The Changing Community Profile

The second point that I want to consider is the social effect of the penetration of Telugu culture into the tribal population in the inter-

montane area of the eastern region. In considering this, I will bring into perspective the overall "tribal" category applied to the Raj Gonds and associated tribal groups.

In the foregoing discussion we have seen how the economic relations of the tribal groups have changed and that, by becoming increasingly dependent on other social groups both in terms of a cash economy and in terms of the alienation of their land, the Gonds have moved away from the tribal end of the tribe-caste continuum that S. F. G. Bailey proposed.^[2] Here movement is towards role specialisation, social stratification, and ethnic heterogeneity in social interaction, involving enlargement and diversification of the network of relations. Also, given Bailey's criterion that "the larger is the proportion of a given society which has direct access to the land, the closer is that society to the tribal end of the continuum" (Bailey, Tribe, Caste, and Nation , p. 14), the economic changes must be seen to have moved the Gonds further towards the caste pole of the continuum, in that they are now thrown more into a relationship of interdependence with, rather than one of isolation from, Telugu culture.

Given this increasing interdependence and contact, it is important to determine whether or not changes have occurred in the way the Gonds see themselves in relation to other cultures and if so, what is the nature of the change. In passing I have already noticed the development of a sanskritising reform movement mimicking Telugu culture, but more important is whether and how intercommunal boundaries have altered.

The Gonds, with their rajas, were once the dominant agricultural group. Their community of daily intercourse was limited to Kolams, Naikpods, Wojaris, Pardhans, and Totis. As we have seen, this has now been greatly extended, and with the effects of modernization produced by schools and the reform movement, various communal boundaries have changed though the primary communal identities have been preserved. Linguistic unity remains at this time, though the influence of schooling may yet achieve a change. And there is no reason to expect that intermarriage has increased. In fact, if anything, tribal identity has been strengthened by the relatively greater degree of daily intercourse with other groups and by the administrative reification of tribal status.

Fürer-Haimendorf, writing in 1948, identified a tripartite division in the social groupings in the area:

The so-called "aboriginals", who have been settled on the land since time immemorial and subsisted principally on agriculture; the associ-

[2] S. F. G. Bailey, Tribe, Caste and Nation: A Study of Political Activity and Political Change in Highland Orissa .

ated castes of bards, musicians and craftsmen who are economically dependent on the aboriginals and regard agriculture as a secondary occupation; and finally the castes of Telugu and Maratha extraction—cultivators, artisans and traders—the Mussalmans and Banjara (Lambada) tribes, all of whom have their own origin and cultural connections in adjacent districts and have settled among the "aboriginal" population during recent generations without being absorbed within the social system that embraces the first two groups.^[3]

While this basic configuration is unchanged, to what extent have the boundaries taken on different qualities in the thirty years since Professor Fürer-Haimendorf carried out the original fieldwork? Using this tripartite division into (a) aboriginals, (b) associated castes, and (c) recent arrivals of mainly Telegu and Maratha extraction, we can compare the intercommunal regulations that traditionally apply with what is happening today.

The Gonds themselves, both from their mythology and from ruined sites of past civilisations in the area, realise that they are not the first people to have lived here. But the fact remains that they see themselves as the people who cleared the forests and, along with the other aboriginal groups, have first claim to be the original occupants. In the past, Gonds saw themselves as ritually separate from the surrounding groups, from whom they would not accept cooked food. The Gonds had no caste of priests comparable to Brahmins to perform religious rituals. Each clan-deity cult group had its own hereditary priest (katora ). Worship of the numerous other deities at various shrines could be performed by any Gond of reputation, though it is common for Kolams, another aboriginal group, to be called in to perform rituals for Gond deities other than those connected with the clan cult. As their own ritual practitioners, the Gonds see themselves as a group which must preserve its purity by avoiding contact with others. As one reputable Gond once told me:

In the days of our grandfathers we even washed our feet on returning from market. But now who washes? For that reason our clan god is weak. Before we were advanced (literally "out in front"), now we are backward. We are not following the way of our clan gods. We are mixing.

Even the mainstream-Hindu immigrant populations see the Gonds as having attributes of purity. If a Hindu is asked how he evaluates the Gonds' status in the varna system, he will say that Gonds seem to be perpetually performing rituals themselves and must therefore be considered as high caste.

