PART THREE—
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS

Twelve—
Recent Historiography of the Spanish Inquisition (1977–1988): Balance and Perspective

Jesús M. De Bujanda

The commemoration ten years ago of the fifth century of the establishment of the Spanish Inquisition with Sixtus IV's papal bull dated 1 November 1478 coincided with a veritable explosion of inquisitorial studies. The relative scarcity of studies on the Spanish Inquisition in previous decades contrasts sharply with the awakening in the 1970s and 1980s of an interest manifested in numerous conferences and symposia as well as in the large number of publications that have completely revised our knowledge of the Inquisition and its fundamental influence upon the shape of modern Spain.

It is worth noting that the March 1988 meeting in Los Angeles is chronologically the tenth important scientific congress to deal directly with the theme of the Spanish Inquisition. The previous congresses were: Santander (1976), Copenhagen (1978), Cuenca (1978), Rome-Naples (1981), Santander (1982), Madrid (exposition and conferences, 1982), New York (1983), Madrid-Segovia-Palma (1985), and Chicago (1986).

The Los Angeles congress, investigating the Inquisition's impact on Spain and the New World, provides an appropriate occasion for examining the present state of inquisitorial studies since the reevaluation that took place ten years ago as well as the orientations and perspectives we can discern on the horizon.

It is not our intention to review here the numerous publications on the Inquisition of the past decade. At the end of this essay is a list of the main publications between 1977 and 1988 which serves as a base for the following considerations and focuses our attention on the issues

characterizing the evolution of inquisitorial studies. The reader interested in studies prior to 1977 can consult the recent edition in two volumes of the Bibliography of the Inquisition by Emil van der Vekene, published in 1982–1983.

It is interesting to note that inquisitorial studies have become popular at the moment when Spanish society is becoming increasingly democratic. If history is a teacher, then the critical and unbiased examination of an organism that institutionalized intolerance for three and a half centuries of present-day Spain's gestation may provide us with a point of reference and reflection for an open, pluralistic society.

From the professional point of view, it is necessary to look beyond the present polemical juncture and become aware of the new orientations of historical studies regarding social history and the history of mentalities. The inquisitorial sources offer the new generations of historians diverse possibilities for the practice of new history.

A Better Knowledge of the Inquisitorial Sources

The historian investigating the Spanish Inquisition is much better equipped in 1988 than the historian who began his studies in 1977. Many valuable publications orient the investigator's steps and put him in direct contact with inquisitorial documents. The content and organization of the Fondo Inquisición of the Archivo Histórico Nacional were described in 1978 by M. Avilés, J. Martínez Millán, and V. Pinto in the Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, as well as in V. Pinto and M. Vergara Doncel's subsequent publications. Other extremely useful publications include that of the archivist Natividad Moreno Garbajo, Catálogo de alegaciones fiscales and the Inventario de los libros 1225–1281, both containing valuable indexes of people, places, and material.

Regarding the inquisitorial documents in the Simancas Archive, A. Represa Rodríguez's work can be consulted. Of great value for those who frequent the Diocese Archive of Cuenca, where the most important inquisitorial source outside the AHN is kept, is the second volume of the Catálogo del Archivo de la Inquisición de Cuenca, published in 1982 by the present director, Dimas Pérez Ramírez, containing the reproduction of the first volume published in 1965 by S. Cirac Estopañán. A third volume dedicated to the remaining papers will complete the series.

We also have a more complete knowledge of the inquisitorial sources conserved in the libraries and archives outside of Spain, thanks to G. Henningsen's publication describing the Moldenhauer collection of Copenhagen and M. Avilés's contribution that not only records the

sources from the British Museum described by E. Llamas Martínez^[1] ; but also notes the principal European and North American sources where documents related to the Spanish Inquisition can be found.^[2]

Investigators interested in the Tribunal of the Holy Office of Portugal will find Charles Amiel's presentation at the Copenhagen congress extremely valuable; it contains a description of the vast resources on the Portuguese Inquisition which have been preserved but poorly cataloged. An important cataloging project on the Lisbon Inquisition trials, subsidized by the Gulbenkian Foundation, began in 1982 under Robert Rowland's direction. This is not simply a catalog or summary of data, but rather a bank of data which the investigator can consult interactively. Professor Amiel has compiled a bank of data based on the proceedings of thirty-eight hundred trials of the Goa Inquisition which reveal the unimagined wealth of the inquisitorial documents for ethnographic and social-historical studies. There is no doubt that the Portuguese archives will orient new projects in the Spanish Inquisition archives.

Beside the catalogs and investigative tools guiding our archival consultations, we must note the publication of specific inquisitorial sources, among which the importance of the collections of autos de fe and relaciones de causas must be emphasized. We have partial knowledge of the activity of the Granada Inquisition, whose archives were almost completely destroyed, thanks to the publication of the sixteenth-century autos de fe conserved in the AHN by José María García Fuentes. Antonio Domínguez Ortiz has utilized the seventeenth-century autos de fe to describe the activity of the Seville Inquisition. In his two volumes, Colección de documentos and Autos de fe de la Inquisición de Córdoba, Rafael Gracia Boix has partially reconstructed the Córdoba Inquisition documentation; these archives were sacked and burned in 1808 and 1812 by order of the central powers at the time of the first suppression of the Inquisition. Llorenc Pérez, Leonard Muntaner, and Mateu Colom have recently published the first volume of a documentary corpus that will comprise half a dozen volumes compiled from the Majorca Inquisition's relaciones de causas de fe from the period 1578–1806, which have been scattered in various archives. The authors are analyzing the causas de fe using an informative procedure.

J. Angel Sesma has published documents from the years 1489–1886 concerning the establishment of the Aragon Inquisition. Miguel Jiménez Monteserín's Documentos básicos para el estudio del Santo Oficio offers an anthology of various types of inquisitorial texts.

The publications of texts like the deliberations of the Valladolid Council of 1538 regarding Erasmus by M. Avilés, María de Cazalla's

trials by M. Ortega Costa, and Rodrigo de Bivar's trials by A. Hamilton extend the studies undertaken in previous decades by M. Bataillon, J. E. Longhurst, and A. Selke^[3] among others, regarding the Inquisition's interventions with respect to Erasmism and illuminism. J. I. Tellechea's monumental edition of the trial of Bartolomé Carranza de Miranda, the archbishop of Toledo, has been published by the Academia de la Historia^[4] ; Tellechea continues publishing numerous monographs and documents of great interest regarding the Inquisition's repression of the Reformation and Molinism.

A More Serene, Complete, and Critical History

Thanks to a renovated methodological approach to the sources, the historical production on the Inquisition of recent years is generally of high quality. Not only has a great deal more been written than previously, but it is novel and generally more solid than previous investigations.

Until recently, it was difficult to approach a topic as polemical as the Inquisition without provoking strong reactions of disapproval or assent. While many of the Inquisition historians were members of the secular clergy or of religious orders studying the tribunal of the faith from the Catholic perspective and with a Tridentine mentality (or at least a mentality predating that of Vatican II), others studied from a political, social, or cultural angle, guided by the ideals of open-mindedness and progress in human rights. We can thus comprehend how the outstanding work by the historian Henry C. Lea, History of the Inquisition of Spain, and above all its polemical conclusion entitled "Retrospect," has provoked such extremely negative reactions from the Jesuit historian Bernardino Llorca. The apologists' and detractors' aprioristic positions have impeded the progress of historical knowledge of the Holy Office. We can contrast this traditional historiography on the Inquisition with the position of present-day historians, whose goals of objectivity and impartiality reflect an ideal which we cannot attain, but can indeed approach.

This does not mean that ideologies, religious creeds, political and social options, or natural sentiments do not continue to orient investigative projects or to be reflected in historical production. Thus for example, in the meritorious collective work Historia de la Inquisición en España y América, published by the Centro de Estudios Inquisitoriales and the Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, the first criterion established, which determines the elaboration of the entire work, is "the españolidad of the authors invited to collaborate" (vol. 1, p. xxii). While we cannot

but lament this completely obsolete position, we must recognize that this statement contrasts strongly with the spirit of collaboration of which the work itself is proof. The first published volume presents the work of thirty specialists on the subjects of "the bases of historical knowledge of the Holy Office" and "the stages of its historical process." This concerns, without a doubt, a great realization that acts as a reference point for everyone interested in the study of the Spanish Inquisition.

Among the other notable anthologies of the past ten years is L'Inquisition espagnole, XVe-XIXe siècles by Bartolomé Bennassar and various collaborators including Jean-Pierre Dedieu, whose firsthand investigations have completely reorganized the problematics of the Holy Office. Nor should we forget Henry Kamen's contribution, The History of the Inquisition of Spain , which twenty years after publication has recently been followed by Inquisition and Society in Spain , a text incorporating many of the most interesting investigations of recent years.

We have also recently been witness to the revalorization of historical works of great breadth which stimulated the polemic for many years. José Antonio Llorente's works have elicited various studies viewing them from a new perspective, principally the Historia crítica de la Inquisición , which has come out in a new edition. For the first time, and seventy years after the appearance of the original version, Lea's monumental history has been published in Spanish as Historia de la Inquisición Española . Edited by Angel Alcalá, this version has the advantage of giving the references to the inquisitorial documentation as they are currently indexed in the AHN, while the original English version as well as the translations give the catalog numbers of the previous location in the Simancas archive, before the documents were transferred in 1914 to the AHN in Madrid.

Among the studies published in the last ten years, there are various important contributions that have completely renewed previous historiography, upon which we have based our synthesis of what the Spanish Inquisition was.

At the same time, we are conscious that our study omits areas in which important progress has been made. For example, there has been a great step forward in our knowledge of the organization and activity of the local tribunals. Besides the article by J. Contreras and J. P. Dedieu on the formation of local districts, there are a number of impressive monographic studies on most of the provincial tribunals. Much could also be said of the various monographic studies dedicated to investigating the catalogs of persecuted groups such as the Judaizers, moriscos, Protes-

tants, Illuminati, spiritualists, brujos , masons, and Gypsies. I hope that the reader wishing to expand his knowledge on a particular theme will be guided by the bibliography included at the end of this paper.

A Politico-Religious Tribunal

The Spanish Inquisition, a politico-religious institution of the Habsburg regime, cannot be understood without a knowledge of the latter and its evolution during three centuries of modern history.

In the first place, we cannot forget that the Spanish monarchy of the Austrians and the Bourbons was a religious state whose very foundations were based upon Catholic faith. The union between Church and state produced a mixture, and frequently a confusion, of the political and religious spheres. The Catholic monarchy established its political, social, economic, and cultural program on the basis of religion, and constructed national unity upon the solid foundation of religious unity. It is not necessary to show here how the "Christian republic" and its corresponding institutions were born and developed from the time of the emperor Constantine and throughout the millennium of the Middle Ages. We must recall that the medieval Inquisition, and to an even greater extent the Inquisition established by the popes in response to the Catholic Monarchs' please, is a hybrid institution at the service of both the altar and the throne, controlled by the religious state and the political Church.

The Inquisition defines itself as the tribunal of the faith whose duty is not only to pass judgment following a denunciation or accusation but also to inquire into the prisoner's orthodoxy. If we wish to know what the very essence of the Inquisition is, the most fundamental question we must pose concerns "the juridical nature of the institution." We are not concerned, as Francisco Tomás y Valiente indicated at the Cuenca symposium, with entering into old polemics about whether the Tribunal of the Holy Office is a political organism or essentially an ecclesiastical institution. We must approach its examination without preconceived notions, studying its standards and examining its function with respect to political and juridical state institutions on the one hand, and to the ecclesiastical authorities and tribunals on the other.

