Chapter 5
Sonora and Arizona:
"A New Border Empire"

After 1870, the socioeconomic integration of Arizona and Sonora intensified and became asymmetrical. Rather than passively await developments in the north, Sonoran merchants became active participants in the process of change. They recognized the important developments occurring in Arizona, especially the arrival of a railroad to the American territory. To compensate, Mexican business interests lessened their reliance on their traditional European trading partners and began cementing linkages with their new American suppliers. Despite this increased economic interaction, most Sonorans and Anglo-Americans still viewed each other with apprehension. Repeated incidents of racially motivated violence against Mexicans continued to mar relations; yet, increased contact also produced other unexpected outcomes. For Sonorans living near the border or those forced to emigrate north, expanded relations invariably influenced their culture and identity.

At the conclusion of the U.S. Civil War, Sonorans confronted a different type of American. Although Arizona still continued to attract its share of "ruffians and cutthroats from all parts of the union,"^[1] outlaws had not been the only group to take notice of developments along the Arizona-Sonora border. Since the late 1850s, numerous publications and newspapers promoting Sonora's mineral riches circulated throughout the United States and Europe.^[2] As opportunities in California diminished, a growing number of Americans chose to relocate to Arizona and Sonora as news of a "new border empire, of untold mineral treasure,

vast grazing ranges bathed in sunshine and a new frontier to develop" spread throughout the United States. A miner by trade, Robert Ekey, for example, decided to settle in the area when news of the "opening of a border empire along the Mexican-Arizona border reached California."^[3] For Americans such as John Matthews, a railroad employee, Sonora became the land of opportunity, "such as exist[s] nowhere in the United States nowadays."^[4]

The appearance of foreign capital and miners had an unexpected still for the Mexican north. Investments by foreigners in Sonora served to deter further attempts at outright annexation by filibusters from the United States. Americans and Europeans acquired a vested interest in maintaining an independent Mexico which allowed them liberal land concessions and tax exemptions to exploit minerals. The movement of foreign capital into the region deterred the plans of Americans who hoped to annex the Mexican northwest. Writing in the 1870s, Leonidas Hamilton echoed these sentiments when he warned annexationists that beside Mexican patriotism, they would confront "capitalists who reside in the United States and Europe [and] who have invested in mines and lands in Mexico . . . since their property under the laws of Mexico escapes free of taxation."^[5] The material benefits foreign investors derived from an independent yet compliant Mexico helped dissuade future annexationists.

Responding to the growing importance of ties between Sonora and Arizona, residents of the state petitioned the federal government in 1873 to open a Mexican consular office in Tucson. In addition to the increased commerce between the states, they argued that Tucson needed a consular office to protect the "large number of Sonorans who are daily emigrating to Arizona in search of work. The mistreatment they confront in Arizona makes it necessary for Mexico to have a consul in that territory."^[6] Mexicans had gradually spread throughout most of southern Arizona, especially to the new boom towns such as Tombstone where they composed the backbone of the labor force. Reports in the New York Times expressed alarm at the growing numbers of Mexicans in the region.^[7] Pressured by Mexican immigrants in the north and by Sonoran merchants eager to protect their expanding commerce with the region, the federal government established a consular office in Tucson. The new consul, D. Velasco, tried to regulate contact between the two states, requiring all those engaged in trade with Sonora to register with his office.^[8]

Immigration and Race

The flow of Sonorans to Arizona continued unabated during the 1870s. Political instability and continued wars with the Apaches remained the principal reasons people migrated.^[9] Despite their growing numbers, conditions for Mexicans did not dramatically improve. Racist attitudes toward Mexicans persisted, and American bandits continued to harass Mexicans in both Arizona and Sonora. During 1872 and 1873, several Mexicans had been lynched by Anglo-Americans in Tucson.^[10] Mexicans in Tombstone complained that they had been persecuted by a group of American "cowboys."^[11] Tejanos had also robbed a groups of Mexicans from Babispe of 2,500 pesos as they traveled north toward Tucson.^[12] Random violence by "cowboys" against Mexicans occurred frequently. When Francisco Jiménez, a mescal distiller from Magdalena, informed authorities that his son had not returned from a delivery to the American side, a search party found the youngster hung from a tree. A subsequent investigation determined that the boy had delivered the mescal to a party of Americans, who after getting drunk, decided to lynch him.^[13]