[3] The Raj Gonds of Adilabad , p. 31.

In general status, the Gond considers himself superior to the Kolam. They will not sit on the same charpoy together, and initially at least the Gond will expect to sit in the presence of a Kolam, though frequent and friendly intercourse between them gives rise to an assumed status equality. Fictitious kin relations exist between them, and the Kolams have the same clan names as the Gonds, though marriage regulations are different and the Kolams do not have the same clan cult underlying their clan system. The Kolam will often act as a priest for the Gond, though there is no system of patronage or payment in this. It is merely a matter of respect towards a people who are idealised as more traditional and in closer touch with the forces of nature.

The other important aboriginal group is the Naikpods, referred to by the Gonds as Mache. They have a language of their own, like the Kolams, but in the area that I studied they all speak Telugu as their mother tongue and know Gondi, which is the lingua franca among all the aboriginal groups. Naikpod clan names bear no similarity to the Gond or Kolam model, and again intermarriage is not allowed. Their clan and lineage names are the same as those of Telugu speakers. Whereas Naikpods have been shifting-cultivators within living memory, they have now taken up plough cultivation, though they tend to be less successful than the Gonds, because they live in small hamlets on stonier ground just off the valley bottoms. The few large Naikpod villages in the valley bottoms have been entirely taken over by Telugu castes, and the tribals are now landless labourers. A traditional occupation is the making of bamboo mats for a variety of purposes; Gonds pay for such mats in grain. Once again there is no patron-client relationship along a typical jajmani pattern with enduring ties of interdependence. Rather than a relationship of mutual cooperation, as between the Gonds and Kolams, there is competition and resentment between Gonds and Naikpods; the Gonds often refer to Naikpods as thieves and untrustworthy, whereas Naikpods assume greater purity than Gonds because they do not eat beef and pork. Both parties refuse to accept cooked food from each other and recognize this refusal. Each assumes a higher status. On the whole the Gond avoids entering a Naikpod hamlet, and he seldom needs to. But the Naikpod, being numerically less dominant and often doing bamboo work for the Gond, often enters Gond villages, where he is forced to accept an inferior status. Generally both Gonds and Naikpods are cultivating groups and therefore equivalent, but the Gonds are wealthier.

Traditionally associated with the Gonds are seven servicing groups (I shall not describe them all in detail here), some of which can be replicated among Telugu-speaking agricultural communities. Three of these groups have specific reference to the Gonds; their occupation is tied to religious service, and, since Gond religion has a different social

organization from Hinduism, these three groups are distinct from equivalents in the Hindu jati system.

The most important of these three groups are the Pardhans, as they call themselves, or Pataris, as they are called by the Gonds. The symbiotic relationship between communities of Gonds and Pardhans has been established by centuries of co-existence. The Pardhans are the hereditary bards of the Gonds. They have a clan and kinship system that is an exact replica of that of the Gonds, and each Pardhan household is bound by a patron-client relationship similar to that of a jajman to a number of Gond households of its own clan. Pardhans receive yearly payments and dues at specific rites of passage from their hereditary patrons or dhani . While the Pardhans' mother tongue is Marathi, they are guardians of Gond oral tradition and ritual music, which they sing in Gondi. The Pardhan is often called upon as an arbiter of Gond custom, and I have seen Pardhans, on their own initiative, object to infringements of Gond marriage regulations. While they are not the priests of the Gond clan cult, its operation is dependent on their role as messengers and arrangers of clan rituals among the clan group, which is dispersed across the entire area of Gond population. They are the maintenance men of Gond tradition.

In a similar position vis-à-vis the Gond and performing exactly the same role and function is the Toti. Certain Gond clans have Toti bards and musicians rather than Pardhans. The number of Totis is much smaller than that of Pardhans, but as they speak Gondi as their mother tongue, it is possible to argue that they have been associated with the Gonds for longer. Having a parallel clan and kinship system, the Pardhans and Totis like to claim a brother relationship to their Gond patrons, but while many Gonds are prepared to accept this superficially, they fundamentally oppose it in serious discussion. Both Pardhans and Totis are minstrel beggars and dependants of the Gonds with a lower status, though not in the Hindu sense of a different jati backed up by the complex rationale of a varna system. While travelling with Gonds I have slept and eaten in Pardhan houses, but the Gonds have had no sense of transferred pollution through me, though no Gond will eat anything other than tea with cow's milk and food fried in ghee from a Pardhan or Toti for fear of having to pay a symbolic fine and having a lock of his hair cut off. Equally, no Pardhan would think of entering his patron's house beyond the verandah. As economic dependants, both Pardhans and Totis frequently take cooked food from Gonds.