Various investigative projects and publications are contributing elements essential for an understanding of the Holy Office as a juridical institution. According to María Palacios Alcalde's presentation at the Lisbon congress in February 1987, the Department of Modern History at the University of Córdoba is working on the elaboration of a "legislative

corpus of the Spanish Inquisition which attempts to record exhaustively the Inquisition's entire regulatory standard, that is, the demand for temporal power (royal letters patent, decrees, consultations, pragmatics, etc.) as well as pontifical power (bulls, briefs, motuproprios, etc.) and the normative demand of the Inquisition itself (council decrees, orders of the inquisitor general, instructions, edicts, etc.)."^[5]

Knowledge of instruments utilized by the inquisitors, such as abecedarios de textos legales that Francisco de Borja Luque Muriel works with^[6] and the manual de inquisidores like the famous manual of the medieval inquisitor Eymeric which was discovered in the mid-sixteenth century by Francisco Peña and which Sala Molins has studied,^[7] provides information about the normative bases guiding the inquisitorial process. The instrucciones issued by the first inquisitors, Torquemada and Deza, and the recasting carried out by Fernando de Valdés in 1561 regulating the Holy Office's procedures until the moment of its suppression, are equally deserving of our attention.^[8] At the Burdeos symposium in October 1987, Henningsen presented a data base of the Spanish Inquisition's secret legislation compiled in the Codex Moldenhawerianus in Copenhagen. There is no doubt that the sources listed here will greatly facilitate our understanding of the Inquisition Council and its connections to the institutions of the monarchy and the Church.

An Institution with Religious and Social Control

As indicated in the founding bull of the Spanish Inquisition, Exigit sincerae devotionis affectus , and repeated in subsequent documents, the Holy Office functioned as a coercive instrument of defense of the Catholic faith against heretical depravity. It is an exact mandate, restricting itself to cases concerning faith, and referring solely to the fundamental articles of the Catholic faith. It is, in reality, an extremely long mandate. Everything depends upon what is understood by faith and what is considered a transgression against the faith. Faith is a fluid concept, specified over time by the ecclesiastical magistrate as he defines dogma and delimits the true content and consequences of the evangelical message. As the Roman Church considers itself repository of the revelation as well as legitimate and authorized interpreter of divine and natural law, it may pass judgment on morality and all human acts. The coercive power received by the Holy Office from the Church and the state varies according to how Catholic faith is understood. Foundation and pillar of the Habsburg society, Christianity is not interpreted and experienced uniformly during the three and a half centuries of the Inquisition's exis-

tence. Both Church and state must modify their institutions according to the needs of a continually evolving society. We can thus understand how the Inquisition, acting as an instrument of religious and social control throughout its entire existence, modifies the object of its activities and its field of action, adapting itself to changing circumstances.

Because specialists in recent years have been able to exploit the sources more systematically and directly, we are much better informed regarding the number of people tried by the Inquisition and the nature of their crimes.

Through a methodical and detailed examination of more than forty thousand trial summaries (relaciones de causas), sent by the regional tribunals to the Supreme Inquisition Council, Gustav Henningsen and Jaime Contreras have presented an impressive summary of the Inquisition's activity during the years 1540–1700, the central period of its existence.

We have formed an idea of the Holy Office's main activities at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth century on the basis of Jean-Pierre Dedieu's study of the Toledo tribunal and Ricardo García Cárcel's study of the Valencia tribunal. T. Egido has investigated Inquisition activities by studying the alegaciones fiscales and the relaciones de autos de fe. The catalog of alegaciones fiscales, excerpts from the cases sent by the provincial tribunals to the Central Council before sentencing, was recently published by Natividad Moreno Garbayo. The relaciones de autos de fe contain, among other things, much information about the prisoners and their crimes.

Although many other investigations of new sources still need to be carried out, we now possess a more complete knowledge of inquisitorial activity as well as of the evolution of the numbers of trials and the nature of the crimes.

The first conclusion we arrive at based on completed studies is that the Inquisition was an institution that evolved according to changing circumstances. If it is an obvious exaggeration to speak of multiple inquisitions, we must distinguish among different periods of the Inquisition, as Jean-Pierre Dedieu has done. We can perceive the alternation between periods of great intensity and periods of relative inactivity on the basis of the number of individuals tried. The second half of the sixteenth century is a period of great activity culminating in the 1590s; after 1620 there is a decline in the Holy Office's activities which continues throughout the seventeenth century. Except for specific instances, the Inquisition gradually loses its importance and prestige during the eighteenth century until its complete suppression is called for.

Besides the curve in the volume of people tried, the examination of the nature of their crimes eloquently reveals the areas of repressive inquisitorial activity. Henningsen and Contreras, basing their investigation on the same classifications used by the inquisitors, have organized crimes prosecuted by the Inquisition in the tribunals of Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, and America into ten categories: (1) Jews, (2) Moors, (3) Lutherans, (4) Illuminati, (5) proposiciones , (6) bigamists, (7) soliciting confessors, (8) crimes against the Holy Office, (9) superstitious individuals, (10) miscellaneous.

Between 1540 and 1700, the first four categories were considered capital offenses and made up forty-two percent of all cases, while the other fifty-eight percent were considered minor offenses. The number of individuals prosecuted from each category of capital offense corresponded directly to the political and religious circumstances of the period, depending considerably on the specific tribunal as well. We have observed, for example, that from the time of Portugal's annexation by the Habsburg monarchy in 1580, the number of trials of converted Portuguese Jews was very high in Castile until amnesty was conceded in 1605. The number of morisco trials was very high in Aragón, Valencia, and Granada during the period of prosecution (1605–1609) preceding the expulsion. During the period 1540–1559, when the fight against the Protestant Reformation was most intense, Lutherans made up thirty-one percent of all prosecuted individuals. Faithful Christians seduced by false mysticism, called the Illuminati, made up a very small percentage (0.03 percent), and appear only at specific moments and only in certain tribunals such as Llerena, Seville, and Logroño. We must also note the low number of executions: 826 cases throughout the entire period of 1540–1700, that is, 1.8 percent of all those brought to trial.

During the fifty-five-year period of 1560–1614, those tried for minor offenses made up approximately fifty-eight percent. The victims were Old Christians mainly from rural areas. The Holy Office's repressive actions were part of the evangelical campaigns to impose the Tridentine model of Catholicism. The concept of heresy was extended to include all propositions or affirmations contrary to Catholic dogma as well as acts based upon a supposedly erroneous interpretation of Catholic morality. Thus, for example, anyone who affirmed that fornication was not a sin for unmarried individuals was prosecuted for going against the teachings of the Church; the same applied to someone who married twice, because he had not respected the indissolubility of holy matrimony.

The Inquisition's control over religious life diminished during the seventeenth century. On the one hand, the Holy Office suffered a series

of internal crises of a structural and economic character, and on the other hand, upholding the faith and morality of Trent was no longer among the Church's or the state's priorities. We have few monographic works dealing with the Holy Office's activity during the eighteenth century. T. Egido's investigations of fiscal allegations and autos de fe reveal a reduction in repressive interventions and a typology of criminal offenses including not only those defined above but new ones such as Molinism, Jansenism, and Masonry.

Civil and ecclesiastical institutions took increasingly contradictory positions in the eighteenth century, creating a wide gap. On one side, the regalist state tried to domesticate the Inquisition, and on the other side Enlightenment philosophy sought to base society upon rational law, dispensing with religious institutions altogether.

The existing tensions within Habsburg society that led finally to a dissociation between state and religion were reflected in the Inquisition, which, as a politico-religious organism, lost the justifications for its very existence. The French Revolution stimulated a new alliance between throne and altar, momentarily revitalizing the Holy Office as a repressive defensive instrument. The evolution leading to the abolition of the Inquisition, initially in 1812 and definitively in 1834, described by Francisco Martí Gilabert,^[9] reveals the contradictory forces at work in modern Spain.

As an institution of religious and social control, the Inquisition based its justification upon the religious state. It ensured the survival of social institutions and values, maintaining the functions of certain modern policies.

An Organism of Cultural Repression

The Spanish Inquisition, besides being the tribunal of the faith, was responsible for censoring the press and thus fulfilled the functions entrusted to the congregations of the Inquisition and the Index by the Roman Church. In this field there have been many important investigations published during the past decade that, in leaving behind the old and sterile polemic on the Inquisition's influence on the evolution of Spanish science and culture, have studied censorship from different angles, beginning with a direct and systematic examination of the sources, such as the proceedings against the author and readers or owners of texts, inquisitorial legislation and regulation, and indexes of prohibited texts.

Antonio Márquez's Literatura e Inquisición is a description of censori-

ous activity and Spanish literary production and provides information on a large number of Spanish writers and intellectuals. Recently Alfredo Vílchez Díaz compiled a useful list of Spanish authors and anonymous individuals on the inquisitorial indexes. A special issue of Arbor, entitled Inquisición y ciencia, appeared, including articles by various contributors, among whom A. Márquez (the editor), José Pardo Tomás, and Lucienne Domergue have offered partial answers to questions concerning the Inquisition's influence on Spain's scientific backwardness in the modern period. In various works directly studying the sources, principally in Virgilio Pinto Crespo's Inquisición y control ideológico en el siglo XVI, various aspects of the workings of inquisitorial censorship during the sixteenth century have been thoroughly investigated. Marcelin Défourneaux's book on the censorship of French texts during the eighteenth century, published in 1963,^[10] has recently been supplemented by Lucienne Domergue's valuable contributions on culture and censorship during that century.

For more than ten years, Domergue and various collaborators at the Centre d'Etudes de la Renaissance de l'Université de Sherbrooke have studied the indexes of prohibited texts (including European texts in general, but principally Spanish and Roman ones), the results appearing regularly in the collection Index des livres interdits .^[11] The first phase of the project focusing on the sixteenth century is composed of two volumes on Spanish indexes: the first volume (already published) covers the indexes of 1551, 1554, and 1559, and the second, soon to be published, covers the 1583 and 1584 indexes. Our investigation examines censored materials, that is, the content of the indexes of prohibited and expurgated materials. The prohibited material reveals the presence of a repressed counterculture struggling against the dominant official culture. The prohibited or censored writings are but the tip of the iceberg, opening avenues of exploration of the unsuspected underlying reality not immediately apparent in the collective consciousness. We sincerely believe that our study, like those previously mentioned, is of a positive rather than a speculative nature, and that its investigation of essential sources will allow us to determine the extent of inquisitorial censorship's influence on different aspects of Spanish reality: culture, religion, literature, political and social development.

The Future of Inquisitorial Studies

We need to ask ourselves whether the interest awakened in inquisitorial studies during the past ten years is a temporary phenomenon, or

whether we are breaking new ground regarding Spain's history which must continue to be studied in order for us to achieve a greater understanding of Spanish society's evolution in its totality. We have observed signs of weariness or apathy in some historians, attracted by more appealing and contemporary topics.

We believe, however, in a future full of possibilities for inquisitorial studies, although perhaps they will not continue to enjoy the notoriety and relevance of the past decade. Our faith in the future of inquisitorial studies is based on the following considerations:

The historians in the forefront—Henningsen, Contreras, Dedieu, García Cárcel, and others—have tilled the fertile field of inquisitorial studies, and not only do they continue their own investigations, but they have also attracted new students who will in turn undertake new investigations, armed with the renovated problematic and methodology as well as the assistance of modern technology.

The archival documents and other inquisitorial sources offer the fields of social and intellectual history an arsenal of extremely valuable material. We need only consider the data base of the relaciones de causas or the inquisitorial trials which will lend themselves to unlimited quantitative and qualitative surveys. Some of the investigations of the 1970s based on Inquisition trials—studies by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie of a French Midi town called Montaillou and by Carlo Ginzburg on a miller named Menocchio from the Friuli region—are good examples of the abundance and quality of the information yielded by analyzing specific trials with the appropriate methodology.^[12] The inquisitorial sources also provide excellent opportunities for quantitative studies, as Michel Vovelle's methodology of compiling and analyzing a series of sixteenth-century wills from the French Province has proved.^[13] Without dwelling upon or insisting only upon examples of nouvelle histoire, we are reminded that Jean Delumeau's work on fear and guilt in modern Europe^[14] offers both a problematic and a qualitative model of analysis applicable to many inquisitorial sources.