Mexican bandoleros who robbed stagecoaches and travelers also heightened tensions. Important differences existed between how the Anglo population reacted to the behavior of the American cowboys and the actions of Mexican bandits. Attacks by Anglo-American cowboys against Mexicans seldom generated much public outcry. Violence connected with Sonoran bandits, however, typically ignited racist sentiments against all Mexican people. Two such cases involved the death of several well-known Californians and the holdup of the Maricopa stagecoach by several Mexicans. In response to the events, Anglo-Americans in Tucson formed a secret vigilante committee, calling themselves the "minute men." A local Tucson paper, the Arizona Star, inflamed matters, urging the group to take immediate action and lynch the guilty party from the nearest tree. The Mexican consul at Tucson, Manuel Escalante, feared that the vigilantes would take reprisal against all Sonorans. He wrote to the Mexican foreign office that the "minute men," which in years prior had lynched several Mexicans in Tucson, again threatened the community with similar action. He urged the foreign office to contact Washington, since according to Escalante, the local police did nothing.^[14] As the number of attacks on Mexicans increased, Sonoran authorities requested the intervention of the Arizona govern-

ment. John J. Gosper, the acting territorial governor of Arizona, promised to increase American supervision in the area, yet very little actually changed.

As the Sonoran population in Arizona experienced reproach by the Anglo community, for some people, Mexican culture assumed a greater importance. Tucson newspapers such as Las Dos Republicas and the Fronterizo exhorted Mexicans not to abandon their past traditions. Writing in Las Dos Republicas in July 1877, one author addressed the issue of cultural preservation as a matter of extreme urgency and vised Sonorans to abandon any dreams of physically recapturing their "lost land." Mexico, the writer insisted, could not militarily defeat the United States. Mexicans, he argued, confronted a cultural, not a military struggle with the United States. In this contest, Mexican culture would eventually overwhelm the "Anglo-Saxon." Mexicans in Arizona, according to the author, confronted a two-fold challenge: "[O]ne is moral and the other physical. One is for our customs, the other is for our existence. . . . Our customs, our faith, our language, . . . these are the weapons which the Latino has at his disposal to defeat the Saxon."^[15]

Exclusion from Anglo society, the influx of immigrants, and continued social and economic relations with Mexico reinforced the value of previous traditions. Despite such fervent exhortations, most Mexicans did not see their situation in Arizona as a battle of cultures. Over time, Sonorans adjusted to the growing American presence in Tucson, incorporating the English language while retaining many of the customs of their previous country. Most continued to function in two environments, influencing events in southern Arizona as well as in their native Sonora.

Sonorenses Americanizados

In contrast to earlier years, when seasonal immigration patterns dominated, Mexicans now settled permanently in Arizona, and some became American citizens. The Arizona Daily Star urged that Mexican immigrants be forced to undergo a five-year probationary period before being allowed citizenship.^[16] Sonoran government officials expressed outrage over what they perceived as an act of desertion by their fellow countrymen. This increasing out-migration became a source of embarrassment to state officials. To retaliate against the so-called sonorenses americanizados (Americanized Sonorans), in 1874 the state's official

newspaper, La Estrella de Occidente, published a list of those individuals who had changed their nationality.^[17]

Mexican and American objections did not influence Sonorans confronting hardships in the desolate north. Neither government regulations nor cultural constraints prevented them from migrating or even becoming United States citizens since naturalization required little effort. More importantly, for a Mexican to become an American citizen in Tucson or southern Arizona did not imply a dramatic change in their lifestyle or culture. Sonorans constituted the majority of the population throughout the region, and their culture pervaded the social organization of life in most areas. Dependence on Sonorans for trade allowed Mexicans to play important roles in the commerce of the area.^[18] Cities like Tucson retained a strong Sonoran character, and their culture continued to be validated through existing institutions and by a host of public celebrations. In fact, outsiders often described Tucson as a Mexican city on American soil. In 1891 the San Francisco Chronicle insisted that Tucson was a "decidedly foreign town, foreign in its looks, in its habits, its population, . . . it is no more American than the northwest provinces of British India is European."^[19] By becoming citizens, Sonorans in southern Arizona did not relinquish their culture, but rather sought to enhance the advantages of living near the border.^[20]

It did not take long for astute American politicians in Tucson to capitalize on the growing numbers of sonorenses americanizados in order to get elected. Unfamiliar with the political process and swayed by a host of promises, some Mexicans changed their nationality in order to vote in local elections. El Fronterizo, Tucson's leading Spanish-language newspaper, blasted Mexicans who allowed their vote to be used by Anglo politicians.^[21] Their critique of recent immigrants recognized the growing stream of Mexicans opting to settle in Arizona. The newspaper's editors understood the factors that compelled hundreds of Sonorans to migrate. But Carlos Velasco and other leaders of the Mexican community objected to the manner in which electoral agents had taken Mexicans "like a flock of sheep to the local court to become citizens on the eve of an elections . . . disgracing all Mexicans living in the United States."^[22] Active in local politics, Velasco preferred to see Mexicans vote as a block in order to obtain concessions from the local Anglo power structure. El Fronterizo's public endorsement of American candidates underscored this point. In order to punish the sonorense americanizados, Velasco, the editor of El Fronterizo, reported their names to Sonoran officials. Government offices in Sonora received instructions to

treat as foreigners any Mexicans who had acquired United States citizenship.

