4—
The Best of the Argonauts Defined:
Preparations at Pagasae (Argo. 1.317–518)
Although Jason may resemble Apollo as he leaves Iolcus, at Pagasae he is not treated as a divinity by his crew: his welcome at the beach is immediately upstaged by the unexpected arrival of Acastus and Argus,[1] and then, when he asks the group to choose the best among them as their leader, the men without hesitation unanimously elect Heracles, who, however, politely refuses. Thereafter, at the sacrificial banquet in honor of Apollo, the newly elected leader becomes despondent as he envisages the many details of the mission before them. His momentary loss of nerve prompts Idas's hybristic boast, which in turn leads to a disruptive argument between Idas and Idmon. The hero does not, in short, make a very godlike impression, and the expedition would seem to begin on an inauspicious note. Yet a look at the subtext of the episode reveals quite the opposite. Like the propitious omen that Idmon will observe in the sacrificial flame, suggestions made beneath the surface of the text indicate not only that the men will successfully complete their mission, but, even more surprisingly, that Jason may well claim to be the one to carry it off and thus earn the honor of being considered the best of the Argonauts.
Structure
Apollonius describes the preparations for the journey to Colchis in a more complicated structural format than he has used in the previous episode. Instead of a neatly balanced episode organized
[1] Beye 24 argues that the late arrival of Argus and Acastus diverts attention from Jason (cf. Collins 34).
around a significant central subsection, the poet has arranged the events at Pagasae in three sections of disproportionate length that do not have a clearly defined structural relationship. In the first (A, 317–30), Jason's welcome by the Argonauts at the beach (a, 317–20; 4 lines) balances his corresponding welcome of Argus and Acastus (a , 327–30; 4 lines), in between which lies the suggestive description of their sudden and unexpected appearance (b, 321–26). In the second and slightly longer section (B, 331–62), Jason makes a speech calling for the election of a captain (a, 331–40) and, after finding himself elected only when Heracles refuses the honor (b, 341–50), he gives a second speech (a , 351–62) in which he issues detailed instructions for their departure. The third and longest section (C, 363–518) unfolds in a strictly linear movement. The Argonauts, following Jason's instructions, launch the ship and draw lots for seats on board (a, 363–401). After they sacrifice to Apollo (b, 402–47), and while they are partaking of the sacrificial banquet, an argument ensues between Idas and Idmon (c, 448–95). Jason then intervenes and the men forget the tension caused by the argument as they listen to Orpheus's song (d, 496–511). The day and the episode come to a close with a formal sacrifice (e, 512–18).[2]
Although the episode as a whole lacks the A–B–A structural formula in simple or expanded form, this is not the case for the first two sections of the episode; in these Apollonius focuses on two important points made in the Catalogue: (1) the contrast between the man of strength and the man of skill, and (2) the nature and identity of the best of the Argonauts. Although the third section is structurally different, one will nonetheless find here, too, clear reflections of both the issues that the poet emphasizes through the central positioning in the first two sections. The overall structure of the episode takes the following shape:
[2] In his structural analysis of the episode, Hurst 54–57 likewise divides the events at Pagasae into three sections, but identifies the breaks at the occurrences of temporal conjunctions at 317, 394, and 450, which distinguish three themes: l'homme, le sacré, l'homme et le sacré . The break at 394, however, does not initiate a new section, but separates the launch of the ship from the apportionment of seats, which clearly belong together, as I shall demonstrate below. Cf. R. Ibscher, "Gestalt der Szene und Form der Rede in den Argonautika des Apollonios Rhodios" (diss. Munich 1939) 8–9.
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A—
Arrival of Argus and Acastus (317–30)
In the Proemium, Apollonius underscored the ominous appearance of Jason wearing only one shoe by setting it in a central position. Here too Apollonius accentuates the sudden and, as it turns out, significant appearance of Argus and Acastus by placing it between the Argonauts' welcome of Jason (Aa) and Jason's welcome of the unexpected pair (Aa ). In addition to being set off by its central positioning, the description of the two supernumeraries is neatly articulated:
Around his shoulders, Argus, the son of Arestor, wore a bull's hide
black with bristles and stretching to his feet; but Acastus wore
an elegant
double-folded cloak, which his sister, Pelopia, gave him.
The alliteration and line position of
The clothing worn by Acastus and Argus, then, reflects the theme of the heroic antithesis between man of strength and man of skill. Moreover, the unexpected arrival of the pair carries with it yet another implicit significance. In the Proemium, with its structural focus on Jason's ominous appearance, Apollonius was explicit about why the hero's arrival with only one shoe had so powerful an effect on Pelias and why the latter contrived the impossible mission for the former: Apollo's oracle warned the Iolcan king of the danger the man wearing only one sandal brought. In this instance, however, the poet does not explain why the men marvel at the arrival of Argus and Acastus (
[3] Supra, Chapter 2, pp. 32–34.
