Preferred Citation: Herr, Richard. Rural Change and Royal Finances in Spain at the End of the Old Regime. Berkeley:  University of California Press,  c1989 1989. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft4d5nb394/


 

APPENDIX N—
COMPARATIVE STATISTICS OF SEVEN TOWNS

Certain statistics developed for each of the seven towns merit being tabulated together for purposes of comparison and because of their usefulness to scholars.

The yield-seed ratios for grains and some pulses (Table N.1) have been derived from the information in the catastro. This source states the harvest in grain for one unit (usually a fanega) of each different quality of land (resp. gen. Q 9 and the introduction to maest. segl.) and the amount of seed needed to sow one unit of each quality of land (resp. gen. Q 12). Table N.1 also states the rotation for each quality of land, since this has an influence on the yield.[1]

Another way in which yields are frequently measured, especially today, is in hectoliters of grain per hectare of land. Table N.2 gives the expected yield in the year of harvest, using the conversion 55.2 liters = 1 fanega of volume and the metric equivalent of the local fanega of area shown in Table N.5. For some towns the reported tithes have shown the predicted yield to be inaccurate. Estimates based on the reported tithes are shown in the last column of the table, but they are also approximations, because the extent of each quality of land sown with each crop can only be based on the use described in the catastro, which the tithes show is not always accurate.

2

In calculating the income of vecinos of the seven towns, I have used as a measure the equivalent value in fanegas of wheat (EFW), converting harvests of other crops and income from other sources into this unit, using the local prices reported for the crops in the catastro. The measure could be misleading if the prices were indeed very local, varying widely from one place to another. Table

[1] For comparable statistics on other times and places in Europe, see Slicher van Bath, Agrarian History, Tables 2, 3.


798

figure


799

figure


800

figure


801

N.3 summarizes the prices of the major grains in the seven towns and also of olive oil in those of Jaén province.

The price reported for wheat is remarkably constant, either fourteen or fifteen reales per fanega except in Las Navas, where the price of eighteen reales is 20 percent above the higher of these two. The use of EFW as a measure thus appears warranted, and it is a measure that avoids the swings in grain prices that were typical of the old regime. The effect of the difference of price in Las Navas on my analysis was considered in its place.

It is worth noting that the prices recorded by Earl Hamilton for New Castile in these years are considerably higher. For wheat they run from 50 percent to nearly 300 percent more than the fourteen to fifteen reales range reported by most towns. His information comes from the account books of a hospital and two convents in Toledo,[2] but he does not state if the institutions were buying from peasants or selling on the market at this price.

This difference means that one cannot translate EFW income in rural communities into monetary terms and compare directly the result with urban incomes. For instance, I have calculated the mean income of the top labradores of La Mata as 280 EFW, which converts to 3,920 reales. In Madrid at this time, according to David Ringrose, one needed 3,000 to 4,000 reales to enjoy more than minimal food, housing, and clothes. It is clear that the labradores lived far above such a level, better comparatively than those in Madrid with the 5,000 reales needed "to achieve a measure of 'bourgeois' comfort." (A surgeon-barber in Madrid averaged 4,800 reales per year; a lawyer, 5,900.) In Baños and Lopera, the wealthiest notables averaged 350 to 400 EFW, 5,000 to 6,000 reales. These were the incomes of Madrid guild masters with shops of their own, below that of the average doctor (13,500 reales). The highest income we have come across was that of the widow doña Francisca Luisa de Molina de la Zerda y Soriano of Baños, 1,800 EFW, 25,000 reales, placing her in what Ringrose calls the middling class of Madrid (10,000 to 40,000 reales). Obviously in social status wealthy local notables were far above middling. Hamilton's figures suggest that in economic terms too, local incomes should be raised considerably to determine comparable buying power in Madrid.[3]

3

Table N.4 compares the proportion of male heads of household (vecinos) whose income comes primarily from agriculture with the per capita income of each town (see Table 14.1). It reveals a clear inverse relationship between the two statistics, except in the case of Pedrollén, which is not properly a town, and to a lesser extent Villaverde. The relationship is somewhat tautological because the lowest income for each town is usually that of agricultural labor. A high percentage of households drawing their income from agriculture usually means that there is a high percentage of jornaleros. Even so, the relationship deserves to be pointed out, because this information is readily available: the respuestas

[2] Hamilton, War and Prices, xxv and 229.

[3] Ringrose, Madrid and the Spanish Economy, 80–81.