Notwithstanding the destruction of archival sources from the majority of regional Inquisition tribunals, thousands of documents still exist, housed mainly in the Archivo Histórico Nacional in Madrid, whose systematic study will surpass the individual efforts of the majority of investigators. The individual investigator's procedure, which previously consisted of studying the inquisitorial archives in order to produce a monographic work on an individual or specific theme, can now be likened to the fisherman who casts his line into the water in hopes of finding a treasure. Such a procedure is completely anachronistic when

we are now able to catalog and classify the sources according to clearly defined criteria and establish an integral and cumulative data base accessible to all investigators through the international channels of computer networks.

These are the concerns of a number of Inquisition specialists who have met on several occasions for the purpose of coordinating their efforts in the direction outlined above. Realizing that the Inquisition documents are not essentially different from those of other ecclesiastical or civil tribunals, they established contact with legal historians and organized the symposium on "Judicial Records and the Computer: Secular, Ecclesiastical, and Inquisitorial Courts," held at the Maison des Pays Iberiques in Bordeaux in October 1987 under the auspices of the European Science Foundation. Inquisition historians from Spain, Italy, and Portugal, members of the International Association of the History of Crime and Criminal Justice, and representatives from the Association of History and Computing are studying the possibility of adopting specific shared conceptual bases that would establish what elements should be in the data base, created from the codaje manual, at the service of historical investigation from both a quantitative and a qualitative perspective. Initiatives such as these bode well for the future of inquisitorial studies.

Publications on the Spanish Inquisition, 1977–1988

Abellán, J. L. "La persistencia de la 'mentalidad inquisitorial' en la vida y la cultura española contemporánea, y la teoría de 'las dos Españas.'" In Inquisición española y mentalidad inquisitoria: Ponencias del Simposio Internacional sobre Inquisición, Nueva York, abril de 1983, edited by A. Alcalá et al., 542-555. Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

Alcalá, A. "Control inquisitorial de humanistas y escritores." In Inquisición española, edited by A. Alcalá et al., 288-314. Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

Alcalá, A. et al. Inquisición española y mentalidad inquisitorial. Ponencias del Simposio Internacional sobre Inquisición, Nueva York, abril de 1983 . Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

Alfaro, G. "Los 'Lazarillos' y la Inquisición." Hispanófila 78 (1983): 11-19.

Alonso Burgos, J. El luteranismo en Castilla durante el siglo XVI: Autos de fe de Valladolid de 21 mayo y de 8 de octubre de 1559 . El Escorial: Swan Avantos y Hakeldama, 1983.

Alvarez de Morales, A. "La crítica al Tribunal de la Inquisición durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII." Estudis 6 (1977): 171-182.

———. Inquisición e ilustración (1700-1834) . Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1982.

Amiel, C. "La 'pureté de sang' en Espagne." Annales du C.E.S.E.R.E. 6 (1983): 27-45.

———. "The Archives of the Portuguese Inquisition: A Brief Survey." In The

Inquisition in Early Modern Europe: Studies on Sources and Methods, edited by G. Henningsen and J. Tedeschi, in association with C. Amiel, 79-99. DeKalb, Ill.: Northern Illinois University Press, 1986.

Andrés, M. "Alumbrados, erasmistas, 'luteranos' y místicos, y su común denominador: el riesgo de una espiritualidad más 'intimista.'" In Inquisición española, edited by A. Alcalá et al., 373-409. Barcelona: Editorial Aires, 1984.

———. La teología española en el siglo XVI. 2 vols. Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1977.

Aranda Doncell, J. Los moriscos en tierras de Córdoba. Córdoba, 1984.

Asensio, E. "Censura inquisitorial de libros en los siglos XVI y XVII. Fluctuaciones, decadencias." In El libro antiguo español. Actas del primer Coloquio Internacional (Madrid, 18 al 20 diciembre 1986), al cuidado de M. L. López-Vidriero, y P. M. Cátedra, 21-36. Salamanca: Ediciones de la Universidad de Salamanca. Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid. Sociedad Española de Historia del Libro, 1988.

Aspe, M. P. "El cambio de rumbo de la espiritualidad española a mediados del siglo XVI." In Inquisición española, edited by A. Alcalá et al.: 424-433. Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

Avilés Fernández, M. "Los alumbrados en Andalucía." In El barroco en Andalucía, edited by M. Peláez del Rosal and J. Rivas Carmona, 137-152. Córdoba, 1984.

———. "La censura inquisitorial de 'Los seis libros de la República' de Jean Bodin." Hispania Sacra 37 (1985): 655-692.

———. "Delación a la Inquisición y otras reacciones de los lectores del 'Tratado de la regalia de amortización de Campomanes.'" Hispania Sacra 36 (1984): 43-69.

———. Erasmo y la Inquisición. El libelo de Valladolid y la 'Apologia' de Erasmo contra los frailes españoles. Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1980.

———. "España e Italia en los escritos del antierasmista Luis de Maluenda." Anexos de Pliegos de Cordel 1 (1979): 225-239.

———. "La Inquisición en la Andalucía barroca." In El barroco en Andalucía, edited by M. Peláez del Rosal and J. Rivas Carmond, 153-167. Córdoba, 1984.

———. "Los inquisidores generales: estudio del alto funcionariado inquisitorial en los siglos XV y XVI." Annuario dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per l'età moderna e contemporanea, 37-38 (1985-1986): 261-284.

———. "Motivos de crítica a la Inquisición en tiempos de Carlos V: Aportaciones para una historia de la oposición a la Inquisición." In La Inquisición, edited by J. Pérez Villanueva, 165-192. Madrid: BAC, 1980.

———. Sueños ficticios y lucha ideológica en el Siglo de Oro. Biblioteca de Visionarios, Heterodoxos y Marginados. Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1981.

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Nalle, S. "Popular Religion in Cuenca on the Eve of the Catholic Reformation." In Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe , edited and translated by S. Haliczer, 67-87. London: Croom Helm, 1987.

Navarro Latorre, J. Aproximación a Fr. Luis de Aliaga, confesor de Felipe III e inquisidor general de España. Zaragoza, 1981.

Netanyahu, B. "Motivos o pretextos? La razón de la Inquisición." In Inquisición española , edited by A. Alcalá et al., 23-44. Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

Nieto, J. C. "El carácter no místico de los alumbrados de Toledo, 1509(?)-1524." In Inquisición española , edited by A. Alcalá et al., 410-423. Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

———. "The Heretical Alumbrados-Dexados: Isabel de la Cruz and Pedro de Alcaraz." Revue de littérature comparée 52 (1978): 293-313.

Ocaña Torres, M. L. "El 'Corpus jurídico' de la Inquisición española." In La Inquisición española , edited by J. Pérez Villanueva, 913-916. Madrid: BAC, 1980.

Ortega Costa, M. Proceso de la Inquisición contra María de Cazalla. Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1978.

———. "San Ignacio de Loyola en el Libro de alumbrados : nuevos datos sobre su primer proceso." Arbor 107 no. 419 (noviembre 1980): 163-174.

———. "Tribulaciones de un tribunal: El Santo Oficio de Toledo (1530-1535)." In Homenaje a Pedro Sainz Rodríguez . 4 vols. 4:543-555. Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1986.

Pardo, Tomas J. "Obras y autores científicos en los índices inquisitoriales españoles del siglo XVI (1559, 1583 y 1584)." Estudis 10 (1983): 235-259.

———. "El paracelsismo europeo en los índices inquisitoriales españoles (1583-1640)." Arbor 124, no. 484-485 (abril-mayo 1986): 85-101.

Pérez, Ll., Ll. Muntaner, and M. Colom, eds. El Tribunal de la Inquisición en Mallorca: Relación de causas de fe, 1578-1806. vol. 1. Mallorca: Miguel Font Editor, 1986.

Pérez Bustamante, R. "Nóminas de inquisidores: Reflexiones sobre el estudio de la burocracia inquisitorial en el siglo XVI." In La Inquisición española , edited by J. Pérez Villanueva, 257-269. Madrid: BAC, 1980.

Pérez de Colosia Rodríguez, M. I. Auto inquisitorial de 1672: El criptojudaísmo en Málaga. Málaga, 1984.

Pérez de Colosia Rodríguez, M. I., and J. Gil Sanjuán. "Málaga e Inquisición." Jábega 38 (1982): 16-21.

Pérez Ramírez, D. "El Archivo de la Inquisición de Cuenca: Formación, vicisitudes, estado actual." In La Inquisición española , edited by J. Pérez Villanueva, 855-875. Madrid: BAC, 1980.

———. Catálogo del Archivo de la Inquisición de Cuenca. Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1982.

Pérez Villanueva, J., Director del volumen. La Inquisición española: Nueva visión, nuevos horizontes. Madrid: Siglo veintiuno editores, 1980.

———. "Algo más sobre la Inquisición y Sor María de Agreda: La prodigiosa evangelización americana." Hispania Sacra 37 (1985): 585-618.

———. "Felipe IV y la Inquisición y espiritualidad de su tiempo: Su figura desde tres epistolarios." In Inquisición española , edited by A. Alcalá et al., 434-461. Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

Pérez Villanueva, J., and B. Escandell Bonet, eds. Historia de la Inquisición en España y América: El conocimiento científico y el proceso histórico de la Institución (1478-1834). Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos. Centro de Estudios Inquisitoriales, 1984.

Perry, M. E. "Beatas and the Inquisition in Early Modern Seville." In Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe , edited and translated by S. Haliczer, 147-168. London: Croom Helm, 1987.

Peters, E. "Una morada de monstruos: Henry Charles Lea y el descubrimiento americano de la Inquisición." In Inquisición española , edited by A. Alcalá et al., 518-541. Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

Pinto Crespo, V. "La actitud de la Inquisición ante la iconografía religiosa: Tres ejemplos de su actuación (1571-1665)." Hispania Sacra 31 (1978-1979): 285-322.

———. "El aparato de control censorial y las corrientes doctrinales" Hispania Sacra 36 (1984): 9-41.

———. "La censura: Sistemas de control e instrumentos de acción." In Inquisición española , edited by A. Alcalá et al., 269-287. Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

———. "La documentación inquisitorial." In La Inquisición: Palacio de Velázquez del Retiro, Madrid, octubre-diciembre 1982 , 93-106. Madrid: Dirección General de Bellas Artes, Archivos y Bibliotecas, 1982. Exposition organized by the Ministry of Culture.

———. "Los índices de libros prohibidos." Hispania Sacra 35 (1983): 161-191.

———. "Herejía y poder en el siglo XVI: Una propuesta de indagación." Hispania Sacra 37 (1985): 465-488.

———. Inquisición y control ideológico en la España del siglo XVI. Madrid: Taurus Ediciones, 1983.

———. Institucionalización inquisitorial y censura de libros." In La Inquisición española , edited by J. Pérez Villanueva, 513-536. Madrid: BAC, 1980.

———. "El proceso de elaboración y configuración del Indice y expurgatorio de 1583-1584 en relación con los índices del siglo XVI." Hispania Sacra 30 (1977): 201-254.

———. "Thought Control in Spain." In Inquisition and Society in Early Modern

Europe , edited and translated by S. Haliczer, 171-188. London: Croom Helm, 1987.

Reguera, I. La Inquisición en el País Vasco: El Tribunal de Calahorra (1513-1570). San Sebastián: 1984.

Represa Rodríguez, A. "Documentos sobre la Inquisición en el Archivo de Simancas." In La Inquisición española , edited by J. Pérez Villanueva, 845-855. Madrid: BAC, 1980.

Riera, J. "Expurgo de las Academias de Matemáticas de Barcelona y Segovia de 1790." Arbor 124, no. 484-485 (abril-mayo 1986): 131-146.