Theoretically, at least, both Pardhans and Totis share a similar relationship to their patrons, but between them there is a gulf of acute competition and resentment. Each claims to be of higher status than the other; they do not accept food from each other; and both beg

equally from their Gond patrons, in front of whom they observe mutual avoidance.

The last aboriginal service group that I will mention here is the Wojaris, referred to by the Gonds as Oja. They are few and far between and by pure omission are not registered as a scheduled tribe like the Pardhans and Totis. They are nomadic brass founders using the cire perdue method. A family unit arrives in a village, takes up temporary residence in an outbuilding, verandah, or under a tree, and makes cheap jewelry, cattle and cart ornaments, the mouthpieces and trumpet ends for Pardhan and Toti wind instruments, and, most important, the votive offerings and ritual objects used in the worship of various deities. This work is paid for in grain or other foodstuffs. Whereas the Wojaris have a place in Gond mythology as pen de Wojalir ("the founders for the Gods"), their mother tongue is Marathi. Those who work in constant association with the Gonds have adopted Gond clan names, though they are not involved in the clan-cult complex. To all intents and purposes, the position in which the Wojari stands vis-à-vis the Gond appears to be similar to that of the Kolam.

Outside this group of aboriginal service groups, there are a number of Telugu-speaking service castes which are also found living in mainstream-caste villages. Important here are the Vishwabrahma-caste blacksmiths, gold and silver workers, carpenters, stone-workers, and brass workers. This caste wears the sacred thread of the twice born and does not eat pork or beef. They claim a high caste status within the varna system and will not eat the food of the aboriginals, who in turn treat them as non-aboriginals and dependants with whom they will not eat. But in matters of respect there is a great deal of ambivalence as to whether the Gond or the Vishwabrahma should stand in the other's presence. Later we will see that with the start of Hindu reform movements, Vishwabrahmas are often used as priests by the Gonds.

The last three groups of Telugu castes that have lived alongside the aboriginals are three untouchable castes. Whereas all the groups mentioned so far share the same wells, though often at different times, these three groups live in separate hamlets outside the main ambit of the village and wash and draw their water separately. So far we have not found any highly developed concepts of casteism in relations between the Gonds and the other communities, but for these three communities, the Gonds immediately adopt a caste model of behaviour comparable to that of Telugu-speaking mainstream Hindus, even though the overall hierarchical principle which structures the Indian varna system is absent.

Highest among the three untouchable groups are the Inkars, known in Marathi as Mahars and in Telugu as Netakani. They are low-caste

weavers brought in by the Gonds for their skills, though now their profession has been totally eclipsed by mill-made cloth, and they have become an ordinary cultivating caste. Beneath them are the Bhoyars, known in Telugu as Manyepu and in Marathi as Mala, who are low-caste agricultural labourers. At the lowest level are the Madgi, known in Telugu as Madiga, who are leather workers. All three are categorised as scavengers who eat the flesh of dead cattle. While these three groups stand in a hierarchical relationship to each other, for the purpose of the Gonds they are all classed as Harijans. The Gond will not greet them, and all three are expected to remain standing in the presence of a Gond and to get off the pathway to allow any other person to pass. Gond children are often heard berating each other as "dirty Madgis."

Where these untouchable communities are found in association with Gond villages, they have been founded and have flourished under the leadership of influential Gond village headmen. In the past two or three generations, it was common for a patel who had accumulated wealth and influence to emulate the pattern of multi-caste villages of Telengana and employ Harijan village servants.

