Preferred Citation: Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza. The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: The Jama'at-i Islami of Pakistan. Berkeley:  University of California Press,  1994. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft9j49p32d/


 
Organization

Notes

1. RJI, vol. 1, 35–37 and 40. Also the Jama‘at set up a tax division on August 31, 1941, again with a view to supporting the propaganda efforts.

2. Maryam Jameelah, Islam in Theory and Practice (Lahore, 1973), 336.

3. Cited in Mumtaz Ahmad, “Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia: The Jamaat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat,” in Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby, eds., Fundamentalisms Observed (Chicago, 1991), 492.

4. RJI, vol. 1, 45–56; vol. 2, 16–28; vol. 3, 53–96; and vol. 4, 37–40.

5. Jameelah, Islam in Theory, 337.

6. Ibid., 338–40.

7. During Mawdudi’s tenure of office, on a number of occasions, other Jama‘at leaders served as provisional amirs. While Mawdudi was in prison in 1948–1950, ‘Abdu’l-Jabbar Ghazi and ‘Abdu’l-Ghaffar Hasan were jointly provisional amirs. According to one account, Mas‘ud ‘Alam Nadwi also served briefly as amir during this period, between 1949 and 1950; see RJI, vol. 6, 144–45. In 1953–1955, when Mawdudi was again imprisoned, first Sultan Ahmad and, later, Amin Ahsan Islahi served as provisional amirs. In 1956, when Mawdudi was away on a tour of the Arab world, ‘Abdu’l-Ghaffar Hasan served as the overseer of the party. Finally, in 1969, when Mawdudi underwent medical treatment in England, Mian Tufayl Muhammad served as the acting amir.

8. The date of this meeting is cited in A’in (April 25, 1985): 6.

9. TQ (June–August 1971).

10. Mian Tufayl joined the Jama‘at in 1941; he served as the secretary-general of the party from 1942 to 1972 and for a period was deputy amir and vice-amir.

11. Mawlana Muhammad Manzur Nu‘mani, Mawlana Mawdudi Miri Sath Rifaqat ki Sarguzasht Awr Ab Mira Mauqaf (Lahore, 1980), 38.

12. RJI, vol. 6, 154.

13. JIKUS, 42.

14. RJI, vol. 6, 131–32.

15. RJI, vol. 7, 60.

16. ISIT(2), 44.

17. Figure provided by the election commission.

18. RJI, vol. 1, 84. The figures are as cited in the sources and do not reflect changes in the value of the rupee compared to the dollar.

19. Ibid., 77.

20. RJI, vol. 5, 92; and vol. 6, 168.

21. U. S. Embassy, Karachi, disp. #61, 7/27/1956, 790D.00/7–2756, NA.

22. Between 1941 and 1945 the income of the Jama‘at stood at Rs. 73,119, Rs. 42,573 of which came from the sale of books, Rs. 19,531 from outside help to the Jama‘at, and Rs. 5,118 from zakat donations; see RJI, vol. 3, 50–52. The income from the sale of animal skins and hides collected during religious holidays when animals are sacrifices, in 1955 was Rs. 70,000; U. S. Embassy, Karachi, disp. #61, 7/27/1956, 790D.00/7–2756, NA.

23. Jama‘at’s ties with Saudi Arabia go as far back as the 1950s, when Mawdudi’s Arabic translations gained him respect among Saudi Arabian ulama and with the country’s rulers King Saud and King Faisal. The former personally funded Mawdudi’s trip to Saudi Arabia in 1959–1960. In 1963 Mawdudi got permission from Saudi Arabian authorities to have the cloth covering the Ka‘bah (the kiswah) made in Lahore rather than in Cairo, and in 1965 he became a founder and member of the board of governors of Medina University; SAAM, vol. 2, 77–79. Mawdudi was also honored with the prestigious and generous Faisal Award for his services to Islam, the proceeds of which funded the establishment of Jama‘at’s Islamic Studies Academy in Lahore.

