending a niece and a younger sister of the principal bride as secondary brides who were there to further buttress affinal and matrilateral relations as secondary wives and childbearers.

After a daughter married out as a primary wife, she would occasionally return to visit her parents. She visited her natal family to inquire about the welfare of her parents after her marriage (TCCS 10:10b [175, Chuang 27]), to present her new child (CCCS 12:16b [204, Hsi 5], and sometimes to request a bride for her son (CCCS 16:1a [262, Hsi 25]; 17:8a [286, Hsi 31]). She could also return home if rejected by her husband or his lineage (TCCS 10:10b [175, Chuang 27—text and Tu commentary]). Parents continued to be concerned about the welfare of daughters who married out. For example, in 613 Duke Wen of Lu asked Ch'i to return a daughter, who had been married to Duke Chao, because her son had been assassinated immediately upon assuming the rulership. Although he claimed he wanted to punish her, Duke Wen's real intent was to protect her (TCCS 19b:l5a-b [335, Wen 14], 18a [336, Wen 14], 25a [340, Wen 15]).

For their part, married women retained a strong loyalty toward and acted as agents for their natal lineages. If forced to choose between her husband and father, the married daughter was expected to put her father first. This is revealed in the resolution of the dilemma faced by Yung Chi, the daughter of Chi Chung, who was the most powerful officer in Cheng in 594. When her husband was ordered to assassinate her father and she became aware of it, she went to her mother for advice and asked, "Which one is dearer, husband or father?" Her mother responded with a rhetorical question, "Any man can be a husband, [but] a father is simply unique. How can they be compared?" Satisfied, she tipped off her father, and he killed her husband to save his own life (TCCS 7:20a-b [127, Huan 15]; see also TCCS 38:27a-b [655, Hsiang 28]). Wives of rulers intervened in government affairs in behalf of their native states, as when the wife of Duke Mu of Ch'in secured the release of her captured half brother, Duke Hui of Chin, in 645 (TCCS 14:6a-7a [231-32, Hsi 15]) and the widowed wife of former Duke Wen talked his successor into freeing three captured generals from her home state of Ch'in in 627 (TCCS 17:15b-16a [290, Hsi 33]). Besides looking after the interests of their native state in circumstances such as these, married daughters continued to have an interest in events at home. Mu Chi, the wife of Duke Mu of Ch'in, for example, tried to influence internal affairs of her natal lineage, the ducal house of Chin, when her husband installed her half brother I-wu as ruler of Chin in 650 (TCCS 14:2b [229, Hsi 15]).

Despite the political importance of the affinal ties created by marriage, divorce was permitted. Marriages were sometimes terminated by one of the spouses for personal reasons (TCCS 2:30a [42, Yin 2]), but divorces could also be forced by kinsmen seeking to maintain harmony within the lineage or family (TCCS 19a:16a-b [318, Wen 7]), out of personal animosity (TCCS 27:1b-2a [456, Ch'eng 11]), or to obtain certain political objectives (TCCS 27:2a-b [456, Ch'eng 11]; 58:26a-b [1018, Ai 11]). Nonkinsmen could also force the termination of a marriage to promote their own interests. For example, in 558 the officers of Cheng set the stage for taking action against a leading member of the T'u lineage by sending the wife of one of his kinsmen back to her natal lineage in Chin, thereby breaking the claim of the T'u lineage to assistance from affines in a powerful state (TCCS 32:26b [566, Hsiang 15—text and Tu commentary]).

Just as the implications of marriage went beyond the bride and groom to the relations between their respective lineages and, in the case of ruling houses, their states, divorce was an equally far-reaching matter because it potentially involved these relationships. I say "potentially" because a wife could be divorced without severing the affinal tie established with her lineage if the proper procedure were followed. Two examples of this process involve the ruling houses of Chi and Lu. In 616 when Duke Huan of Chi appeared for the first time in the court of Lu, the Tso-chuan says Duke Wen acceded to his

request to break off his relationship with Shu Chi while preserving marital relations with the ruling house of Lu (ch'ing chueh Shu Chi erh wu chueh hun ). In the second month of the same year, she passed away (TCCS 19:5a-b [330, Wen 12]). When Duke Huan came to court in Lu again in 587, the Tso-chuan states that "it was for the purpose of returning Shu Chi [another Lu bride]" (TCCS 26:6b [438, Ch'eng 4]). Duke Ch'eng of Lu evidently agreed, for Shu Chi moved back the following year (CCCS 26:8a [439, Ch'eng 5]). After she died, possibly by committing suicide, in 583 (TCCS 26:23a [447, Ch'eng 8]), Duke Huan agreed to come and take her body back to Chi for proper burial, as if she were still his wife (TCCS 26:24b [447, Ch'eng 9]). Under ordinary circumstances a divorced woman was no longer regarded as kin (TCCS 8:3b [137, Chuang 1]) and thus not entitled to funeral rites or mourning by her former affines.

Conclusion

In this chapter I have focused on marriage in the ruling elite, especially the ruling households, of the Spring and Autumn period. Particular attention has been paid to the ways that marriage practices were related to the political and social organization of the period. I shall conclude with some observations on the marriage system and its continuities and discontinuities in later periods.