Rodríguez Besné, J. R. "Notas sobre la estructura y funcionamiento del Consejo de la Santa, General y Suprema Inquisición." In La Inquisición española , edited by J. Pérez Villanueva, 61-65. Madrid: BAC, 1980.

Rodríguez Sánchez, A. "Moralización y represión en la España del siglo XVI." In Homenaje a Pedro Sainz Rodríguez . 4 vols. 3:591-601. Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1986.

Rose, C. S. "Antonio Enríquez Gómez: Historia de un converso." In El barroco en Andalucía , edited by M. Peláez del Rosal and J. Rivas Carmona, 115-122. Córdoba, 1984.

Ruitz, T. R. "La Inquisición medieval y la moderna: Paralelos y contrastes." In Inquisición española , edited by A. Alcalá et al., 45-66. Barcelona: Editorial Aries, 1984.

Sala-Molins, L. Le dictionnaire des inquisiteurs: Valence, 1494. Paris: Editions Galilée, 1981.

Sánchez Ortega, M. H. La Inquisición y los gitanos. Madrid: Taurus Ediciones, 1988.

———. "Un sondeo en la historia de la sexualidad sobre fuentes inquisitoriales." In La Inquisición española , edited by J. Pérez Villanueva, 917-930. Madrid: BAC, 1980.

Santamaría Garraleta, J. L. "Orígenes de la Inquisición en Navarra." In La Inquisición española , edited by J. Pérez Villanueva, 405-410. Madrid: BAC, 1980.

Sarrión Mora, A. "El médico y la sociedad rural del siglo XVII: El proceso inquisitorial de Francisco Martínez Cases." In Inquisición española: Nuevas aproximaciones , edited by J. Contreras, 297-321. Madrid: Ediciones Nájera. Centro de Estudios Inquisitoriales, 1987.

Sendon de León, V. La España herética. Barcelona: Icaria, 1986.

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Tellechea Idígoras, J. I. "Don Carlos de Seso: Bienes y biblioteca confiscados para la Inquisición (1559)." Revista Española de Teología 43 (1983): 193-197.

———. "Don Carlos de Seso, luterano en Castilla: Sentencia inédita de su pro-

ceso inquisitorial." In Homenaje a Pedro Sainz Rodríguez. 4 vols. 1:295-307. Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1986.

———. "Molinos y el quietismo español." In Historia de la Iglesia en España 4:517-521. Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 1979.

———. Tiempos recios: Inquisición y heterodoxos. Salamanca: Ediciones Sígueme, 1977.

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Ventura Subirats, J. "Conversos, Inquisición y cultura en Valencia." Mayurqa 19 (1980): 251-276.

———. Inquisició espanyola i cultura renaixentista al País Valencià. Valencia: Eliseu Climent Editor, 1978.

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Vidal, J. Quand on brûlait les morisques, 1544-1621. Nîmes: Imprimerie Barnier, 1986.

Vilchez Díaz, A. Autores y anónimos españoles en los índices inquisitoriales. Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 1986.

Villa Calleja, I. "Investigación histórica de los 'Edictos de Fe' en la Inquisición española (siglos XV-XIX)." In Inquisición española: Nuevas aproximaciones, edited by J. Contreras, 233-256. Madrid: Ediciones Nájera. Centro de Estudios Inquisitoriales, 1987.

Thirteen—
Historiography of the Mexican Inquisition: Evolution of Interpretations and Methodologies

Richard E. Greenleaf

When I began my archival investigations on the Mexican Inquisition in 1954, study of the Holy Office was still concentrated in the pioneering works of José Toribio Medina, Joaquín García Icazbalceta, Henry Charles Lea, Luis González Obregón, and Julio Jiménez Rueda.^[1] The Boletín of the Archivo General de la Nación, in its first series, and the Publicaciones del Archivo General de la Nación dealing with the Holy Office and the Indians and the Inquisition and the Enlightenment, provided most of the published documentation available.^[2] The fourteen folio volumes of the "Indice del Ramo de la Inquisición" constituted then and continue to be the most important research tool to investigators.^[3] Studies dealing with the Mexican Holy Office, with a few exceptions, tended to recapitulate the data and tabulations contained in the printed sources.^[4] Few scholars had perceived the true importance of Luis González Obregón's remark to the young researcher France Vinton Scholes when he first arrived in the Archivo in 1927. Don Luis said of the Ramo de la Inquisición "in these legajos you will find the social and intellectual history of colonial Mexico."^[5] The three and one half decades since 1954 have brought great changes in Mexican Inquisition historiography. Splendidly trained scholars have examined the procesos and other documentation in the Inquisition archives both in Mexico and in Spain.

Beginning in the 1960s a new genre of Inquisition studies appeared. The first of many scholarly Inquisition symposia was held in Santander in 1976, followed by one in Denmark organized by the distinguished Danish folklorist and Hispanist Gustav Henningsen.^[6] A magnificent exhibition on the Inquisition was mounted in Madrid in the Palacio de

Velázquez del Retiro by the Ministerio de Cultura in 1982,^[7] in tandem with an important symposium at the Archivo Histórico Nacional. There followed a series of impressive scholarly conclaves in the Iberian peninsula culminating with one on Toledo in February 1988. Each of these meetings has generated publications. Largely responsible for these developments has been the Centro de Estudios Inquisitoriales, located in the complex that houses the Archivo Histórico Nacional in Madrid. It has nurtured a renaissance in studies of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Spain and America, works based on extensive archival documentation and, for the most part, devoid of both apologias for and polemics against the Inquisition. Two senior scholars in Spain who direct research on the Spanish Inquisition (Joaquín Pérez Villanueva) and the tribunals of the New World (Bartolomé Escandell Bonet) have launched a massive three-volume history of the Holy Office with the collaboration of thirty-six specialists.^[8] Volume 1 of the series on the state of knowledge and historical development of the Inquisition from 1478 to 1834 is followed by a volume on the bureaucratic structure of the Holy Office and a third tome on themes and problems of interpretation. The second and third volumes are currently in preparation.

Only a synoptic view of volume 1—1,548 pages in two parts with multiple chapters and subsections—can be presented here. An attempt is made for the first time to present a systematic history of the modern Inquisition "made by Spaniards who have risen above ideological biases and distortions" and who apply professional canons of historical research and methodology to their task (Centro de Estudios Inquisitoriales flyer). By applying academic rigor to their analysis of the Inquisition the team hopes to eschew tired clichés, outmoded interpretations, and crosscurrents of Black Legend-White Legend historiography. Interpretations tend to be more sociological than religious. Intolerance is dealt with within a political and societal framework rather than from a viewpoint of persecution and religious toleration.

French scholars of the Holy Office in Spain and the Empire are also making significant advances. Works by Robert Ricard, Marcel Bataillon, and Pierre Chaunu have been carried forward by Bartolomé Bennassar and his students, who are in the forefront of this movement. In the United States, Inquisition symposia organized by Angel Alcalá in New York in 1983 and by Stephen Haliczer and John Tedeschi in Chicago in 1986 have preceded this distinguished gathering in Los Angeles. Meetings in Paris and Rome have also focused on the Inquisition.^[9] Obviously the greatest scholars of the Mexican Inquisition have come from Mexico, and their proud tradition is being carried on by seminars in the

History of Mentality and Religion in Colonial Mexico at the Department of Historical Investigation of the National Institute of Anthropology and History, and seminars on the Mexican Inquisition at the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana. For several years now, the Centro de Estudios Lingüísticos y Literarios of the Colegio de México along with the Instituto de Bellas Artes, the Archivo General de la Nación, and the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México have sponsored a project to catalog literary texts of New Spain found in the Inquisition series. The project has completed its review of the eighteenth-century material, and a book entitled Catálogo de textos literarios novohispanos en el Archivo General de la Nación (México) should be published within the year. Although the focus of this work is literature, it will include an appendix that will give information on, and references to documents on, witches and witchcraft, black magic, horoscopes, almanacs, and pacts with the Devil. The project is ongoing and plans eventually to provide the same type of information for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

In a brief essay it is impossible to treat in detail individual studies on the Mexican Inquisition or to arrange a complete bibliography of article literature on the subject. Only the highlights can be brought into focus here. It seems that both a chronological and thematic presentation is needed to accomplish the task in the time allotted. From a chronological perspective it is necessary to remember that a Primitive Inquisition (Medina's phrase) operated in Mexico from 1522 to 1571, first under the aegis of friar inquisitors in the 1520s and then under an episcopal jurisdiction from 1535 to 1571 when Juan de Zumárraga, Francisco Tello de Sandoval, and Alonso de Montúfar were empowered as apostolic inquisitors. In Yucatán the monastic inquisition continued to operate outside the jurisdiction of Mexico City in the 1560s. In 1571 the Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition began to function pursuant to a decree of Philip II in 1569.^[10]

The Primitive Inquisition, 1522–1569

Little known because only two hundred copies were printed is the section on Mexico's monastic and episcopal Inquisition prior to 1569 in José Toribio Medina's La Primitiva Inquisición americana (1493–1569) , 2 volumes. (Santiago de Chile: Imprenta Elzeviriana, 1914). Medina's narrative history of the Tribunal of the Holy Office in Mexico, first published in 1905, picks up the story in 1569. The 1954 reprint of his Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición en México (Mexico City: Editorial

Cultura, 1954) has important added notes prepared by Julio Jiménez Rueda which refer to recent documentary discoveries and new viewpoints as of 1954. The important master's thesis of Yolanda Mariel de Ibáñez, La Inquisición en México durante el siglo XVI (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1945; reprint, 1979) contains one of the first important statistical tabulations of Inquisition activity. The copious Herejías y supersticiones en la Nueva España by Julio Jiménez Rueda appeared in Mexico City in 1946 and laid the foundations for generalizations on the various doctrinal concerns of the Holy Office.

Richard E. Greenleaf's 1957 doctoral dissertation published in revised form as Zumárraga and the Mexican Inquisition 1536–1543 (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1962) sharply focused on the episcopal inquisition during the first two decades of the colony and for the first time examined in detail the clash of Iberian Catholicism and Mesoamerican native beliefs. The work also examined the intellectual milieu of the first half of the sixteenth century as Christian humanism and Reformation ideas penetrated New Spain. Trials of the first Lutherans and crypto-Jews were treated in detail, as were the Holy Office's concerns with sorcery, superstition, and blasphemy, and the enforcement of morality in the first decades of conquest. Both Robert Ricard (1933) and Robert C. Padden (1967) used the Zumárraga Indian trials to exemplify clash of cultures in broader studies of the "spiritual conquest."^[11]

Greenleaf's second volume, The Mexican Inquisition of the Sixteenth Century (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1969), provided a series of essays based on archival documentation that exposed new sources and interpretations on the first decade of the Mexican Inquisition, 1522–1532, the Inquisition in Michoacan, trials of Protestants, physicians, and judaizantes, as well as an essay on the Montúfar Inquisition and the Mexican clergy, 1555–1571. Also included were analytical chapters on the operation of the Tribunal of the Holy Office from 1571 through 1601 and a detailed examination of the Mexican Inquisition and the first Calvinists.^[12]

Confusion of Lutheran ideas and Erasmian thought in the early sixteenth-century colony was commonplace. Marcel Bataillon's Erasmo y España, Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo XVI , 2 volumes (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1950), has an appendix on Erasmian thought in the Zumárraga period, and Elias Trabulse has sharply delineated the influence of Erasmus in his study of Dr. Francisco Hernández in "El Erasmismo de un científico," Historia Mexicana 10 (1978):

224–296. José Almoina's Rumbos heterodoxos en México (Ciudad Trujillo: Universidad de Santo Domingo, 1947) is an important source on roots of Erasmian ideas in Mexico.

The Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition 1571–1700

In the late 1960s a Frenchwoman from Mexico began her research on the Inquisition. Solange Alberro presented a three-volume dissertation that won her the coveted State Doctorate from the Sorbonne in 1984.^[13] Two volumes have been published to date, a detailed statistical survey entitled La actividad del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición en Nueva España, 1571–1700 (Mexico City: INAH, 1981); and Inquisition et societé au Mexique, 1571–1700 (Mexico City: Centre D'Etudes Mexicaines et Centramericaines, 1988). François Chevalier, president of her doctoral defense committee, has characterized the work as "retrospective ethnography" or ethnohistory:

The author offers an extraordinary picture of the social, picaresque, love, moral, political, and religious life and also of the "mentalities" of New Spain at that period. With this goal, she selected six or seven psychodramas with a human interest, an emotion, and an increasing transcendence from the first of the psychodramas (themes of witchcraft) to the last—the great tragedy of the persecution of the crypto-Jews of the middle of the century.^[14]

Solange Alberro's many research articles and scholarly papers continue to enrich our knowledge of Inquisition and society in colonial Mexico.

After many years of archival research, María Asunción Herrera Sotillo completed her doctoral thesis at the Universidad Complutense de Madrid in 1982. Her study, entitled Ortodoxia y control social en México en el siglo XVII: El Tribunal del Santo Oficio , is a comprehensive treatment of all aspects of inquisitorial activity and is especially valuable for its many tabulations and statistical tables. The chapters on Mexican Inquisition bureaucracy and financial operation of the tribunal give researchers important new data. A sixty-page catalog of manuscript sources for study of the tribunal during 1571–1700 in the Archivo Histórico Nacional is excellent, informative, and a crucial tool for future research. Alberro and Herrera Sotillo worked independently of each other, each unaware of the other's research, and each study depended

primarily upon the Inquisition manuscripts in Mexico (Alberro) or in the Archivo Histórico Nacional in Madrid (Herrera Sotillo).^[15]

Chapters 18 through 25 of Medina's Historia del Tribunal, pages 267–299 of Lea's Inquisition in the Spanish Dependencies, and sections 1–19 of Jiménez Rueda's Herejías y supersticiones trace the narrative history of the Holy Office to 1700. Only Jiménez Rueda offers interpretation of the data. Final chapters of Greenleaf's Mexican Inquisition of the Sixteenth Century provide analysis of the political stance of the tribunal as well as conflicts of jurisdiction, from which much is learned of bureaucratic mentality and grass-roots operation. Genealogies of Holy Office staff as well as limpieza de sangre of those appointed are contained in a work by Fernández de Recas. A compendium of tribunal deliberations on cases brought before the judges has been published for the early tribunal by Edmundo O'Gorman, Primer libro de votos de la Inquisición de México, 1573–1600 (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1949).^[16] Julio Jiménez Rueda in 1944 published a brief biography of Don Pedro Moya de Contreras, primer Inquisidor de México (Mexico City: Ediciones Xochitl, 1944), which is amplified in the superb work of Stafford Poole, Pedro Moya de Contreras: Catholic Reform and Royal Power in New Spain, 1571–1591 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1987).

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, inquisitors were preoccupied with a feared Protestant menace in Mexico even though the new doctrines of the Reformation never constituted a threat to orthodoxy. Julio Jiménez Rueda has published a volume on trials of non-Spanish pirates as Corsarios franceses e ingleses en la Inquisición de la Nueva España (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1945). Eleanor B. Adams suspects that the bays and coastal cities of Yucatán and Central America were the homes and business headquarters of many non-Spanish intruders. Her research article, "The Franciscan Inquisition in Yucatán: French Seamen, 1560," in The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Inter-American Cultural History 25 (1969): 331–359, is part of a forthcoming book to be entitled "Before the Buccaneers: Non-Spanish Intruders in the Caribbean, 1492–1610." G. Báez-Camargo, Protestantes enjuiciados por la Inquisición en Iberoamérica (Mexico City: Editorial Jakeg, 1960), has useful if somewhat misleading short biographical sketches of those thought to be Protestants.^[17]

After one views the total documentation of the archives of the Mexican Inquisition both in Mexico and in Spain, it becomes increasingly clear that the most fundamental obligation of the inquisitors was to con-

trol the influx of printed matter which attacked or undermined the religious culture of New Spain.^[18] For the sixteenth century the important documentary work of Francisco Fernández del Castillo, Libros y libreros en el siglo XVI (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1914; reprint 1982), is essential for study of the process. Irving A. Leonard's many studies on the book trade, censorship, and the influence of books on colonial Mexican mentality are well known, especially Books of the Brave (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1949), amplified as Los libros del conquistador (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1953), and Baroque Times in Old Mexico (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959).^[19] Almost unknown to scholars outside of the United States is Dorothy Schons's excellent review of Spanish archival documentation in the Ramo de Inquisición of the Archivo Histórico Nacional, entitled Book Censorship in New Spain (Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 1950), an analytical treatment of "Punitive Censorship in the Seventeenth Century." Both Manuel Romero de Terreros, Un bibliófilo en el Santo Oficio (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1920), and Donald G. Castanien, "The Mexican Inquisition Censors a Private Library, 1655," Hispanic American Historical Review 34 (1954): 374–392, examine the library of Melchor Pérez de Soto, an astrologer. Considerably more article literature exists on books and men in colonial Mexico.^[20]

One of the early uses of data in Inquisition procesos has largely escaped the notice of scholars of the Holy Office. Since virtually all provincial records of the New Mexico colony were destroyed in the Pueblo Rebellion of 1680–1681, most borderlands historians had been convinced that it was impossible to write the domestic history of the seventeenth-century colony. France V. Scholes was able to reconstruct the social, political, and religious history of New Mexico from the voluminous Inquisition procesos and ancillary manuscripts in the Archivo General de la Nación in his two volumes, Church and State in New Mexico, 1610–1650 (Albuquerque: Historical Society of New Mexico, 1937) and Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659–1670 (Albuquerque: Historical Society of New Mexico, 1942). His methodological tour de force in this regard has never been properly recognized.

One of the most famous non-Jews tried at mid-century was an Irishman tried for insurrection, heresy, and other crimes and studied by Luis González Obregón, in Don Guillén de Lampart: La Inquisición y la independencia en el siglo XVIII (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1908). Largely as the result of the scandals and the unprofessional conduct of Inquisition bureaucracy at mid-seventeenth century, Visitor Pedro Medina Rico formally established an organization designed to in-

culcate professionalism and to encourage morality, brotherhood, and charity in the Holy Office's personnel. Greenleaf's monographic article, "The Inquisition Brotherhood: Cofradía de San Pedro Mártir of Colonial Mexico," in The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Inter-American Cultural History 40 (1983): 171–201, examines this sodality from 1656 to 1837. A third volume by Greenleaf, "The Inquisition in Baroque Mexico" (for want of a better title and still in preparation), will focus on the 1640–1680 period, emphasizing prosopographical analysis. But it will also deal with the Holy Office's political, legal, and financial scandals explored in the same author's work, "The Great Visitas of the Mexican Holy Office, 1645–1669," in The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Inter-American Cultural History 44 (1988): 399–420.

In general, studies of the Holy Office bureaucracy are yet to be researched, especially the role of the non-salaried Inquisition police known as familiares . When Philip II founded the Tribunal of the Holy Office in Mexico, he attempted to circumscribe the privileges and immunities of Inquisition police and commissaries so that the bureaucracy of the Inquisition would not parallel the baroque and irresponsible corps of Holy Office functionaries in Aragón and Castilla. By royal decree, on 16 August 1570, the privileges of the familiatura in New Spain were regulated and strict limitations were placed upon the numbers of police allowed in urban areas and in the provinces. In general the familiares were given immunity from prosecution by the vice-regency in criminal cases, but they were subject to civil authority in civil cases. The king charged all of his subjects to report violations of conduct by the familiatura to the Tribunal of the Holy Office and to the Audiencia. On 13 May 1572, Philip II decreed that crimes committed by Inquisition officials against Indians were not covered by the familiatura's immunities. Within a decade after the 1570 decree it became clear that the familiares had entrenched themselves in colonial business enterprises and that they were repeating the patterns of personal aggrandizement which Philip II so deplored in Spain. Greenleaf's study of Familiar "Antonio de Espejo and the Mexican Inquisition, 1571–1586," in The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Inter-American Cultural History 27 (1971): 271–292, parallels one of Bartolomé Bennassar on Andalucia.^[21]

Since there was an early and continuing relationship and pattern of migration from the islands of the Caribbean to Mexico and Central America, researchers will find Carlos Esteban Deive, Heterodoxia e Inquisición en Santo Domingo, 1492–1822 (Santo Domingo: Universidad de Santo Domingo, 1983) valuable, as well as Ernesto Chinchilla Aguilar's La Inquisición en Guatemala (Guatemala City: Imprenta Universitaria,

1953). Jonathan I. Israel, Race, Class and Politics in Colonial México, 1610–1670 (London: Oxford University Press, 1975) makes excellent use of Inquisition manuscripts. Richard E. Greenleaf, Inquisición y sociedad en el México colonial (Madrid: José Porrúa Turanzas, 1985) reproduces in Spanish translation twelve of Greenleaf's studies for the convenience of Spanish and Latin American scholars. Thematic analysis of Mexican Inquisition historiography dealing with Indians and the Inquisition, crypto-Jews, and problems of interpretation will follow the next section.

The Inquisition in Bourbon Mexico, 1700–1820

Until the late 1960s our knowledge of the eighteenth-century Inquisition rested on two excellent publications of the Archivo General de la Nación edited by Nicolás Rangel: Los precursores ideológicos de la Guerra de la Independencia, 1789–1794, vol. 1, La Revolución Francesa, vol. 2, and La masonería en México: Siglo XVIII, (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1929–1932). The fine thesis by Monelisa Lina Pérez-Marchand, Dos estapas ideológicas del siglo XVIII en México a través de los papeles de la Inquisición (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autonóma, 1945) added to our understanding, but most authors relying on Medina, Lea, and Jiménez Rueda continued to interpret the Holy Office as a moribund institution in the eighteenth century.^[22] Many works continued to assert that the Holy Office declined because it became a political instrument, citing the Inquisition trials of Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, José María Morelos, and other Independence leaders as evidence.^[23] Greenleaf's forthcoming volume on "The Inquisition in Bourbon Mexico, 1700–1820" takes issue with these interpretations and argues that while many scholars have called attention to the fact that the Holy Office of the Inquisition was a political instrument, what has not been examined in detail is the relationship that existed between heresy and treason during the three centuries of Spanish and Spanish-colonial Inquisition history. The belief that heretics were traitors and traitors were heretics led to the conviction that dissenters were social revolutionaries trying to subvert the political and religious stability of the community. These tenets were not later developments in the history of the Spanish Inquisition; they were inherent in the rationale of the institution from the fifteenth century onward and were apparent in the Holy Office's dealings with Jews, Protestants, and other heretics during the sixteenth century. The use of the Inquisition by the later eighteenth-century Bourbon kings of Spain as an instrument of regalism was not a departure from tradition.

Particularly in the viceroyalty of New Spain during the late eighteenth century the Inquisition trials show how the Crown sought to promote political and religious orthodoxy.^[24]

Monelisa Lina Pérez-Marchand made an extensive study of the books prohibited in Mexico by the Inquisition, and her research determined that in the latter part of the eighteenth century, works of political philosophy predominated. It is important to note that the majority of books proscribed by Holy Office edicts during 1763–1805 did not simply question specific policies but rather challenged the theoretical existence or raison d'être of the state. This indirect attack made it possible for the colonist to read and apply general theories to particular circumstances—Spanish mercantilism, monopolization of office by peninsular Spaniards, monolithic religion, and so on. Because the colonists saw the French Revolution as an attempt to put these ideas into practice, accounts of it had to be zealously prohibited. Such works always carried heretical religious propositions. The banned Lettres d'une péruvienne (1797) are a case in point. The Holy Office charged that they were filled with sedition and heresy and were "injurious to monarchs and Catholic rulers of Spain . . . and to religion itself." The same decree also prohibited Les ruines; ou, Meditation sur les revolutions des empires by M. Volney and other works. A separate ban of the Volney tract alleged that its author affirmed that there neither is nor can be revealed religion, that all (people) are daughters of curiosity, ignorance, interest, and imposture, and that the mystery of the birth of Jesus Christ and the rest of the Christian religion are mystical allegories.