802
 

Table N.2. Metric Grain Yields in Year of Harvest, Five Towns, 1751–1753
(hectoliters per hectare)

 

First Quality Land

Second  Quality Land

Third Quality Land

Mean of All Lands in Town (based on tithes)

 

(based on stated harvest per measure of land)

La Mata

       

Wheat

9.9

7.4

4.9

8.8

Rye

7.4

   

10.4

Villaverde

       

Wheat

9.9

7.4

3.7

5.9

Baños

       

Ruedo

       

Wheat

6.9

5.7

6.9

6.6

Barley

9.2

8.0

 

2.7a

Habas

6.9

     

Campiñuela

 

Fourth Quality

Wheat

5.7

4.6

4.6

 

Barley

6.9

4.6

5.7           6.9

Rye

   

                      6.9

Término privativo: cortijos de la sierra

   

Wheat

5.7

     

Barley

6.9

6.9

5.7

 

Rye

   

               5.7            5.7

Término privativo: roza de barbecho

   

Wheat

6.9

     

Barley

8.0

     

Rye

5.7

     

Término privativo: roza de cama

Wheat

9.2

     

Lopera

       

Ruedo

       

Wheat

14.5

8.7

6.8

9.2

Barley

19.4

13.6

9.7

2.8a

Habas

11.6

7.7

 

6.2

Campiña

       

Wheat

8.7

5.8

3.9

 

Barley

13.6

9.7

5.8

 

Escaña

13.6

   

6.1

Navas

       

Wheat

9.4

7.1

 

11.5a

Barley

14.1

10.6

5.9

2.7a

Rye

   

5.9

 

Escaña

   

11.7

 

803
 

SOURCE. Resp. gen. and maest. segl. for each town.

NOTE. For the rotations in each quality of land, see Table N.1.

In Pedrollén and El Mirón, the fanega was a variable area, so that no calculation is possible.

a The calculation of the yield of each crop based on the reported tithes uses the extent of each quality of land and the rotations stated in the catastro as the basis for the area planted with each crop. Where the yield is not credible, it is evident that the rotations on the different qualities of land were not always  what the vecinos indicated to the makers of the catastro. The yield calculated according to the reported tithes is therefore not always more reliable than that calculated according to the reported harvest per measure of land.

 

Table N.3. Local Prices of Grains and Olive Oil, Seven Towns, 1751–1753

Date

Town

Wheat

Barley

Rye

Olive Oil (reales per arroba)

(reales per fanega)

1751

Lopera

15

9

 

15.00

1752

Villaverde

14

7

8

 
 

Pedrollén

15

6

9

 
 

El Mirón

15

10

10

 
 

Baños

14

7

9

14.00

 

Navas

18

9

10

15.00

1753

La Mata

14

6

8

 

1751

Toledo

34

 

18

 

1752

Toledo

22

 

8

23.75

1753

Toledo

48

 

13

22.50

SOURCES. Resp. gen. Q 14 for each town. Toledo: Hamilton, War and Prices, Appendix 1.

generales give the number of vecinos in Q 21 and the number of men engaged in agriculture in QQ 33, 34, or 35. For comparative purposes, the percentage of vecinos engaged in agriculture can be used as a surrogate measure of per capita income of the town, a statistic that can be determined only with considerable effort.[4]

4

The makers of the catastro asked each town, "What measure of land is used in that town, and how many paces or square Castilian varas does it consist of?"

[4] All respuestas generales for Castile are available in AGS.


804
 

Table N.4. Per Capita Income and Male Heads of Household in Agriculture, Seven Towns,
1751–1753

 

Male Heads of Household Drawing Income Primarily from Agriculture
(percent)

Per Capita Income
(EFW per year)

La Mata

40.8

18.0 to 19.4

Villaverde

54.4

13.8

Lopera

64.0

13.9 to 15.6

Baños

69.5

10.4 to 12.0

El Mirón

71.7

6.3 to 9.3

Navas

80.8

7.0 to 7.3

Pedrollén

                        100

22.9

SOURCE. Tables 7.1, 8.1, 10.2, 11.2, 12.2, 13.2, and 14.1.