[4] Fränkel's suggestion ad 1.321–26 that the reason for their manner of dress owes itself to their speed in departing from Iolcus to avoid detection, while plausible, does not account for the vivid difference in the nature of their clothing or the fact that this contrasting form of apparel parallels the dress of Jason and Heracles. For further discussion of this point, see R. Roux, Le problème des Argonautes (Paris 1949) 101; Levin 43–44; and recently, A. Rose, "Clothing Imagery in Apollonius' Argonautica ," QUCC , n.s., 21 (1985) 30–31.
The fact that Argus, the carpenter of the Argo , has agreed to come along should be read as a propitious sign for the journey. It bespeaks the craftsman's trust in his handiwork. Yet his presence is not as striking as that of Acastus. The reader, aware of the dynastic struggle in Iolcus and Pelias's plan to get rid of Jason through the expedition, must find Acastus's willingness to go along surprising; and this same awareness among the Argonauts might well lie behind their amazement at the sight of Pelias's son coming to Pagasae. The surprise the men register, however, must be of the pleasant sort, since, if Acastus is willing to sail together with the group, he too shows his trust in the workmanship of the vessel: in getting on board he reveals his ignorance of any plans on the part of Pelias to sabotage the Argo. In addition to what we can deduce from the text itself, we have the information of the scholiast (ad 1.224–26a), who has recorded a rare version of the Argonautic myth attributed to a certain Demagetus:[5] Pelias, according to this source, had ordered Argus to use slender nails in the construction of the Argo so that the ship would fall apart at sea. Since Argus saw to the seaworthiness of the ship (cf. 369), both he and Acastus could feel secure in sailing on the Argo.[6] For this reason, when Jason sees the two approaching, he need not ask them anything (327–28a). Their desire to sail is an eloquent and auspicious statement in itself, and all the clearer to readers, like the scholiast, who are informed of recondite Argonautic lore.[7]
B—
Election of the Captain (331–62)
Two speeches by Jason, the first calling for an election of the best man for captain (Ba) and the second giving acceptance of this responsibility (Ba ), frame the election proper, in which, although
[5] On the identification of Demagetus with Timagetus, see F. Gisinger, "Timagetus," RE 6.A.1.1071, FHG III.316, IV.520; Jacoby (cf. FGrHist ) tentatively identifies him as the Demaratus mentioned by Sad 1.145, 1.1289.
[6] See Vian 13–14 n. 3
[7] Others have seen Jason's silence in a different light. Beye 24 believes that it "takes the narrative from the reader, so that we have a narrative which at times is inaccessible to the reader." Fränkel ad 1.327–30, in keeping with many other of his observations wherein he finds solutions in terms of the practical, suggests that Jason did not ask any questions because he was in a hurry to get the expedition under way.
the Argonauts unhesitatingly choose him, Heracles refuses and orders that Jason lead the expedition instead (Bb). The first speech presents something of an anomaly among ancient epics. Jason opens up the leadership of his own mission to the comrade deemed by all to be the best-suited to the job:[8]
But, my friends, our return back to Greece is a matter of common
concern
and our journey to the palace of Æëtes is also of common concern.
Accordingly, sparing no one's feelings, elect now the best man
among you as leader. To him will fall the consideration of all the
details: the initiation of conflicts and treaties with foreign peoples.
Although the democratic process, which continues to function throughout the poem,[9] may appear quite strange at first, nonetheless it does suit the stated theme of the poem to some extent. In the opening lines (1–4), Apollonius announced that he would sing not of a man (Jason), but of men (the Argonauts).[10] Moreover, Jason himself had informed Alcimede that he felt confidence in the success of the mission in part because he had the assistance of the finest men of Greece (302). Since none, save Heracles (cf.
[9] Fränkel ad 1.336ff. notes the other occasions.
[10] Although J. F. Carspecken's view ("Apollonius Rhodius and the Homeric Epic," YCIS 13 [1952] 41ff., 110ff.) that the group as a whole constituted the hero of the poem goes too far, his argument that the successful completion of the mission depends on the united effort of the group, especially when seen in the context of this speech, hits the mark; cf. Vian 16–17, who calls the harmony of the Argonauts "l'un des leitmotive les plus importants du poème."