The Holy Office of the Inquisition did not limit its censorship to French books; English Enlightenment works were also a matter of concern. The works of Alexander Pope were most frequently mentioned in edicts of the Inquisition, particularly his "Cartas de Abelardo y Heloisa," a translation of "Eloisa to Abelard," telling the tale of a nun's love for Peter Abelard. Proscriptions of Pope occurred in 1792 and 1799, and by 1815 all of his works were banned. Other English books on the lists were Gulliver's Travels (1803) and Pamela (1803). The most important edict of the period was the one issued on 25 August 1805, for it presents a comprehensive and alphabetical listing of all books prohibited since 1789. Several hundred works appear on the list. The edict reflects concern not only with the French Revolution but also with the ascendancy of Napoleon.

In many cases the Inquisition found it necessary not only to prohibit political philosophy but to deny its content and validity. An example of

this was the edict of 13 November 1794 with regard to a volume published in Philadelphia by Santiago Felipe Puglia entitled Desengaño del Hombre :

The author of this book, writing in their own language, blows his raucous trumpet to excite the faithful people of the Spanish nation to rebellion of the most infamous sort. . . . The pedantic writer has made of himself a bankrupt merchant in such sublime goods as politics and the universal right, and [is] equally detestable for his impiety and insolence that, for his ignorance of sacred and profane literature and for the vile and ignominious style with which he speaks of Kings divined by God, imputes the odious name of despotism and tyranny to the monarchial regime and royal authority that arises from God himself and from His divine will . . . and the universal consent of all the people who from most remote antiquity have been governed by Kings. . . . [He attempts] to introduce the rebellious oligarchy of France with the presumption to propose that [it is] in reality the best example of desolation brought on by pestilences and anti-evangelical principles.

Of course many of the polemics of the rationalists were against the Inquisition itself, and to maintain its station in colonial life the Holy Office could not tolerate them.

To conclude that the Inquisition in Mexico declined in power and became decadent in the late eighteenth century because it developed into a political instrument seems clearly fallacious to this writer. The apparent decadence of the Mexican Tribunal after 1763 resulted from a whole complex of political and diplomatic circumstances which, in the end, led to a weakening of the institution. The shift of diplomatic and military alliances between Spain and France, and Spain and England, made it difficult for the Holy Office to punish foreign heretics within the viceroyalty of New Spain. It was equally difficult, if not impossible, to contain foreign political ideas. From the standpoint of domestic politics and Empire policy, the activities of the Holy Office were severely hampered and began to atrophy because of the tendency of royal and ecclesiastical officialdom to embrace philosophical eclecticism. Certainly in the case of the clergy this became a dangerous trend, since in the final analysis, the new philosophical and political ideas tended to undermine orthodoxy. Social and economic tensions in the Mexican colony, pragmatically evident, were reinforced by consideration of the new natural laws of politics and economics being expounded from abroad. On the threshold of this societal discontent, the Holy Office was often forced to make an ideological retreat, adopting an attitude of tolerance or inaction instead of its former firmness—in reality a new kind of "flexible orthodoxy."

The total documentation in the Mexican Inquisition archive for 1763 to 1805 reveals that the Holy Office cannot be indicted as loath to prosecute unorthodoxy of any kind. It only confirms the fact that overriding political considerations of the state made the inquisitors responsible for enforcing a rapidly changing "party-line" kind of orthodoxy, an almost hopeless task. It was impossible to police the far frontiers from California to Florida, from Colorado to Guatemala, from Havana to Manila, a problem as serious to the inquisitors as the problem of "flexible orthodoxy." Perhaps it was a sense of frustration in coping with the larger problems that led the Holy Office to concentrate on smaller ones. The tendency to engage in hairsplitting and tedious controversies over jurisdiction and judicial competencies was one result of this frustration. Another was the preoccupation with protecting the position and dignity of the Tribunal of the Inquisition.

The interpretation that the clergy (and the Inquisition) mirrored the times and the society to which they ministered is no doubt true of the Mexican experience during the second half of the eighteenth century. Would the Inquisition and the Crown have reacted any differently had the revolutionary political themes then in vogue been circulating fifty or one hundred years earlier? Probably not. At all events, the policies of Charles III (1759–1788) and Charles IV (1788–1808) did little to strengthen the Mexican Inquisition's mission to preserve political and religious orthodoxy. Indeed, the Spanish kings weakened the institution by failing to define the place of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in defining the Imperial self-interest.

Nicolás Rangel's volume of documents on the Inquisition and the Masonic movement in New Spain was used by J. A. Ferrer Biminelli to compose the Mexican section of Masonería e Inquisición en Latinoamérica durante el siglo XVIII (Caracas: Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, 1973); and Greenleaf's article, "The Mexican Inquisition and the Masonic Movement, 1751–1820," New Mexico Historical Review 44 (1969): 93–117, employed new documentation of the Jalapa Lodges, Los Caballeros Racionales, and other secret societies, linking Masonry with the independence movement. Often the transcendental views of Masons were transfused with the new social and political philosophies of the Enlightenment, and Masonic groups carried on political activities. The members kept their ideas within the group, and each depended upon the others to be loyal and to keep discussions secret so that established institutions would not feel challenged by the Masonic quest to better the human condition. The Holy Office of the Inquisition viewed Masons as social revolutionaries who were trying to subvert the established order.

Often the Tribunal of the Holy Office made no clear distinction among Masonry, Enlightenment philosophy, and Protestantism. As a result, after a century and a half of ignoring Protestants, the Holy Office began to be more interested in foreigners and obvious Protestants within its jurisdiction. William B. Taylor's Master of Arts thesis "Protestants before the Inquisition in Mexico, 1790–1820" (Mexico City: University of the Americas, 1965) and Richard E. Greenleaf's "North American Protestants and the Mexican Inquisition 1765–1820," Journal of Church and State 8 (1966): 186–199, investigate this new interest, and Greenleaf concludes that the primary goal of the Holy Office was to encourage Protestants to convert to Catholicism. The tribunal's function of religious instruction and conversion of non-Catholics was one of the most important activities of the Holy Office after 1765. Studies by Jacques Houdaille, "Frenchmen and Francophiles in New Spain from 1760 to 1810," The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Inter-American Cultural History 13 (1956): 1–29, and Charles F. Nunn, Foreign Immigrants in Early Bourbon Mexico, 1700–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979) are based partially on Inquisition surveillance of foreigners and Protestants.

The Inquisition and the Indians

The question of the jurisdiction of the Holy Office of the Inquisition over the native populations in New Spain and the rest of the empire has been one of controversy and confusion since the earliest days of the conquest. The perplexing problem of enforcing orthodoxy among the recently converted Indians was linked with the debate over whether or not the Indian was a rational human being who had the capacity to comprehend the Roman Catholic faith and enjoy the full sacramental system of the Church. As in the case of the rationality controversy, the position of the Indian vis-à-vis the Holy Office of the Inquisition was not resolved articulately, and after the first decades of the spiritual conquest the question took on added importance as the Mexican clergy discovered recurrent idolatry and religious syncretism among their flocks.

Despite claims of traditional historiography, the Mexican Inquisition did try Indians from 1522 through 1571 as the friar inquisitors in Central Mexico and Yucatán prosecuted native transgressions against the faith and as the episcopal inquisition continued to discipline Indians. The Archivo General de la Nación published two important documentary compendia on the Indians and the Inquisition early in this century: Proceso inquisitorial del cacique de Tetzcoco (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1910) and Procesos de Indios idólatras y hechiceros (Mexico

City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1912). Alberto María Carreño published in 1950 a documentary compendium Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga: Teólogo y editor, humanista e inquisidor (Mexico City: Editorial Jus, 1950) which gave some attention to the Indian trials and disputed Joaquin García Icazbalceta's claim in Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga, primer obispo y arzobispo de México (Mexico City: Editorial Porrúa, 1948) that the bishop was never an inquisitor. Robert Ricard, Robert Padden, and Jacques Lafaye have made varied use of the printed procesos, while Greenleaf has preferred to use the original documents because he has found difficulty with the published paleographic transcriptions.^[25] France V. Scholes and Eleanor B. Adams edited the controversial Proceso contra Tzintzicha Tangaxoan el Caltzontzin formado por Nuño de Guzmán, año de 1530 (Mexico City: José Porrúa Hermanos, 1952) as civil authority also assumed jurisdiction over Indian idolatry and sacrifice among the Tarascans.

In 1965 Greenleaf began his analysis of Indian Inquisition manuscripts for the entire colonial period in "The Inquisition and the Indians of New Spain: A Study in Jurisdictional Confusion," The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Inter-American Cultural History 22 (1965): 138–166, followed by a 1978 article with a selected documentary appendix in the same journal, "The Mexican Inquisition and the Indians: Sources for the Ethnohistorian," 34 (1973): 315–344. Even though the Tribunal of the Holy Office of the Inquisition was denied the right to hear Indian cases, an Indian Inquisition continued under an institutional framework quite similar to that of the formal Inquisition. After 1571 the Tribunal of the Holy Office acted as a fact-finding agency in the uncovering and disciplining of Indian transgressions against orthodoxy. Actual control over Indian orthodoxy reverted to the bishop's or archbishop's office and was placed under the care of the provisor, or vicar-general, of the diocese or archdiocese. The provisoratos contrived an entire bureaucracy of officials to cope with the new function, and they appointed delegates and commissaries in provincial areas. Following the tradition established during the period of the episcopal inquisition, the provisor and his commissaries often called themselves "inquisitors ordinary" and established tribunals and juzgados for Indians of the bishopric.

For several decades the provisorato set-up functioned without much competition or invasion of power by the Inquisition tribunal, but in actual operation of enforcement or orthodoxy there was still fusion and confusion of authority and responsibility of the inquisitorial and the ordinary functions. Quarrels over the competence of the provisorato and the tribunal in cases involving Indians in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries occupy many pages of testimony in the actual procesos and

comprise several legajos of administrative documents sent to Spain for resolution. Often, because many of the colonial Mexican clergy occupied several portfolios or exercised a multiple function, the personnel of the provisorato and the Holy Office were mixed in the conduct of trials, thus adding to the confusion over jurisdiction, especially in the remote provincial areas.

Investigatory activities of the Inquisition into Indian affairs continued throughout the colonial period of New Spain. Of particular concern were studies of recurrent paganism and idolatry and violation of the degrees of carnal and spiritual relationship permitted by the Church in the sacrament of marriage. The Inquisition usually kept meticulous records of these investigations, but because of the burden of work for ministers of the spiritual flock, the provisor or his agent kept sparse records or none at all. Therefore we must conclude that only the more serious deviations from orthodoxy came to light in the archives. Oftentimes materials on heresy and crimes against the faith are mixed with data on the spiritual activities of the regular and secular clergy. Between 1620 and 1700 concern focused on evaluation of missionizing techniques seen against the background of continued pagan practices and the process of religious syncretism taking place in many of the Mexican provinces. Friars of several of the orders were charged to write full reports, and these relaciones document fears of the inquisitors and ordinaries as to the extent of paganism in the supposedly Christianized viceregal area.^[26]

In the aftermath of Zumárraga's Indian Inquisition, the Visitor to New Spain and apostolic inquisitor Francisco Tello de Sandoval launched a probe into paganism among the Mixtec Indians of Oaxaca.^[27] The voluminous documentation was partially extracted for ethnological materials by Wigberto Jiménez Moreno and Salvador Mateos Higuera for commentary in their edition of Códice de Yanhuitlán (Mexico City: Museo Nacional, 1940), but they counsel the ethnohistorian that much data was left untouched. Other anthropologists have cited some of the data, but it was left to Richard E. Greenleaf to prepare a complete study with introduction in his Mixtec Religion and Spanish Conquest: The Oaxaca Inquisition Trials, 1544–1547 (Madrid: José Porrúa Turanzas, 1991), and with ethnohistorical commentary by Maarten E. R. G. N. Jansen. Greenleaf's introduction also deals with the Oaxacan Inquisition of the Dominicans in 1560, when Indians from both Solá and Teticpac were subjected to an auto de fe. The Teticpac trials were examined from newly discovered archival documentation.