These untouchable communities must be distinguished from the aboriginal service castes of the Pardhans and Totis. The Pardhans and Totis do not beg for alms, but ask for their traditional dues as a servicing group with a long-term symbiotic relationship. This is a deeper relationship than the mere matter of economic dependence. The untouchable, in contrast, has no standing in the mind of the aboriginal; he does not perform any traditional ritual service, as in a caste-Hindu village. His position is simply a matter of status and caste emulation on the part of the Gond. The untouchable in the tribal village accrues only the negative aspects of his low status. To equate the Pardhan and Toti with the untouchable would be to adopt a castelike model that cannot apply in the dyadic relationship between each of them and their Gond patron. Rather, we have a not untypical relationship of two specialised groupings of agriculturists and traditional bards in the Indian environment, where intercommunal barriers are, not surprisingly, affected by Hindu concepts of ritual purity.

So far this has been a brief summary of the groups which have a long-standing tradition of interaction. I am not saying that the Gonds have not had contacts with other communities, which I will shortly mention, but rather that contacts were infrequent and were characterised by a mutual barrier against intimacy. Among the groups that have traditionally associated, there is no model of ranked hierarchy to cover all interactions. The only form of hierarchy that exists is the simple dyadic one between the Gonds and the two groups of bards. Both these groups are actively involved in clan-cult worship and see

themselves as sharing the same gods—"we are the people who worship persa pen " (the clan gods). To this extent they are part of the Gond culture complex. And this degree of closeness necessitates the most intense and consciously sanctioned idioms of separation.

To summarise this traditional set of community interrelations, it is necessary to distinguish the aboriginal groups which have had a long experience of interaction: the Kolams, Naikpods, Wojaris, Pardhans, and Totis. In this group, a set of neo-caste principles operates. The three cultivating groups—the Gonds, Kolams, and Naikpods—are basically equivalent though separate. This equivalence is affected by the fact that the Naikpod can now be marginally included in the Telugu caste ideology and can claim greater ritual purity by not eating beef and pork. The Gond and Kolam are more or less of equivalent status, but the Gond assumes the status of the dominant group, not only because of historical precedent, but also because the Pardhan and Toti depend on him but not on the Kolam; this is balanced for the Kolam by his being considered a truer and more traditional aboriginal who often acts as a non-dependent priest. Pardhans and Totis are considered quasi-untouchable by all groups as traditional bards and maintenance men to the dominant Gond culture.

The Gond dominance in the economic order is symbolised by the deity Anesirar, the giver of food, who is seen as a divine Gond, the son of Bhui Lakshmi, the wealth of the land. The Gond makes the analogy that he "is Anesirar. He ploughs the land and feeds the Pardhan, Toti, and Wojari. Many communities enjoy the food of Anesirar—i.e. of the Gond. The Gond's hand is above and the others hold their hand below to receive the gift of the Gond."

But the most important message which we get from this, and the reason that I have referred to a neo-caste system, is that it is not a systemic model. The traditional model is based on a series of dyadic relationships that lack any overall organization or covering ideology. What will be interesting is to see how, now that the economic order has changed and the Gonds are in an environment of interdependence with the Telugu castes, the model becomes more systemic and more and more castelike.

The earliest Hindus with whom the Gonds came in close contact were probably Brahmins. During the brief period of Maratha rule in the second half of the eighteenth century, some Marathi-speaking Brahmins obtained grants of land (watan ); most of the Brahmin patwari of later ages are probably descendants of those early Brahmin settlers. Their positions as patwari gave them considerable power over the aboriginal landowners, and large tracts of land became the property of the Brahmins, particularly in Asifabad Taluk. These Brahmin landlords were mainly town dwellers and absentee landlords, whom the

aboriginal cultivator would meet once or twice a year at most, though the Brahmin patwari would have been more frequent visitors to the interior villages.

While the Maratha Brahmins had come from the north, much later Telugu-speaking Velmas came from the south. While the richest among the Velmas were absentee landlords, others settled in the district and built up caste villages around them. The castes that they brought in included the Komti, the Banias of Telengana, who initially set up stores and moneylending agencies in the caste villages but have now spread to almost every tribal village of more than thirty houses. Also, the higher-caste Kapu cultivators and the lower-caste Parka cultivators were brought in to work the newly acquired lands of the Brahmins and Velmas, and have now taken land from the aboriginals and developed their own independent villages with their own Komtis. Along with these came a high-caste group of weavers called Sale. At the time, when their traditional profession was being undermined, they were taking up agriculture and were in search of new land. Also, the toddy tappers, called Gaur by the Gonds, the barbers, called Dandvi, and the washermen, called Wartal, arrived. As their population expanded, many of them took up agriculture on alienated tribal land. Only among a few wealthy tribals are the services of barber and washerman used. Otherwise the aboriginal groups perform this service for themselves.