1.1161b–64, 2.145–53, 3.1232b–34),[11] who will eventually abandon the group, can hope to achieve the goal of the expedition by himself, the winning of the fleece will require a communal effort. Thus, Jason needs to foster a harmonious atmosphere amidst such a diverse group right from the beginning, and it is apparently for this reason that he invites an election.[12]
Before the vote takes place, Jason defines what he means by the "best" leader (
As I have noted, the structure focuses on the actual election of Jason as captain, and herein lies an important reference to a well-known Homeric text.[14] When Heracles addresses the group, he remains seated:
[11] Cf. H. Fränkel, "Ein Don Quijote unter den Argonauten des Apollonios," MH 17 (1960) 2–3. The loss of Heracles meant that the Argonauts would have to concentrate on working together.
[12] The election has also been viewed as Apollonius's way of dealing with the tradition in which Heracles was the leader of the group (cf. Nicander fr. 48 Schneider); cf. M. M. Gillies, The Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius Book III (Cambridge 1928) xxix–xxx; M. Hadas, "Apollonius Called the Rhodian," CW 26 (1932) 44; Blumberg 11–12; Levin 45 n. 1; Vian 14. Fränkel ad 1.338–50 argues that the election was not necessary, but rather an act of courtesy, especially to Heracles, and a diplomatic ploy to unify the group (cf. F. Vian, "IHSW N AMHXANEW N," Studi in onore di A. Ardizzoni , ed. E. Livrea and G. Privitera [Rome 1978], 1028–29).
[14] Cf. E. Livrea apud Vian 66 n. 1, and Campbell ad 1.343–44, who observed the parallel.
Thus he spoke , and the young members of the crew
Heracles
seated in the middle , and all with one voice
ordered Jason to name him leader. But right from where he sat
he raised high his right hand and spoke.
In an assembly among the Greek forces at Troy, Agamemnon did precisely the same:[15]
Thus he spoke , and the well-greaved Achæans
as the noble son of Peleus renounced his anger.
Then the lord of men Agamemnon addressed them
right from his seat , not even taking his stand in their midst .
The wider context of the Iliadic passage involves the assembly at which Achilles, in the wake of Patroclus's death, accepted recompense from Agamemnon so that he could reenter the war; this event in turn restored harmony within the Greek army. In addition to the similarity, verbal and conceptual, between Agamemnon and Heracles (both Agamemnon and Achilles remain seated, contrary to Homeric parliamentary practice),[16] we can observe several other incidental points of contact between the two passages: both assemblies are at the shore (cf. Il. 19.40–46); Heracles' speech lies between the two speeches of Jason just as Agamemnon's (ibid. 78–144) lies between two speeches of Achilles (ibid. 56–73, 145–53); in their second addresses, both Jason (cf. Argo. 1.351–52) and
[16] Cf. Vian 66 n. 1.
Achilles (Il. 19.148–50) call for immediate action. Both passages, I would add, have to do with the assumption of heroic leadership at a pivotal moment in the course of events.
More important, the culmination of the Argonautic assembly can be seen to parallel that of the Iliadic: the restoration of honor and unity. In the Iliad , Achilles left the group because Agamemnon had taken his
[17] M. Fantuzzi, "Omero 'autore' di Apollonio Rodio: Le formule introduttive al discorso diretto," MD 13 (1986) 93–96, goes so far as to call this assembly "quasi una parodia dei consigli omerici."
shared expedition to and from Colchis (the
C—
Preparations for Departure (363–518)
In this, the longest section of the episode, the Argonauts follow the orders given immediately after the election in Jason's second speech. They launch the ship, settle on the seating arrangements, sacrifice to Apollo, and enjoy the sacrificial meal that leads to the quarrel between Idas and Idmon. Jason quells the disturbance, and Orpheus's song eases the tension generated by the argument. A coda of seven lines describing the end of the banquet and of the day concludes the episode. The action, as I have observed above, proceeds in a noticeably linear movement. These events—Jason's preparations for departure from Pagasae followed by a banquet at which a celebrated singer performs—recall Alcinous's preparations for Odysseus's departure from Phæacia, which is described near the beginning of Book 8 of the Odyssey . A brief comparison between the instructions given by Jason in the Argonautica and Alcinous in the Odyssey reveals the striking correspondences between these two texts.
Alcinous tells his people of his plans for sending Odysseus home with these words:
But come now, let us drag a black ship down to the awesome sea,
a ship that has never before sailed, and let them choose fifty-two
young men from among the people who have long been thought
the best.
Then after all of you have bound the oars to the rowlocks
leave the vessel and get ready for a feast right away,
coming to my palace; I shall provide a fine banquet for all.
I give these commands to the young men; as for the other
scepter-bearing kings, you come to my splendid home
so that we might offer hospitality to the stranger in my halls.
Let no one refuse. Also invite the inspired singer,
Demodocus; this one above all others enjoys a god-given talent
for music,
a sheer pleasure to hear whenever his heart bids him sing.