 

Table N.5. Metric Equivalents of the Fanega of Land, Seven Towns

 

Definition

Metric Equivalent (hectares)

La Mata

400 estadales of 4 varas castellanas [squared]

.447

Villaverde

Same as La Mataa

.447

Pedrollén

Variable, the area sown with a fanega of grain

 

El Mirón

Same as Pedrollén

 

Baños

405 estadales of 4 1/8 varas squaredb

.482

Lopera

480 estadales of 4 1/8 varas squaredc

.571

Navas

500 estadales of 3 2/3 varas castellanas [squared]

.470

SOURCE. Resp. gen. Q 9 for each town. The vara castellana (or "de Ávila") is 0.8359 meter.

a In Villaverde the fanega was called a huebra.

b In multiplying this out, the makers of the catastro erred and got the answer 6,480 varas squared, which is the result of squaring 4 varas to obtain the estadal. The catastro says clearly "4 vars. y un octavo de otra" (Baños, resp. gen. Q 9).

c The "estadal de Calatrava." The makers of the catastro gave the definition 8,168 square varas. The  exact figure is 8,167.5.


805
 

Table N.6. Census Returns of 1786, Seven Towns

 

  Single

  Married

Widowed

 

Age Group

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Totals

La Mata

             

0–6

39

38

       

77

7–15

40

16

       

56

16–24

23

21

18

18

   

80

25–39

2

 

31

34

   

67

40–49

1

 

13

7

   

21

50 and over

   

14

17

5

4

40

Total

105

75

76

76

5

4

341

Villaverde

             

0–6

39

42

       

81

7–15

35

22

       

57

16–24

21

18

3

2

   

44

25–39

8

2

27

33

1

1

72

40–49

   

16

16

4

2

38

50 and over

   

19

10

8

17

54

Total

103

84

65

61

13

20

346

El Mirón

             

0–6

36

32

       

68

7–15

46

46

1

1

   

94

16–24

3

 

36

37

 

1

77

25–39

   

16

17

   

33

40–49

   

6

6

1

1

14

50 and over

   

7

7

5

6

25

Total

85

78

66

68

6

8

311

Baños

             

0–6

125

137

       

262

7–15

148

143

       

291

16–24

111

117

23

34

 

1

286

25–39

57

42

135

153

3

15

405

40–49

16

9

90

80

7

18

220

50 and over

10

20

79

68

26

87

290

Total

467

468

327

335

36

121

1,754

Loperaa

             

0–6

136

119

       

255

7–15

126

119

1

1

   

247

16–24

79

79

50

53

   

261

25–39

23

36

96

113

4

13

285

40–49

4

9

80

60

14

21

188

50 and over

1

7

43

43

25

52

171

Total

369

369

270

270

43

86

1,407


806
 

Table N.6.

 

  Single

Married

Widowed

 

Age Group

Male

Female

Male

Female

Male

Female

Totals

Las Navas

             

0–6

63

70

       

133

7–15

98

94

       

192

16–24

61

49

6

14

 

2

132

25–39

20

10

70

73

4

11

188

40–49

4

3

55

52

12

13

139

50 and over

5

3

36

28

14

36

122

Total

251

229

167

167

30

62

906

Pedrollén

             

See Chapter 9, section 2.

           

SOURCE. Real Academia de la Historia, individual town returns of the census of 1787.

a There appears to have been some underregistration of females 0–15 in Lopera, a suspicion reinforced by the coincidence in numbers for the ages 0–6 and 7–15. The low figures for both males and females age 7–15 and the high number of widows and widowers suggests that there may have been a serious epidemic about 1780, but there is no information to corroborate this indication. The low number of males 25–39 and high number of males 40–49 could result from misstatement of ages.

The answers showed that this enlightened concern for a standard measure was indeed justified, for the basic measure varied widely, as our seven towns reveal (Table N.5).

The basic measure was similar to an English acre and was known variously as a fanega, fanegada, huebra, or cuerda. When it was defined mathematically, it consisted of a number of estadales (similar to square rods in English), each consisting of a specified length in varas squared. (The vara castellana was 0.8359 meters.) The responses of the towns of Jaén show the complexity of the matter. The province had two different estadales. The estadal of the military order of Calatrava was 4 1/8 varas squared. The rest of the province used an estadal of 3 2/3 varas squared. (In La Armuña it was 4 varas squared.) The fanega of Calatrava had 480 estadales. The rest of the province was divided among zones with 480 estadales (a small area in the southwest), 500 estadales, and 666 2/3 estadales. A number of towns in the middle group reported a second measure ("cuerda" in this region) of 435 estadales for the ruedo and irrigated lands. Scattered through the province were towns that had no numerical measure but continued to define the fanega as the area sown with a fanega of grain.


807

 

Preferred Citation: Herr, Richard. Rural Change and Royal Finances in Spain at the End of the Old Regime. Berkeley:  University of California Press,  c1989 1989. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft4d5nb394/