Without exception, in the pre-modern phase the aboriginal groups treated all these communities as complete outsiders. All social intercourse was minimised, and neither party would take food from the other or even make physical contact. Any intercourse that took place was in public places, and neither party would have entered each other's house. Although the aboriginals eat beef, they were not treated as untouchable but enjoyed a status approaching that of Kshatriyas because of their position as the dominant agricultural group and their past history as rajas of the area. Here it should not be forgotten that the Gond raja of Chanda had considerable traditional authority until the 1940s, and the local caste Hindus are conscious of the history of the Gond rajas in Asifabad.

The interesting overarching aspect of this traditional Gond-centred model of interaction is that it is not systemic. The position of each group is established on dyadic principles, so that it is difficult for the analyst to find an overall model or system. In order to describe them, I have had to rely on simple descriptive categories of historically established intimacy with, in the case of long-established contact, certain subtleties more involved than a simple "them and us" model based on the criterion of adherence to a clan cult. There is no reason to believe that this model would not continue to structure intercommunal rela-

tions well into the future were it not for the advent of factors that have accelerated social change, such as the increasing degree of interdependence with outsiders. In this area in the past, there have been both tribalisation and Hinduisation. Many commentators on social change on the tribe-caste frontier in India only notice the process of Hinduisation, but Adilabad was dominated by the agriculturist Raj Gond community and experienced the immigration of people from the surrounding mainstream-Hindu areas who frequently adopted the tribal model of intercommunal relations which was firmly established for the Pardhans, Totis, and Wojaris, and which appeared to be starting to establish itself for the Vishwabrahmas. However, in the recent past, after the willing introduction of three untouchable communities, there was an apeing of casteism by influential members of the dominant tribal community, which appears to have been dependent purely on individuals and not to have percolated down to the community at large. By the time of my fieldwork in 1977, the process of tribalisation appears to have been reversed to one of Hinduisation. I now want to establish this at the level of intercommunal relations, before going on to look at the factors which created it and at its broader implications.

The classical tribal model in Indian sociology is one of "them and us." That is, the so-called tribals see all other communities as equally "them" and equally to be avoided in all social intercourse. But what happens to the tribal view of "them" under conditions of social change, increased communication across the "them and us" barrier, alienation of tribal land, and geographical mixing of populations? Is there simply a greater degree of intercommunal familiarity, in which the equality of other communities is preserved but the degree of social distance and avoidance reduced, or does the tribal develop a view of "us" encompassing a wider community, in which concepts of ranking give the tribal community a positive place in a hierarchy—the Hinduisation model? Among the Gonds it is not altogether easy to pinpoint which model is being adopted.

The Gond himself does not have a conscious model of his relations with other communities other than the traditional one of "them and us," which, judging from the statement that "we are mixing" already quoted, is already redundant, although commonly stated. In the arena of national and district politics, the Gond is increasingly aware of his status as a member of a scheduled tribe. Regulations and the privileges that go with them are becoming known and are being capitalised on by the tribal. But that is different from the view that the Gond may have in his everyday intercourse with the other communities that live in the same valley as himself, although, no doubt, the two concepts affect each other.