The Phæacian king orders his men to launch a ship that has never sailed before (35); in the Argonautica this is the maiden voyage of the Argo. The best fifty-two men in Phæacia were to be selected (35–36); Apollonius's Catalogue lists a crew of fifty-two of the finest heroes of Greece (Argus and Acastus were unscheduled passengers and thus do not figure in this count; cf. 321–28).[18] Once launched, the Phæacians were to secure the oars at their seats (
[18] See Vian 13–14 n. 3, and above Chapter 2, p. 28.
And when they relinquished their appetite for food and drink
the Muse inspired the poet to sing about the glorious achievements
of men,
a part of the story whose fame had reached the wide vault of
heaven:
the quarrel of Odysseus and Achilles, son of Peleus.
He sang of how once they argued at an abundant feast of the gods,
using terrible words, and how the lord of men Agamemnon
was happy to see the best of the Achæans arguing.
For Phoebus[*] Apollo had revealed to him that it would be so
through his oracle,
pronounced in holy Pytho when the king crossed over the threshold
of stone
in order to receive a prophecy. After that the beginning of sorrow
unfolded
for the Trojans and Danaans, fulfilling the plans of great Zeus.
Although not specifically invited to perform, Orpheus will sing about cosmic and divine
"best of the Achæans." The Odyssean subtext thus addresses the main issue raised by the Argonautic election, in which Apollonius has Jason ask in effect who the best of the Argonauts is.
In his description of the various phases of the Argonauts' preparations for departure, Apollonius expands the imitation of Alcinous's program for getting Odysseus back home. Through the borrowing of unique words and phrases, the poet alludes to other passages that pertain to the central issues of the episode. Rather than deal immediately with the ramifications that the argument between Achilles and Odysseus has upon our understanding of the events at Pagasae, I shall treat the separate steps in Jason's program for departure in the order of their occurrence.
a—
Launch and Distribution of Seats (363–401)
In his account of the launch and mooring of Alcinous's
Before the launch of the ship, the men strip off their clothes and set them on a flat stone made smooth from the constant battering of the waves (364b–66). The expression describing this stone (
[21] Fränkel ad 1.381–93; cf. Beye 27. An intrinsic feature of Callimachean esthetics entails the avoidance of hackneyed topics. Apollonius mentioned his refusal to describe the building of the Argo (see above, Chapter 1, pp. 20–22); I suspect that few, if any, poets treated the launch of the Argo.
hymn might appear an unlikely model for the launch of the Argo , an examination of the wider context of the archaic phrase reveals some remarkable correspondences.
On the first day of his life and just after he had invented the lyre, Hermes stole the cattle of his brother, Apollo. He led the herd from Pieria to the river Alpheus. After deciding to sacrifice and roast the meat of two of the cows, the devious god set firewood in a trench (h. Merc. 112), slaughtered the two cows (ibid. 116b–19), roasted the meat on spits (121), and then arranged the meat in twelve equal portions on a smooth flat surface (
In the description of the division of the benches that follows, Apollonius exploits the suggested equation of Argo and sacrificial victim in his evocative vocabulary. In the first line, Apollonius says of the men that they took care of each of the details:
of this line are used in the Iliad and Odyssey exclusively in banquet contexts:
Cutting up all the food he [sc. Eumæus] divided it up into seven
portions;
he set aside one portion for the nymphs and Hermes, son of Maia,
[24] This instance occurs in the context of Alcinous's banquet for Odysseus prior to his departure from Ithaca.
with a prayer, and he shared the other portions with each one.
But he honored Odysseus by giving him the long back
of the white-toothed boar, thus gratifying the heart of his master.
In a similar fashion, the Argonauts reserve a special bench, that in the middle, for Heracles, which he would share with Ancæus (396b–400)—the same two heroes, incidentally, who offer the sacrificial victim to Apollo in the scene that immediately follows.[28] Accordingly, in vocabulary and in the sequence of events, Apollonius prompts the reader to envisage the launch and subsequent apportionment of the benches on the ship as a sacrifice and the Argo as a sacrificial victim that, figuratively speaking, they prepare and divide among themselves. An unstated point of contact between the two passages from which Apollonius borrowed such rare vocabulary items (Hermes' sacrifice in the hymn and the banquet at the hut of Eumæus in the Odyssey ) is potentially significant: it is the god Hermes.
The central story of the Homeric hymn is based upon the age-old expeditionary motif in which the hero goes on a distant trip to bring back some prized object, especially a treasured animal or animals.[29] The two cows that Hermes sacrificed, with which event the launch of the Argo is by implication compared, belonged to Apollo's herd, and to steal these cattle the mischievous god had made an extraordinary journey (extraordinary because he was not even one day old!) from Arcadia to Pieria. The Argonautic expedition entails the same motif: Jason must sail to Colchis to retrieve the golden fleece of the ram that rescued Phrixus from the plot of Ino.[30] The Homeric hymn also involves a conflict between the same antithetical types seen in the poem so far: Hermes represents in this poem a god of skill, and Apollo, his older and physically more powerful brother who tries unsuccessfully to overwhelm the infant god with his power, a god of strength. The
[28] Vian 251 ad 400 adds that Heracles' central position on the boat helped stabilize the ship; his weight, in some versions (Sad Argo. 1.1289–91a, and Apollodorus 1.9.19) jeopardized the navigability of the ship.