The political, social, economic, and marriage systems, as well as kinship terminology, of the Spring and Autumn period exhibit most of the characteristics that Jack Goody has associated with dowry systems in Eurasian society (1973, 1976). The polity in this period was complex, with large states and highly stratified local societies; the economy was based on intensive agriculture including the animal-drawn plough; in-marriage was practiced in the form of class endogamy; premarital sex was proscribed (Chia 1980:23); and kinship terminology distinguished siblings from cousins (for the latter, see EYCS 4:14a-19a [61-64]). The practice of polygyny, however, is an important exception to Goody's formulation. The coexistence and convergence of polygyny and dowry in the Spring and Autumn period are explicable with reference to the political and social context of the time in which politics, not economics, determined social status and marriage strategies. Polygyny was used as a diplomatic tool by the lineages of both bride and groom. Dowry helped to confirm the primary-wife status of the principal bride of rulers and heads of patrilineages and to secure her loyalty to her natal state and/or lineage.

In the Spring and Autumn period the patrilineage was the exogamous kin group. No positive or prescriptive marriage rule was followed. Although patrilateral or matrilateral cross-cousin marriages may have occurred, there is no evidence that they were frequent or preferred. Bilateral marriages were

more common, but again there is no evidence that they were reciprocal between cross-cousins or based on perpetual marriage alliances. Mate selection had to be flexible in order to attain political objectives.

I would now like to highlight some continuities with marriage practices in later periods of Chinese history. Here it is useful to distinguish between continuities in marriage practices in general and those associated with the ruling elite. As to the former, significant continuity exists in the overall ritual sequence, which shows similarities from the rulers of the Spring and Autumn period to ordinary people of relatively recent times. Elite practices and their codification in ritual texts have served as guides to marriage since Han times (Dull 1978:34-51). Marriage prestations in the form of betrothal gifts from the groom's side and dowry from the bride's side have continued with varying degrees of emphasis. Concubinage continued unabated through most later periods, but usually as an adjunct of monogamy rather than polygyny. Also noteworthy is the continuing tie between women and their natal families. Continuities with later imperial marriage practices can be discerned in the ordering of women in harems into several ranks, in the preference for sons by a wife for heir-apparent or successor, and even in the promotion of the mother of a proposed heir to improve appearances (see the chapters by Holmgren and Rawski here).

Exogamy has been a general feature of marriage practices from the earliest times to the present. Subtle historical differences, however, should not be overlooked. Prior to the Eastern Chou era the rule of surname exogamy applied to those who shared the same hsing , or clan name. In the Spring and Autumn period the patrilineage was the exogamous unit; so those with the same shih , or lineage name, did not intermarry. By Han times hsing and shih had become synonymous, and the unit of exogamy had constricted further to include only those descended from more recent common ancestors; consequently, the rule of surname exogamy could be violated, but one could not marry within his or her natal tsung (Dull 1978:29-30; Liu Tseng-kuei 1980: 10-11). In later periods, however, the scope of exogamy was officially extended to all those with the same surname.

Another important shift in marriage practices took place after the Spring and Autumn period. Later emperors, particularly in Chinese regimes, married within their realm, unlike rulers during the Spring and Autumn period, which may explain the absence of powerful consort families in the management of state and lineage affairs at that time. By contrast, most dynastic regimes were constantly faced with problems created by powerful consort families and influential court women (see Holmgren's chapter).

The two most striking discontinuities with marriage practices in later periods are found in taking more than one wife at a time and in the principal bride's family and lineage sending secondary brides. In the multistate system of the Spring and Autumn period, general polygyny was used by rulers as a

survival strategy to multiply political alliances and extend affinal relations, while sororal polygyny served the political interests of the bride's family, lineage, and state by increasing the likelihood of producing a successor to the bride's husband who would be amenable to maintaining friendly relations with his mother's family. These political exigencies did not exist in the imperial period. The power of affines presented more significant problems than hostile regimes on the outside. Taking additional wives would have compounded those problems.

Perhaps a more fundamental reason, however, for these discontinuities and the relative insignificance of dowry in the early imperial period (see chapter 3 by Ebrey) is the sweeping social and political changes that accelerated in the Warring States period and culminated in the formation of the empire. The upper echelons of the ruling elite were gradually swept away as powerful ministerial lineages rose to displace their ruling houses, and states were eliminated one by one in the process of unification. Officials of shih rank moved to the top of the official hierarchy, then major reforms, such as those instituted by Shang Yang in Ch'in (Li 1977:37-40), altered the system of ranks and fundamentally changed the status system, thereby depriving the old aristocracy of its prerogatives and enabling commoners to rise to high rank and status. By the time of the formation of the empire, the old aristocracy and its more extravagant ways had been swept away, and a new elite of commoner background was in place with its more modest customs and practices.

Glossary

cheng

ch'i

chi-shih

chi-shih i ch'i chih

chiang-sung

ch'ieh

chih (elder brother's daughter)

chih (to escort to. the final destination)

chih fu-jen

ch'ing

ch'ing chueh Shu Chi erh wu chueh hun

chiu

chiu-sheng

ch'ü

erh-fei

fei

feng-t'ien

fu-jen

hsi (to amuse oneself)

hsi (to play)

hsia-ch'ing

hsia-fei

hsia-guo

hsing

kuei

mu-ti

nan nü pien hsing

nü

pan

pan tsai chiu jen

pan tsai ssu

pa

pao

pei

pi

pi-tzu

pin

p'in

pu ch'i pi

shang-ch'ing

shang-tai-fu

sheng

shih (officer)

shih (lineage name)

shih-ssu

sung

ta-kuo

tai-fu

tang

tang

ti (younger sister)

ti (legitimate heir)

t'iao

t'ung

tsung

tz'u-kuo

ya

yao

yi

yin

ying

yu

yuan fei

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