Very briefly, I now want to look at the way in which the Gond's

perception of his relationship to the new spectrum of communities can be said to have altered. It must be said that what changes exist are not to be found uniformly spread throughout the population, but only in those sections which are experiencing increased intercommunal familiarity. Whereas previously the Gonds treated the high Telugu castes, such as the Brahmins, Velmas, Komtis, Kapus, Perkas, and Sales, as outsiders from whom they would not accept food, this has been reversed, and all Gonds admit that they will accept food from members of such castes. The fact that a form of hierarchy exists is shown by the Gonds' understanding that Brahmins, Velmas, Komtis, and Kapus will not accept food from them, whereas Perkas and Sales are at least partially understood to do so. This implies a degree of equivalence between the Gond, the Perka, and the Sale, overlain by an understanding that the non-beef-eating Hindu will not eat with the tribals. (An important thing to remember is that the real opportunities for dining together are in fact minimal, so that answers to questions are hypothetical and idealised.) Whereas a large number of Gonds see the same equivalence as agriculturists applying between themselves and the Naikpods, they see the Naikpod as still standing on his traditional dignity of not eating with the Gond. The Naikpod takes the classical position of the marginal man, trying consciously to identify with the caste order and to reject his tribal background. Such a conscious move cannot be said to exist among the Gonds. The Naikpod therefore actively wishes to treat himself as separate from the beef-eating tribal in his attempt to climb the caste hierarchy, a process in which the Gond has not become involved, except for Gonds who follow the teachings of the reform sect.

Relations with the two Telugu-speaking groups that are dependent on the Gonds, the Dandvi and Wartal (barbers and washermen) have adopted a more castelike appearance. Whereas the traditionalists saw these groups and Gonds as not taking food from each other, Gonds now look on them as of lower caste and will not accept food from them, while some people believe that they will accept food from Gonds. Relations with the three untouchable groups, the Inkars, Bhoyars, and Madgis, remain unchanged, with the same caste model as before. However, it is interesting that the Vishwabrahma is now seen as of a higher group than the Gond, as the idea of the twice born and the Vishwabrahmas' occasional role as priests among the new Gond reform sect are becoming apparent. Many Gonds are therefore prepared to say that they will eat from a Vishwabrahma, while he will not accept food cooked by a Gond.

The overall pattern of change in relationships between the Gond and the Telugu castes is that whereas before the Gond would not have eaten with any of them and would have assumed that they would not

have eaten with him, now the Gond will accept food from those he considers superior and is beginning to understand that those who are inferior will eat his food—a basically hierarchical model in which the Gond finds he has a relative position among other groups rather than outside them.

Generally, among the aboriginal groups and the associated servicing groups there is a greater degree of familiarity. Today it is more acceptable for Gonds and Kolams to share food. The Wojaris were previously considered to be a servicing group with whom the Gonds would not eat, and this distinction has not been relaxed. One group of Wojaris has taken up permanent residence near the village where I was doing fieldwork; its members have become avid followers of the reform sect and have therefore adopted a vegetarian diet. One of them is even a leader in the sect, and as such he is frequently seen eating with Gonds.

The Gond attitude towards the Pardhans and the Totis, the traditional bards, is virtually unchanged, although both Pardhans and Totis are less dependent on their Gond patrons than they were before. Many Pardhans have now acquired land and are not dependent on their traditional bardic dues. Also, knowledge of Gond custom and oral tradition is rapidly declining among the younger generation.

There has been a change in the Gond's view of himself vis-à-vis other communities. The concept of a loosely knit clustering of groups in which each pair had a dyadic relationship, that is, an ethnocentric view with a main ideology of "them and us," is becoming redundant. Today each group has a position in an overall framework relative to its role in the society. This is not merely the result of a lessening of cultural and economic isolation, but results from an enlargement and diversification in the network of social relations following greater economic interdependence. This castelike model of society based on role specialisation and ethnic heterogeneity in the overall grouping of Indian society, rather than a model of cultural separation, is now becoming the principle of orientation and group identity for the Raj Gonds.

But this is not applicable throughout Gond society. First, I am speaking only of the eastern area, in cultural contact with Telugu society. Also, in this area penetration by outsiders became established some time ago, and now that the period of predatory expansion of outsiders has ended, a period of mutual co-existence is developing. This probably cannot be said of the central area, with its more recent history of penetration and its present situation of virtual intercommunal warfare. Second, these changes are only true of a certain section of the eastern area. Typically, these changes are strongest among the new, school-going section of Gond society. Whereas the education system that was created by the Social Service Department of the 1940s