[29] Cf. S. Thompson, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature (Bloomington 1955–58) 1200–1399, 1331–32.6.
[30] At the center of the Catalogue Apollonius focused on stories involving the same motif: Melampus's expedition to steal the cattle of Iphiclus and Heracles' capture of the Erymanthian boar (cf. Argo. 1.118–32).
conflict, however, is resolved. Although Apollo was furious with his younger brother because of the theft of his cattle, and although his anger showed no sign of abatement, Hermes sang a song about the origin of the universe and the gods to the accompaniment of his newly invented lyre. The song caused Apollo to give up his anger (h. Merc. 416a–35). As we have seen, other celebrated arguments underlie the present episode: that between Achilles and Agamemnon in the Iliad and that between Achilles and Odysseus in the Odyssey . Moreover, there is a disruptive argument about to break out among the Argonauts that, like the dispute between Hermes and Apollo, will ultimately be settled amicably. In fact, the climax of the hymn to Hermes provides a telling parallel to the conclusion of the Argonautic dispute. After Jason puts an end to the shouting match between Idas and Idmon, Orpheus takes up his lyre and sings about the origin of the universe through
Playing a lovely tune on his lyre
the son of Maia gained courage and took his stand to the left of
Phoebus[*] Apollo. Quick to play a clear-sounding melody
he began to sing—and the voice that issued forth was lovely.
He celebrated the immortal gods and the black earth,
how they first came into being and how each acquired his allotment.
Mnemosyne was the first god he honored in his song,
the mother of the Muses, patron goddess of Maia's son.
The son of Zeus then honored the other immortal gods in order
of age,
describing how each of them was born,
telling everything in precise order as he played the lyre cradled
in his arm.
Irresistible desire seized his [sc. Apollo's] soul.
When we recognize the subtext of the launch of the Argo and of the distribution of the seats, one of the central themes of the episode comes more sharply into focus. These actions are a metaphor for a sacrifice. The sacrificial overtones lend a sense that the Argo , as a symbolic "victim," is somehow dedicated or sanctified for its goal at the moment of its launching. The apportionment, with its implied sharing of the victim Argo by the Argonauts, carries suggestions of the unity—and consequent harmony—that such ritual practice by its very nature represents. More specifically, the details of the scene recall one famous sacrifice by, and another in honor of, Hermes, a young god who ultimately brings about the successful completion of his expedition by calming the
b—
Sacrifice to Apollo (402–47)
After the launch, the Argonauts offer sacrifice to Apollo in accordance with Jason's instructions. To summarize the action: the men build an altar to Apollo under his cult titles Actius and Embasius. Attendants then bring two cows and the sacred implements
[31] I have argued elsewhere that Callimachus also turned to the same Homeric hymn to Hermes as a model in his Hymn to Zeus , and that there too the theme of reconciliation in the archaic hymn informed the Hellenistic; cf. "Lies and Allusions: The Addressee and Date of Callimachus' Hymn to Zeus," ClAnt 5 (1986) 155–70; see especially 169–70.
to the place of sacrifice (402–10). Jason prays to Apollo for a safe return to Greece under his personal guidance, which the god had promised at Delphi, and then vows further sacrifices upon their return (411–24). Heracles and Ancæus each slaughter an animal, the former with his club, the latter with his axe. The men prepare and roast the meat, and Jason pours the libation; and Idmon, who observes the signs in the flame that reveal Apollo's approval (425–38), then announces to all his favorable interpretation, predicting his own death. The Argonauts respond appropriately to the good news with joy but to the bad with grief (439–49).
Vian notes Apollonius's dependence on Homeric sacrificial practice in his presentation of the sacrifice to Apollo, and points out that the passage has special reference to one scene in particular: the sacrifice to Athena celebrated in Pylos at the home of Nestor as described in the Odyssey .[32] Two details stand out in particular. First, Apollonius gives a close rendition of three lines:
and the rest
brought holy water and barley meal . Next
calling on
The aged knight
began the rite with holy water and barley meal , and as a beginning
[32] Cf. Vian 70 n. 1.
[33]he offered many a prayer to
into the fire.