The climactic event of the sixteenth century Indian Inquisition came with the Landa idolatry trials in Yucatán during the period 1559–1562. In the 1930s, France V. Scholes discovered the corpus of the trials in

Spanish archives. He and Eleanor B. Adams published most of the materials in Don Diego de Quijada Alcalde Mayor de Yucatán, 1561–1565 , 2 vols. (Mexico City: José Porrúa Hermanos, 1933), including a lengthy introduction that summarizes the trial records. France V. Scholes and Ralph L. Roys, Fray Diego de Landa and the Problem of Idolatry in Yucatán (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution, 1938) give an in-depth analysis of the proceedings. Recently Inga Clendinnen has given a new interpretation of the Landa trials in Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatán, 1517–1570 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). Building on several earlier research articles, she postulates that testimonies in the trial records may be unreliable and that incidences of idolatry and sacrifice may have been exaggerated. The Greenleaf articles on the Indians and the Inquisition and the Mixtec religion and Spanish Conquest deal with methodological problems of using the procesos de Indios as historical sources.

The procesos reveal fascinating data on the use of idolatry, sorcery, and sacrifice within a political context of native resistance to Spanish power. In general, the Indians attempted to manipulate inquisitional procedures by denouncing Spanish-appointed caciques as idolaters in order to deprive them of office. There are also denunciations for idolatry and human sacrifice by Indians who wanted to attack their own political enemies, hoping to replace them in the new political hierarchy. The procesos also illuminate subversive activities of Indian sorcerers, curers, witches, and seers who tried to perpetuate the old beliefs. Of particular concern to the Mexican Inquisition were groups of native priests and sorcerers who openly defied the "spiritual conquest" by establishing schools or apprenticeships among the young. The teachers made a frontal attack on Catholicism and Spanish Catholic culture. They ridiculed the new religion and urged a return to native religious practices. These men, branded as "dogmatizers" by the inquisitors, were considered especially dangerous by the missionary clergy. Thus the native priesthood preached a counterculture and a counter-religion and took the lead in performing sorceries and sacrifices. They supported the ancient practices of concubinage and bigamy as a symbol of resistance to the new religion—and the dogmatizers also ridiculed the Inquisition. Students of ritual humor among the Maya, notably Professor Victoria R. Bricker, in recent times have found survivals of plays and dances done in jest of the Holy Office. It is obvious that this same set of attitudes impelled native doctors or curers to continue the use of preconquest medicine, and to transmit Aztec, Maya, and Mixtec medical lore to future generations of Indians and mestizos in colonial Mexico.

Obviously, procesos de Indios initiated by the Inquisition are pe-

ripheral to other documentation about social discontent in sixteenth-and seventeenth-century Mexico, but they are reliable benchmarks of what was taking place. Trials of all genres of mestizos, pardos, and others are indicative of developing syncretism, accommodation, and resistance to the culture of the conqueror. Most resistance to the Spanish social structure, however, probably came in more passive ways, although some writers would like to link forced acculturation with Indian rebellions in colonial Mexico. It is certain that native religion was important in Indian rebellions and that paganism became a catalyst in the upheavals, but documentary studies of causal factors still await scholarly investigation. Important to future studies will be analyses of peyote cults and the use of other hallucinogens (yerba pipiltzintzin, ololiuqui) in idolatry, sorcery, and in other patterns of pagan resistance.

Perhaps the thorniest problem faced by ethnohistorians as they interprets procesos de Indios relates to classical procedures of historical criticism: the art of determining the validity of historical sources. Do the Inquisition manuscripts give a reliable picture of native religion or pagan resistance? Did the monastic inquisitor or the provisor or the professional judge on the Holy Office tribunal correctly understand the testimony of the evidence? Did the inquisitor project an image or an interpretation of data in the procesos de Indios from an ethnocentric Christian viewpoint? Did the scribes and notaries properly report the proceedings? Were the interpreters really competent to transmit testimonies of Indians who did not know Spanish? While historians may not be able to arrive at firm answers to these questions, they must nevertheless be ever in their minds as they interpret. Given the nature of these problems, distorted pictures and fanciful interpretations result with alarming frequency.

The meticulous scholar must therefore examine a broad base of archival documentation and other sources in order to place the ethnohistorical data in proper perspective. Statements of historian France V. Scholes and anthropologist Ralph L. Roys pertaining to Fray Diego de Landa and the Problem of Idolatry in Yucatán may be applied to other areas. They concluded that Indian testimony often "confirms, supplements, and clarifies our knowledge of Maya religion derived from other sources," but they recognized that the evidence possibly "contains exaggerations, even certain falsehoods and that Indians may have called upon memory of pre-Conquest practices as regards certain details." On the whole, they concluded cautiously that "the testimony does provide a generally valid description of actual cases of idolatry and sacrifice that had occurred subsequent to the Spanish occupation and the beginning

of the missionary program."^[28] Clendinnen, as noted, has explored these caveats and has taken issue with the traditional historiography on Landa and the Yucatán idolatry trials.

The careful scholar should always remember that it is important to let the documents speak for themselves whenever possible rather than to force them into a fanciful or preconceived framework, a framework often built on grand generalizations and untested hypotheses. Several dissertations and theses on the Indian Inquisition, and the Inquisition and mestizos and blacks, deserve to be published: Bradley W. Case, "Gods and Demons: Folk Religion in Seventeenth-Century New Spain, 1614–1632," (doctoral dissertation, Cornell University, 1977); Eva A. Uchmany, "La Conquista de México: El choque de dos culturas" (tesis de doctorado, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1971); Gloria R. Grajales, "Cristianismo y paganismo en la altiplanicie mexicana, siglo XVI" (tesis de maestría, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1949). Colin Palmer's Slaves of the White God (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976) uses Inquisition procesos to uncover the black experience in early Mexico.

Excellent examples of the use of procesos de Indios by anthropologists are Noemí Quezada, Amor y magia amorosa entre los aztecas: Supervivencia en el México colonial (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma, 1975), which gives a critical survey of pre-Hispanic and colonial texts dealing with magical and religious aspects of love and sexuality, and, by the same author, "Hernando Ruiz de Alarcón y su persecución de idolatrías," UNAM/T, 1980: 323–354; studies of Ruth Behar, who is planning a volume on the eighteenth century building on her articles "The Visions of a Guachichil Witch in 1599: A Window on the Subjugation of Mexico's Hunter-Gatherers," Ethnohistory , 34 (1987): 115–138, and "Sex and Sin, Witchcraft and the Devil in Late-Colonial Mexico," American Ethnologist 14 (1987): 34–54; the translation and edition by J. Richard Andrews and Ross Hassig of Hernando Ruiz de Alarcón's Treatise on the Heathen Superstitions That Today Live among the Indians Native to This New Spain, 1629 (Norman, Okla.: University of Oklahoma Press, 1984); and the anticipated work based on provisorato and other documents of Serge Gruzinski.^[29]

Crypto-Jews

The judaizante, or Jewish pseudo-convert to Catholicism, was a particular problem for the Mexican Inquisition. Judaizantes and conversos (actual converts to Catholicism) often came to Mexico under aliases to

engage in conquest and commercial enterprises and, more importantly to the Inquisition, to practice the Jewish faith in private. Such people had come with Cortés and were tried in the 1520s by the first friar inquisitors. Their number rapidly increased all over the Mexican viceroyalty, especially in the central valley, Puebla, Nuevo León, and the far Northwest. In the last decades of the sixteenth century, members of the famous Carvajal family of Nuevo León were tried for relapsing into Judaism; and several of them, including some women, were burned at the stake. The Holy Office wished to use the Carvajal burnings as a threat to the Jewish community in Mexico; but it failed to eradicate the judaizantes, who continued to practice the old religion in private and to proselytize. The size of the Jewish or crypto-Jewish community continued to increase in the seventeenth century despite Church and state caveats.

Many scholars who have written about the Mexican Inquisition over the past few decades have tended to overemphasize the Holy Office's persecution of judaizantes. This is not unnatural because the majority of the authors have approached their subject from the perspective of Jewish history rather than Mexican history. As a result, the student of colonial Mexico gets a number of misconceptions. One mistaken impression is that the Inquisition was constantly preoccupied with prosecuting crypto-Jews throughout the colonial period. On the contrary, the vast majority of its cases dealt with breaches of faith and morals of the colonists: blasphemy, bigamy, superstition, doctrinal error, clerical morality, and Indian transgressions.

In-depth investigations in the Inquisition archive lead this writer to believe that there were many more Jews in colonial Mexico than is commonly supposed, and the documents hint that only a small number of these ever came before the Holy Office. For the most part, the Inquisition left them alone. They constituted a nebulous subculture in the colony, lending variety to the social scene and to the intellectual milieu. Except when they challenged the Church or Spanish authority in an open manner or when they particularly rankled the Mexican Spaniard as business competitors or as political rivals, these "heretics" did not appear in the halls of the Inquisition.

Pioneering works on the crypto-Jews before the Mexican Inquisition included Alfonso Toro, Los judíos en la Nueva España (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1932), as well as his La familia Carvajal , 2 vols. (Mexico City: Editorial Patria, 1944). Rafael López's edition of Procesos de Luis Carvajal (El Mozo) (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1935) added significantly to our understanding of the Inquisition and the Jews in late seventeenth-century Mexico and laid founda-

tions for later narrative and interpretative studies. Pablo Martínez del Río's famous Alumbrado (Mexico City: Archivo General de la Nación, 1937) influenced the thinking of an entire generation of scholars. Greenleaf's chapter on "Zumárraga and the Judaizantes; 1536–1540," in Zumárraga and the Mexican Inquisition , pp. 89–99, and his "First Decade of the Mexican Inquisition, 1522–1532," in The Mexican Inquisition of the Sixteenth Century , pp. 7–44, present much new archival data on the auto de fe of 1528 and question the ethnicity of several "Jews" who were tried.

Arnold Wizmitzer began a synthesis of activities of the "Holy Office and the crypto-Jews in Mexico during the Sixteenth Century," American Jewish Historical Quarterly 51 (1962): 168–214 and, in the same journal, "Crypto-Jews in Mexico during the Seventeenth Century," 51 (1962): 222–268, both excellent surveys based on extensive research in both primary and secondary sources.

For more than twenty-five years the passionate scholar and indefatigable researcher Seymour B. Liebman worked on the history of the Jews in New Spain and in the rest of Latin America. Liebman's basic strength was his tenacity in ferreting out materials; his basic weakness was his passionate analysis and sometimes careless use of sources. Basic to researchers is his A Guide to Jewish References in the Mexican Colonial Era (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1965). His major works included The Enlightenment: The Writings of Luis Carvajal el Mozo (Miami: University of Miami Press, 1967); The Jews in New Spain: Faith, Flame and the Inquisition (Miami: University of Miami Press, 1970); The Great auto de fé of 1649 in Mexico (Lawrence, Kans.: Coronado Press, 1974); The Inquisitors and the Jews in the New World (Miami: University of Miami Press, 1975); Los judíos en México y América Central (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1971); Valerosas criptojudiás en América colonial (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1975). Liebman's books and his host of articles are excellent finding aids to research whether or not the researcher agrees with his point of view or his conclusions. His final book, published in 1982, was a touching tribute to his coreligionists, New World Jewry, 1493–1825: Requiem for the Forgotten (New York: Ktav Publishing House, 1982).