aimed at Gondi as the medium of instruction in order to strengthen tribal identity and the idea of "them and us" as a model for development, the independent Indian model for development is one of education in regional languages, here Telugu, aimed towards national integration. Also, the education is aimed towards an urban, literate, and employment model of society in which anyone who leaves school fit for employment looks to the civil service for work. With this set of expectations, he wants to identify with urban values and the modified caste system that now operates in urban India. One feature that is particularly powerful is the ashram, or boarding, school concept of education being practised under the special system of education in tribal areas. In this system of education, the tribal child is seen as presenting a greater educational problem than children in other areas. That is, his home background is assumed to have a discouraging influence on his schooling. Schools for tribal boys under the new ITDA attempt to create a total educational environment in which the child boards at the school, where he is fed and clothed. This new environment is one in which boys and girls from all scheduled tribal communities and even a few untouchables live in intimate contact with each other, so that, in addition to creating a set of urban and employment-oriented aspirations, the traditional concepts of "them and us" are undermined by the circumstances of school life. In their search for an alternative structure, school-going children are adopting the dominant Hindu caste model.

But the forces of social change do not come only from the new generation. As in many tribal societies, periods of relative deprivation and oppressive exploitation have spawned millenarian, revivalist, and reform movements and sects. The most influential of these today is the Shri Guru Dev Seva Mandal. Followers of this sect attempt not to drink, smoke, or eat meat. Adherents are found outside Gond society among the Kolams, Wojaris, Pardhans, Totis, and Vishwabrahmas, but generally the majority are Gonds. The interesting feature of this movement is that it has attracted members from the progressive element of Gond society. The leaders of the movement are all tribal schoolmasters and progressive village headmen who were educated under the old Social Service Scheme of the 1940s. Indeed, most tribal schoolmasters in Asifabad Taluk are followers of the sect's founder and leader, Kotnaka Suru Maharaj. In all schools in the eastern area of Adilabad, morning and evening prayers and hymns are chanted from the songbook issued by the reform movement. Therefore, there is a tie between education and this sanskritising movement.

It is interesting that some of the strongest adherents of this sect are the women, who daily perform puja in front of the tulsi plant symbolising the longevity of their husbands. And, in villages where the

sect is strong, the women gather every morning to chant its songs. Those who are influenced by this movement at school find reinforcement for it at home.

The effect of this sect has not so much been the direct propagation of a casteist ideology. In fact, being involved with gaining salvation through devotion, it attempts to reach everybody, irrespective of race or community. Firm followers say that if they meet another wearing the malla beads which are the symbol of sect membership, they will share the same food and the same charpoy even if the other is an untouchable. But fortunately for the believers, this cannot be put to the test as no untouchable has yet tried to join. The main effect of the sect, along with the cult of Tirupati Venkateshwara, followed by a growing number of Gonds, is that it involves Gonds in a religious ritual whose symbolic content they do not understand, as it is left to Brahmin priests who are hired to perform the ritual. They therefore see themselves more as an interdependent section of the wider Indian society, and find themselves in an arena of greater contact with other communities. This sect has given rise to a whole new series of religious rituals and festivals, such as Hanuman Jayanti, Shri Rama Naomi, Ganapati puja , Shankar Ratri, and others.

However, to say that the effects of education and reform movements are simply moving the Raj Gonds into the arena of the wider Indian society pure and simple is not entirely true. Gond identity still remains important, and, with the comforting barrier of "them and us" behind which to shelter, the educated followers of reform movements have adopted revivalist tendencies. They are aware that their oral tradition is being undermined by the growing lack of interdependence between themselves and the two traditional bardic groups, many of whom are now living by agriculture. Also, the children of the Pardhans and Totis, with their traditional training in verbal expression and in living by their skills as orators, have had more success than the old dominant cultivators in education and in obtaining civil service employment in the posts reserved for tribals. Educated Gonds and the followers of the reform movements, feeling themselves threatened by the loss of their position as the patrons (dhani ) of a dependent group, are trying to write down their oral tradition. In the process, the myths are gaining a large number of Hindu elements which were not there before, such as elaborate validations for deifying the cow and not eating its flesh. But the ultimate aim is to build up a new ethnic identity in the plural world into which they now find themselves moving. However, this new plural world, in which a castelike hierarchy is becoming evident, is not finally crystallized and therefore contains a number of anomalies. This is exemplified by the activity of the Gondi Basha Prachara Kendra, the Society for Spreading the Gond Language.

Its main aim is to devise an original script for Gondi and to gain government approval for it. But, paradoxically, its letterheads and printed pamphlets are in Telugu, reflecting the anomalous standpoint and the frustrations of its members.