Second, the same number of men are involved in the act of killing the animals. In the Odyssey , the Pylians sacrifice only one cow, but two men perform the immolation: Thrasymedes strikes it with an axe (the same tool used by Ancæus), and Peisistratus cuts its throat (Od. 3.447–54). In the Argonautica , there are two cows (the same number of cows slaughtered by Hermes in the Homeric hymn), and Apollonius provides two men to slaughter them, Heracles and Ancæus (425–31). One can add to these two similarities the fact that the Odyssean sacrifice, like its Argonautic imitation, precedes a journey, that of Telemachus to Sparta, where he hopes to learn of his father's fate from Menelaus. These shared features call attention to what I believe is the most important point of contact. At the end of the previous day Athena had advised all to go to sleep after pouring a libation over the tongues (Od. 3.332–36), a passage alluded to at the conclusion of this episode (see below). After this, Nestor invites Telemachus and Athena in her disguise as Mentor to stay. Athena refuses, and as she departs transforms herself into a bird (371–73). Nestor responds to this miraculous event by stating:
O friend, I do not think that you will turn out to be cowardly
and weak,
if in your youth the gods accompany you as your guides.
What marks Telemachus out as special is a sign that the gods personally guide him along his path. It is in response to this sign that Nestor vows the sacrifice of a cow with gilded horns, the sacrifice that Apollonius has in mind when describing that of the Argonauts to Apollo.
Just prior to the slaughter of the two cows, Jason asked specifically for personal guidance from the divinity who commissioned the expedition:
Hear, O Lord, you who dwell in Pagasae and the city of Æsonis,
named after our father; you who promised when I consulted your
oracle
at Pytho to reveal to me how I would accomplish the goals
of my journey; you who were responsible for this expedition:
you yourself now guide the ship there and back again to Greece
with my comrades unharmed.
Apollonius reveals in two ways, directly and indirectly, that Apollo has heard and assented to Jason's prayer. The poet has Idmon explicitly confirm his father's consent with his reading of the murky flame, which he characterizes as
In the course of his travels to Colchis and back, Jason will in fact receive personal assistance from several divinities, among whom Apollo will play an important role, especially in his celebrated epiphany to the Argonauts near the island of Anaphe.[34] At Anaphe a thick mist will envelop the heroes during the night, and Apollo will appear in person to illuminate their way to safety (cf. 4.1694–1730). This will be the climactic obstacle to the completion of their
[34] In addition to Apollo, several other gods intervene personally in the action to aid the expedition: Hera (2.864–68; 3.7–112, 210–14, 250, 818, 919–23, 1131–36; 4.507–10, 576b–80a, 640–48, 753–865, 956–67, 11516–52, 1183b–85a, 1199–1200); Aphrodite (3.25–111; cf. 2.423–25, 3.540–54); Eros (3.275–98); Hephæstus (4.760b ff.); Thetis (4.758ff.); Athena (1.18–19, 109–10, 721–24; 2.537–614; 3.7–112; 4.956–60); and Apollo (1.439; 2.674–84a; 4.529–32a [cf. 1547–49], 1701b–30).
near the beginning of Book 1 of the Ætia (fr. 7–21 Pf.). As Pfeiffer noted (ad fr. 18.6–15), Apollonius in this passage is imitating Jason's vow to sacrifice to Apollo on his return in Callimachus's poem:[35]
For you thereafter
we shall offer again on this altar as many splendid bulls
in sacrifice as there are those of us who have returned. I shall
bring countless other gifts to Pytho , still others to Ortygia .
[35] Cf. C. Corbato, Riprese calimachee in Apollonio Rodio (Trieste 1955), who likewise concluded that Apollonius was imitating Callimachus and not the other way around: "e non sarà difficile constatare che Apollonio reprende chiaramente la massa iniziale di Callimaco" (20), and later: "dai passi che abbiamo fin qui esaminati e dai confronti che abbiamo instaurato fra Callimaco e Apollonio Rodio mi pare si possa concludere, chiaramente e senza dubbi, che Apollonio, scrivendo questi versi, aveva dinanzi agli occhi l'equivalente luogo di Callimaco e che ad esso faceva referimento" (22). Although Corbato is talking here about the relationship between fr. 18 and Argo. 4.1701–5, he includes Argo. 1.418–19 (p. 20 n. 55); cf. G. O. Hutchinson, Hellenistic Poetry (Oxford 1988) 87–88. T. B. L. Webster, "Chronological Problems in Early Alexandrian Poetry," WS 76 (1963) 76–78, on the other hand, argues for the possibility that Callimachus had access to Apollonius's first two books through their contact in the library. The lack of specific information regarding the dates of these works does not allow for certainty in this instance, as in others.