24. The Islamic Foundation was in fact one of the initiators of the entire anti-Rushdie campaign in England, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia. Following the publication of The Satanic Verses, the foundation circulated numerous photocopies of passages from Rushdie’s book in England and distributed them far and wide across the Muslim world, and Jama‘at’s emissaries traveled to Saudi Arabia to secure funding for the anti-Rushdie campaign. Jama‘at activists in England then utilized Saudi Arabia’s support to galvanize the Muslim community of England and to alert Muslims across the world of their cause. It was following weeks-long agitations in England that Pakistan and later Iran joined the fray and converted the issue into a diplomatic imbroglio; interviews in London and Islamabad.

25. Sayyid Abu’l-A‘la Mawdudi, Tafhimat (Lahore, 1965), vol. 2, 286. At that time student activism was rampant in northern India, and critical to the success of the Pakistan movement; Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, Education in Pakistan: An Inquiry into Objectives and Achievements (Karachi, 1975), 263–65.

26. Interview with Zafaru’llah Khan in JVNAT, vol. 1, 11.

27. Ahmad Anas, “Jami‘at ka Ta’sisi Pasmanzar,” in TT, vol. 1, 113–14.

28. Interview with Khurram Jah Murad in JVNAT, vol. 1, 48.

29. Interviews with Khurshid Ahmad and Absar Ahmad in JVNAT, vol. 1, 144–45 and 153.

30. Interview with Khurshid Ahmad in JVNAT, vol. 1, 127–28.

31. Gilani, in fact, cites combating the left as a reason why the IJT was initially formed; see Sayyid Asad Gilani, Maududi: Thought and Movement (Lahore, 1984), 78.

32. Interview with Khurshid Ahmad.

33. Interview with Zafar Ishaq Ansari, an early leader of the IJT.

34. Interview with Israr Ahmad in JVNAT, vol. 1, 92–99.

35. See Mawdudi’s speeches of May 30, June 19, and October 30, 1955; cited in MMKT, vol. 3, 31–36, 51–54, and 108–17.

36. On November 9, 1969, for instance, Mawdudi told a gathering of IJT members that the important task before them was to rid Pakistani universities of the left; cited in SAAM, vol. 2, 348–49.

37. Salim Mansur Khalid, Al-Badr (Lahore, 1985); and K. M. Aminu’l-Haq, “Al-Badr Commander Bulta Hi,” in TT, vol. 2, 326–54.

38. Interview with Muti‘u’l-Rahman Nizami in JVNAT, vol. 2, 234–35.

39. The Annual Report of Islami Jami‘at-i Tulabah (Lahore, 1988), 4–10.

40. The extent of the IJT’s activities have led to charges, often credible, that IJT workers receive stipends from the Jama‘at, suggesting that furtive financial linkages do exist between the two organizations. One source cites that stipends of Rs. 150 to Rs. 1,000 per month are dispersed among IJT workers, depending on the level and function of the worker or member; Friday Times (September 14, 1989): 11.

41. ‘Abdu’l-Shakur, “Jahan-i Tazah ki Takbirin,” in TT, vol. 2, 71–72.

42. Javid Hashmi, “Ik Jur’at-i Rindanah,” in TT, vol. 2, 51–52.

43. Hafiz Khan, “Zawq-i ‘Amal,” in TT, vol. 2, 23.

44. U. S. Embassy, Islamabad, disp. #5303, 5/7/1979, DFTUSED, no. 45, 61.

45. Information was provided by offices of the Jama‘at-i Islami of Sind, Karachi.

46. Cited in Zahid Hussain, “The Campus Mafias,” Herald (October 1988), 52. Some thirty of those killed belonged to the IJT.

47. On the attack on the offices of the Muslim newspaper in Islamabad, see U. S. Embassy, Islamabad, disp. #7850, 7/12/1979, DFTUSED, no. 46, 1–2.

48. Muhammad Afzal, Zia’s minister of education, negotiated with Khurshid Ahmad, Jama‘at’s overseer of the IJT, on the issue of student violence a number of times. The Jama‘at resisted taking serious measures, in part due to its fear of being unable to control the IJT. The regime then decided to ban all student union activities as a way of clamping down on the IJT; interview with Muhammad Afzal.

49. Interview with Mian Tufayl.

50. Friday Times (September 14, 1989): 11.

51. Hamqadam (July and August 1965).

52. Information provided by the Office of Secretary-General of the IJT.

53. Kiren Aziz Chaudhry and Peter McDonough, “State, Society, and Sin: The Political Beliefs of University Students in Pakistan,” Economic Development and Cultural Change 32, 1 (October 1983): 28.

54. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (New York, 1991), 3.

55. The Jama‘at-i Islami was officially divided into Indian and Pakistani organizations in February 1948. Of the organization’s 625 members at the time 385 ended up in Pakistan and 240 remained in India; see JIKUS, 52.

56. The Jama‘at-i Islami of Kashmir was formed in 1947 at the time of Partition. RJI, vol. 5, 61, which gives a list of Jama‘at members in 1947, cites no members in Kashmir. It has, however, been argued that a number of Kashmiris had visited Daru’l-Islam as early as 1937–1938. They set up the first Jama‘at cell in Jamun in 1944 and in Kashmir in 1946; see ‘Ashiq Kashmiri, Tarikhi Tahrik-i Islami, Jamun’u Kashmir (Lahore, 1989), 212–99. The party in that province, however, continued to grow independently of its sister organization centered in Delhi and is today a major actor in the separatist movement in that province. According to Jama‘at sources the Jama‘at-i Islami of Kashmir runs over 1,000 schools in the vale of Kashmir; interview with Khurshid Ahmad.

57. Mumtaz Ahmad, “The Politics of War: Islamic Fundamentalisms in Pakistan,” in James Piscatori, ed., Islamic Fundamentalisms and the Gulf Crisis (Chicago, 1991), 180.

58. As a result the Jama‘at has influenced the development of revivalism across the Muslim world. On the Jama‘at’s influence in the West, the Arab World, Afghanistan, Iran, and Malaysia, see Larry Poston, Islamic Da‘wah in the West: Muslim Missionary Activity and the Dynamics of Conversion to Islam (New York, 1992), 64–93; Emmanuel Sivan, Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics (New Haven, 1985); John L. Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? (New York, 1992), 154–55; Abdelwahab El-Affendi, “The Long March from Lahore to Khartoum: Beyond the "Muslim Reformation,’ ” British Society for Middle Eastern Studies Bulletin 17, 2 (1990): 138–39; Abdel Azim Ramadan, “Fundamentalist Influence in Egypt: The Strategies of the Muslim Brotherhood and the Takfir Groups,” in Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby, eds., Fundamentalisms and the State: Remaking Polities, Economies, and Militance (Chicago, 1993), 156 and 161; Olivier Roy, Islam and Resistance in Afghanistan (New York, 1990), 68–70 and 80; Said Amir Arjomand, The Turban for the Crown: The Islamic Revolution in Iran (New York, 1988); and Zainah Anwar, Islamic Fundamentalism in Malaysia (Kualalampur, 1989).

59. Mawdudi’s works were, for the main part, translated into Arabic by four of his followers: Mas‘ud ‘Alam Nadwi, Muhammad Kazim, ‘Asimu’l-Haddad, and Khalil Ahmadu’l-Hamidi. The four were all competent Arabists, of whom only Hamidi remains with the Jama‘at today, as the director of the Arabic Translation Bureau. For an outline of the bureau’s activities, see Khalil Ahmadu’l-Hamidi, “Jama‘at-i Islami ki Dasturi Jadd’u Jahd,” in CRTIN, 337–55.

60. Mawdudi’s works began to appear in Iran in the 1960s. They were translated into Persian from Arabic by Ayatollah Hadi Khusrawshahi and members of a translating team working with him. Articles on Mawdudi and excerpts from his works also appeared in various issues of Khusrawshahi’s journal Maktab-i Islam. Following the revolution of 1978–1979, a number of Mawdudi’s works were translated into Persian from Arabic by Ayatollah Sayyid Muhammad Khamana’i. Interestingly, the first Persian translation of a work of Mawdudi was done in Hyderabad, Deccan, by Mahmud Faruqi in 1946; RJI, vol. 4, 90. More recent translations of Mawdudi’s works into Persian have occurred in Pakistan by the Jama‘at, which target the Afghan community of Pakistan.


Organization
 

Preferred Citation: Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza. The Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution: The Jama'at-i Islami of Pakistan. Berkeley:  University of California Press,  1994. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft9j49p32d/