One scholar with whom Liebman had scholarly disputes is Martin A. Cohen, author of The Martyr: The Story of a Secret Jew and the Mexican Inquisition in the Sixteenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1973), a well-documented study of the life of Luis de Carvajal the Younger. Also valuable to the researcher for quick reference is Dr. Cohen's compendium of reprints, The Jewish Experience in Latin America , 2 vols. (New York: American Jewish Historical Society, 1971).

The soon-to-be-published doctoral dissertation of Stanley M. Hordes,

"The Crypto-Jewish Community of New Spain, 1600–1649: A Collective Biography" (New Orleans: Tulane University Press, 1980) is a model study for imaginative use of Inquisition sources. See also Dr. Hordes's article "The Inquisition as an Economic Agent: The Campaign of the Mexican Holy Office against the Crypto-Jews in the Mid-Seventeenth Century," The Americas: A Quarterly Review of Inter-American Cultural History 39 (1982): 23–88. Greenleaf's "The Great Visitas of the Mexican Holy Office, 1645–1669," also sheds new light on the crypto-Jew in seventeenth-century Mexico, as does the Solange Alberro dissertation. The forthcoming work of J. Benedict Warren and Richard E. Greenleaf on Gonzalo Gómez: Primer Poblador de Michoacán (Morelia: Secretaría de Educación Pública, 1989) will integrate Inquisition manuscript sources with other corollary documentation on the early settlement of the Valladolid-Morelia Pátzcuaro area. Often linked with the mentality of the crypto-Jews were the mystics in New Spain: alumbrados, Illuminati Quietists, the circle that practiced dejamiento . An extensive literature exists on the mystics in Spain, but studies on Mexico are still sparse. Julio Jiménez Rueda's Herejías y supersticiones , chapters 13–15, pp. 139–182 is the most complete treatment of Alumbrados, pseudo-alumbrados, and mystics. Noemí Quesada's survey of "alumbrados del siglo XVII: Análisis de casos" in Religión en Mesoamérica , ed. Jaime Litvak-King (Mexico: Sociedad Mexicana de Antropología, 1972), pp. 581–586, is interesting. Dolores Bravo, Ana Rodríguez de Castro, procesada por ilusa, y afectadora de Santos (Mexico City: Universidad Metropolitana, 1984) has fascinating data. Alvaro Huerga's forthcoming Historia de los alumbrados , vol. 3, Los alumbrados en Hispanoamérica will include New Spain. Richard E. Greenleaf has prepared a catalog and extracts of all alumbrado trials in the Archivo General de la Nación from 1580 to the early nineteenth century with the hope of doing a complete study in the future.

The statistical tabulation of Mariel de Ibánez and Solange Alberro on procesos in Mexico, and Gustav Henningsen^[30] and Herrera Sotillo on those in Spain, have placed crypto-Jewish prosecutions in proper perspective, showing that they constituted only a small portion of inquisitorial activity in the total picture of the Holy Office's attention to perceived heresy and correction of faith and morals in New Spain. A study of the Inquisition and clerical morality remains to be done on Mexico.^[31]

Problems of Interpretation

There is considerable disagreement among historians over the proper role of religion in colonial Mexican society. Interpretation of the Church

is made difficult because of the disagreement. Evaluation of the Inquisition is even more polemical because those who interpret the documents wish to do so from an Enlightenment and twentieth-century standard of political and legal theory, and they insist upon making religious toleration the central focus of their evaluation. Later this writer will suggest a wider sociological analysis of intolerance that seems more appropriate in understanding the problem.^[32]

As a twentieth-century man, the author deplores repressive religious and repressive political institutions; but as a historian of religious institutions, he feels constrained to view them in a perspective of sixteenth-and seventeenth-century Mexico. Thus it seems fairer to judge the Mexican Inquisition from the vantage point of the prevailing judicial system and ideological structure of Spain and Spanish Catholicism than from the more equalitarian point of view. Some may call this a "White Legend" interpretation, but the writer prefers to see the Inquisition in the "historical present" in much the same way that the anthropologist would view the ethnographic present of the colonial period.

In Spain and in Mexico the Holy Office of the Inquisition was an internal-security organization charged with protecting a civilization and its culture—culture in its broadest sense: religious, political, and social. Even today the social scientist has great difficulty measuring the effects or the degree of repressiveness of internal-security organizations and their procedures. Enlightenment and twentieth-century political philosophy and jurisprudence certainly call into question rules of evidence, procedures, and judicial torture of the Mexican Inquisition. Prior to the legal reformism of Beccarria and the Benthamites, however, the Holy Office operated within a framework of procedures prescribed by canon law; these procedures were consistent with the rules of law of the era. Examination of thousands of Inquisition trial records has demonstrated to this writer that within the prescribed rules and regulations the inquisitors acted with zeal but also with fairness and common sense in the vast majority of cases. Again, one must add, this does not mean that we approve of these procedures today.

Critics of the Mexican Inquisition, and of the Spanish government, contend that the mere fact that the Holy Office required denunciations and proceeded with investigations is a good index of repression. Perhaps this argument can be supported on philosophical grounds, but it is more difficult to substantiate statistically. As social scientists using techniques of quantification to study modern police records, they encounter many of the same problems of analysis facing the investigator in the Inquisition archive. It appears that ninety-five percent of the total population

of colonial Mexico never had any contact with the Inquisition. Of the five percent who did, five-sixths never came to trial because of insufficient evidence; and of that one-sixth who were tried by the Holy Office, perhaps two percent were convicted, with one-half of one percent being executed. These figures, while deplorable to the modern man, stand out in stark contrast with the accounts of the gothic writers on the Inquisition who give a distorted picture of the institution's outreach into society.

Gothic writing on the Holy Office has of course emphasized that the Inquisition surrounded its operations with extreme secrecy while recording them in meticulous detail, a procedure that some modern scholars feel led to the lurid myths about all phases of inquisitorial activities. It is perhaps true that obsession with secrecy fostered lurid myths about the Holy Office; but because the greater part of viceregal operations took place in a climate of extreme confidentiality, it appears that this interpretation has been exaggerated. Certainly, Protestant and Jewish historiography of the era contributed much to the distortions and luridness.

The almost universally held view that the Mexican Holy Office prosecuted heretics in order to line its pockets is open to question. Until competent scholars have analyzed many hundreds of volumes of detailed Mexican Inquisition account books and have proved the contrary, it would be difficult to sustain these charges. Certainly there is no clear evidence that the economic backwardness of the colonies can be ascribed to the Inquisition. Most generalizations about Mexican Inquisition finance have resulted from published data on the financial scandal of the middle of the seventeenth century when a group of impoverished and greedy inquisitors did indeed try to rob the Jews. However, this writer's preliminary investigations of the account books, and the study done of the scandal by Helen Phipps many decades ago, show that this was an atypical situation and that up until the middle of the seventeenth century the Mexican Holy Office was an impoverished institution. Researches by the author show that the wealth of the tribunal increased after the last quarter of the seventeenth century and throughout the eighteenth century—but that it did not increase appreciably from judicial fines or confiscations of property of heretics. The Holy Office received property and money in trust and in the wills of the faithful, and the rents and moneys were invested by the tribunal in the same manner that nunneries and other arms of the ecclesiastical establishment invested and increased their properties. The Treasury of the Holy Office

was an investment institution serving primarily the economic needs of the creole elite.

In Mexico and in Spain, the phenomenon of intolerance—even with the presence of the Inquisition—can be studied meaningfully only if intolerance is related to a wide complex of historical circumstances. Henry Kamen has investigated these factors in the Iberian peninsula, and he has concluded that the religious issue was not the most prominent or the most relevant factor.^[33] Greenleaf's research suggests that insularity, exclusivism, xenophobia, even racial attitudes, were more important factors than religion in developing the climate of intolerance that prevailed from the fifteenth century to the 1800s. In Mexico as in Spain, the Inquisition was not a tyrannical body imposed on the populace; nor was the Spanish Inquisition a logical outgrowth of Catholicism. Rather, it was a logical expression of prevalent social prejudices. The Tribunal of the Holy Office was neither a despotic body in control of a hypocritical nation nor was it by nature primarily anti-Protestant or anti-Jewish.^[34]

During Habsburg times, and until the middle of the eighteenth century in Mexico, the Inquisition found ready support from the ruling elite and from the humble masses. For the most part, the focus of inquisitorial activities was on Indians and foreigners; thus, the Mexican populace regarded the Holy Office as a relatively benign institution that protected society and religion from traitors and fomenters of social revolution. The only real opposition to the tribunal came from conversos, the converted Jews. But even in the matter of the Jews, it should be remembered that anti-Semitism came first and then the Inquisition.

In colonial Mexico, the tribunal and its agents were never able to effect thought control over either the colonial population or Indian groups. Studies on colonial printing in Mexico, the book trade, literary production, scientific investigation, and colonial art show that a vital intellectual atmosphere prevailed and that the intelligentsia, both clergy and colonist, read, speculated, and wrote with a degree of freedom not found in Spain during the same era. In Mexico, as in Spain, those who wished to read about the new scientific ideas from abroad were allowed to do so, because none of those works ever appeared on the Index of prohibited reading.

Therefore, as an agency of social control the Mexican Inquisition worked as all such agencies do: to constrain but not to intimidate. Generalizations of the more popular writers to the contrary notwithstanding, actual evidence of intimidation is lacking in all but a very few isolated cases. There were debates, theological arguments, and ideolog-

ical disputes within the clerical establishment, within the universities, and within the military and political bureaucracies—debates that might have led to security investigations in a more rigid intellectual milieu. But in Mexico they did not, at least until the middle of the eighteenth century. The political role of the Holy Office of the Inquisition tended to strengthen its mission rather than to weaken it.

Though they tend to disagree ideologically in their various researches and writings on the Church in Spain and in Mexico, Henry Kamen and this writer have independently reached similar conclusions. Those of the writer are tentative ones; Kamen's are articulated. The writer views the Holy Office as "an organic function of a corporate whole, inseparable from the social and economic forces which affected the whole body of society."^[35] Kamen claims that "the ruling class of Spain was the demiurge of an ideology, which for good or ill, has dominated Spanish society into modern times," and he feels that "this class content in ideology cannot be too strongly emphasized as the main factor in the creation of the closed society of traditional Spain."^[36] His research led him to conclude that "wherever it was established, the Inquisition drew its strength from the common people and the nobility over them, who together became the steadfast pillars of the traditional order in Spain."^[37]

Research in the Mexican Inquisition papers has revealed the relevance of some of Kamen's ideas in the New World. The interesting thing that happened to Mexico, however, was that the ruling-class ideology of the creole elite and the common people changed at the turn of the nineteenth century; and with this development, the posture of orthodoxy changed. It became more flexible, more eclectic, and more amendable to attack on the Spanish monarchy from a political standpoint.

Conclusion

Revisionist studies have begun to view the Inquisition as a mirror of the Mexican society in which it ministered rather than as a causal force that brought social dislocations. Causal forces are difficult to substantiate, and political and social repressions are difficult to measure. The real importance to the historian of Inquisition trials may not be their religious content but the social and intellectual data which they contain. These data may well provide the social scientist with new viewpoints and revised interpretations within the framework of liberal historiography.

In any event, modern historians—no matter what their political affiliations and religious views—should be willing to do the documentary depth probes rather than rely on tired clichés when they interpret the

coercive power of the colonial Church. Whatever their findings, the purposes of history will have been served by professionals rather than by polemicists.