the Tyndaridae
they approached Zeus first
they asked the other immortals
who would help the ship of excellent keel
But the son of Æson, with anguish in his soul
raised his hands to you, Ieius, and promised to send
many gifts to Pytho , and many to Ortygia ,
if you dispersed the murky cloud from the ship.
that, in accordance with your oracle, Phoebus[*] ,
they untied the cables and divided up the oars
they struck the bitter waters
named after the god of embarkation
at Pagasae
If Apollonius is in fact the imitator here and wants the reader to recall his model, then just as happens in the reference to Nestor's sacrifice to Athena in Odyssey 3, the allusion has the effect of confirming Apollo's acceptance of Jason's prayer. The verbal reminiscence of the Anaphe episode in Callimachus's Ætia causes the reader to think of the climactic moment of the expedition, when Apollo provided his personal assistance. Moreover, Apollonius will repeat his imitation of these Callimachean lines just before Apollo will make good his promise to assist Jason in person (4.1704–5).
c—
Banquet and Argument of Idas and Idmon (448–95)
While the men are eating, drinking, and conversing in the latter part of the day, Jason broods over the details of the journey and gives the appearance of one who lacks self-confidence (460–61). This elicits from Idas, who is well along in his cups (472–74a), a hybristic speech in which, while trying to encourage Jason, he claims that they will accomplish the goal of the expedition through the power of his spear, the source of his preeminent
even if Zeus should be against their success.[37] Mention of
Idas's blasphemous comments meet with the disapproval of the rest of the group (cf. 474–75), and in particular the prophet, Idmon, who warns Idas against dishonoring the gods, citing the Aloadae as a negative exemplar of such behavior (476–84). He does, however, recognize that Jason requires encouragement:
The present Argonautic
Demodocus's song in Odyssey 8 told of Agamemnon's joy when he observed the argument between Odysseus (a man of skill) and
[37] The best study of Idas in this passage and in the rest of the poem is that of Fränkel (supra n. 11).
[38] Cf. Hunter (2) 443.
[39] Vian 72 n. 3.
Achilles (a man of strength); for he had learned from Apollo at Delphi that a
This conflict between a man of strength and a man of vision finds reflection in another Homeric argument to which Apollonius alludes; in this case the opponents are a man of strength and a man whose vision is not internal but ocular. As mentioned above, the quarrel in the Argonautica comes to an end through the intervention of Jason:
Such were his angry taunts. The quarrel would have gone farther
unless the comrades had shouted down the disputants
[40] On this passage, see now A. Heubeck, S. West, and A. J. Hainsworth, A Commentary on Homer's Odyssey 1 (Oxford 1988) 349–52.
[41] Cf. Nagy (supra n. 20) 45–46.
[42] Händel 71 is surely wrong in seeing Idas's speech as a mere psychological detail lacking in any effect on the narrative. Fränkel (supra n. 11) 7–8 argues along similar lines.
and unless
too,
taking up his lyre in his left hand, gave his music a try.
At Patroclus's funeral games in the Iliad , Idomeneus and Ajax son of Oileus argued about who would win the chariot race. From his vantage point, Idomeneus could see that Diomedes was in the lead and confidently predicted his victory (Il. 23.450–72). Ajax rejected his prediction and impugned his vision (ibid. 473–81). Idomeneus responded with insults, calling Ajax
Thus he spoke, and the swift son of Oileus hastened
in his anger to reply with fierce words.
And the dispute would have gone farther for both
unless
In this case, the man of physical vision, Idomeneus, proved accurate in his prediction of Diomedes' victory (ibid. 499–500).[44]
I return to the argument between Achilles and Odysseus. Agamemnon rejoiced when he witnessed the argument between the best of the Achæans (
[43] Vian 73 n. 1 and Campbell ad 1.492–94 note the parallel.
[44] That Idas encountered no punishment in the Argonautica for his blasphemy and his treatment of Apollo's son has been an issue that scholars have found necessary to explain. Some examples: Zeus eventually punished Idas by killing him with the thunderbolt (Fränkel ad 1.476–78; Vian 16, 72 n. 2); this altercation sets up an irony in Book 2 (830b–31) when Idas kills the boar that gored Idmon (Lawall 141ff., Fränkel ad 1.485–92, Vian 16); Idas's behavior is at least consistent with tradition (Sad 1.468, Blumberg 13, Fränkel [supra n. 11] 8); Idas is punished in his failure to succeed in his plan of action at Colchis (3.558–68) and in his embarrassment when his sword proves useless against Jason's spear treated with Medea's potion (3.1252–54; Lawall 141ff., Levin 54–55). Although all are true to a certain degree, these explanations do not explain what lies behind the argument; once the reader identifies the beginning of Odyssey 8 as the model for events at Pagasae, it becomes clear that the Argonautic argument is a transmogrified version of that between Achilles and Odysseus as sung by Demodocus.
because this was a sign that the troubles for the Greeks and Trojans were coming to an end (ibid. 81–82). As any reader of the Argonautica knows well, Odysseus was ultimately proved correct: Troy was taken not by Achilles'
d—
Song of Orpheus (496–511)
In adapting his model of the preparations for departure from Pagasae, as I argued above, Apollonius substituted a theogonic song for Demodocus's abridged version of the quarrel of Achilles and Odysseus.[46] The reconciling power of theogonic poetry celebrated in the hymn to Hermes seems to have suggested this. In the latter, Hermes' song assuaged his brother's anger over the theft of his cattle; in the Argonautica , Orpheus's theogony has
[45] See 1.1286; 2.410, 623, 885; 3.336, 423, 432, 504; 4.1318.
[46] On the significance of the creation theme in an epic context, cf. D. M. Gaunt, "The Creation-Theme in Epic Poetry," CompLit 29 (1977) 213–20.
the same effect of charming its audience and easing the hostile tension generated by the
Apollonius presents Orpheus's song in two clearly defined parts, each introduced by the expression
[47] Cf. Vian 252–53 ad 502.
[48] Cf. Vian 253 ad 511.
[49] One might well think of the young Jason who grew up in Chiron's cave (cf. Pindar P. 4.102–3, Hesiod Catalogue of Women 40 M&W), which the poet recalls when Chiron and his wife, holding the infant Achilles, wave goodbye to the Argonauts as they leave the Gulf of Pagasae (1.553–58).
[50] Hunter ad loc. notes the comparison between Jason and Zeus in these lines.
You would say that the thunder flash of a wintry storm, streaking
down through the dark sky, darted constantly this way and that
from the clouds that bring in their wake a most black storm.
The song of Orpheus thus provides a mythic reflection of the immediate context, the establishment of harmony out of
e—
Formal Conclusion of the Banquet (512–18)
Orpheus's song works like a charm (
customary,
they stood over the blazing tongues and poured their offering;
they then turned their thoughts to sleep in the darkness of night .
Such a ceremony occurs only once among the Homeric texts, in the same section of Odyssey 3 to which the poet made reference shortly before; and the Odyssean ceremony took place at the conclusion of the day, as it does in the Argonautica . Just prior to her epiphany, Athena had recommended ending the sacrificial banquet with the libation over the tongues:[51]
[51] Cf. Vian 74 n. 1, who notes all the individual verbal points of contact. As the ceremony of pouring libations over the tongues was offered to Hermes as well as Zeus Teleios (cf. Athenæus 1.16b), Apollonius may also have had the former in mind given the subtextual presence of this divinity in the launch and division of the seats.
Thus he spoke and the sun set as darkness approached.
The goddess then addressed them, owl-eyed Athena:
"Old man, these words of yours were spoken as is right.
But come now, cut the tongues and mix the wine
so that after we pour libation to Poseidon and the other
gods, we might turn our thoughts to sleep ; for the hour has come.
Already the light has receded into the darkness, and it is
proper
to sit
Accordingly, Apollonius brings the episode to an end with a second reference to the Odyssean scene in which Nestor recognized Telemachus's divine favor through the personal guidance he received from Athena. Jason too has been promised such assistance by Apollo. The preparations for the Argonautic expedition thus come to an auspicious conclusion.
The analysis of Apollonius's narrative of the events on the beach at Pagasae once again reveals a complex contaminatio of several models of diverse provenience. All the significant imitations are of passages that reflect crucial moments of the episode. Apollonius presents vivid contrasts between men of physical power and violence (Argus, Heracles, Idas) and men of poise and vision (Acastus, Jason, Idmon). He refers his reader to similarly opposed pairs celebrated in Greek literature: Apollo and Hermes, Achilles and Odysseus, and Idomeneus and Ajax. The explicit indication in the text that the mission will succeed (Idmon's reading of the sacrifice to Apollo) is corroborated at the subtextual level in several ways: first, through the reference to Telemachus; next, the evocation of Apollo's epiphany at Anaphe in the Ætia ; and then through the argument between Idas and Idmon, which corresponds to that between Achilles and Odysseus and signals the beginning of success. Finally, as Jason implies in his first speech, the success of their mission depends on the recognition of their interdependence (336–37). Discord threatens to undermine their ability to cooperate; the
dispute between Idas and Idmon could have ended the venture right there at Pagasae. Jason, however, like Achilles in the Iliad , intervenes and puts a stop to the disruptive
The importance of harmony, which underlies Jason's view of the best of the Argonauts—and thus the need for reconciliation—finds resonance in the cases of Achilles and Odysseus, of Hermes and Apollo, and in Orpheus's song, which takes up this theme and offers the reconciliation of cosmic and divine