The measures taken by the Sonoran government to curtail the activity of Americanized Sonorans indicated that most of the latter continued to retain strong ties in Mexico. For example, Ramón Araiza, a rancher, maintained a residence in Sasabe, Sonora, and one in Sasabe, Arizona. What's more, according to officials, Araiza had taken the liberty of moving the United States-Mexico border marker to ensure that one part of his ranch would be in Mexico and the other in the United States. Sonoran authorities repeatedly accused him of smuggling. Francisco Prieto, the Mexican consul at Tucson, claimed that many Sonorans, such as Araiza, became Americans in order acquire rights in the United States and, if necessary, avoid persecution in Mexico. He wrote to Porfirio Diaz in 1879 that nationality along the border had become "ambiguous since individuals opted for which ever one proved convenient at a given moment."^[23]

Economic opportunity redefined traditional concepts of identity. In the vicinity of the border town of Saric, Antonio Burruel, a Mexican who now claimed to be American citizen, operated a mine in Sonoran territory. Trinidad Padilla, the legal owner of the Tres Bellotas ranch, demanded that the government take action to protect his property against the new Americanized Sonorans. Padilla alleged that Burruel had fenced in his (Padilla's) property, claiming that the land belonged to the United States.^[24] Confronting a host of similar border problems, Luis Torres, governor of Sonora, pleaded with the federal government to demarcate clearly the limits between both countries. He warned that unless the federal government took immediate action to resolve this issue, difficulties along the border would be interminable, and "small altercations could escalate into international conflicts."^[25] Clear demarcations of the border would not, however, resolve the murky issue of persons who now claimed dual citizenship.

Most Sonorans eventually accepted the sonorenses americanizados as assets and not as traitors.^[26] With limited resources, prefects of northern Sonora often requested economic assistance from their countrymen in Arizona. For example, when in 1879 the prefect of Altar needed funds to pay his district's share of the federal debt, he sought contributions from among the Mexican residents of Tucson.^[27] State leaders, like Governor Francisco Serna, also viewed the sonorenses americanizados as important allies. Like a host of Sonoran politicians before him, Serna

sought refuge in Tucson during periods of political turmoil, becoming familiar with the old town and its inhabitants.^[28] When the federal government in 1879 warned Serna about possible attacks by American filibusters, he dismissed the idea, indicating that the state had nothing to fear from Arizona because "Sonorans comprised the majority of Arizona's population. They are true patriots, who appreciate the honor and dignity of Mexico, more so than many Mexicans who live in their own nation."^[29] He assured the federal government that if Americans invaded the state, Sonorans living in Arizona would sound the alarm and take up arms against any intruders.

Mexicans living in Tucson actively participated in the social and political life of Sonora. Las Dos Republicas, La Sonora, and the Fronterizo kept them abreast of politics in Sonora, and many Mexicans supported political candidates in their native state by writing letters or donating money. In I878 Tucson's Mexicans, for example, fomented opposition against the interim governor Vicente Mariscal, blaming him for the ills of the border area.^[30] Leading Sonorans in Tucson became de facto ambassadors of the state, acting as intermediaries in government, commerce, mining, and agriculture. They also helped Americans establish good relations with the Sonoran government. After the ouster of Ignacio Pesqueira, General Mariscal, the interim governor, invited Leopoldo Carrillo, a leading Mexican businessman in Tucson, to Sonora. Upon his return, Carrillo arranged an invitation from the Tucson city council for Mariscal to visit the American town.^[31] In Tucson, influential Sonorans, such as Carlos Velasco, F. T. Davila, and others, formed the nucleus of future Mexican political organizations in Arizona, for example, La Alianza Hispano-Americana.^[32] These individuals also used their extensive connections in Sonora to advance their economic interests in Arizona.

Pseudo-Mexicans

Sonorans were not the only people altering their nationality' to take advantage of opportunities along the border. Since Mexico prohibited foreigners from owning land in the proximity of the border, Mexican citizenship acquired new value. Foreigners developed several ways to circumvent the issue of citizenship. They entered into covert agreements with Mexican partners who functioned as presta nombres ("name lenders") for the foreigners investing in Mexico. When in 1830 Cyprien

Combier considered investing in Minas Prietas, a mining area east of Hermosillo, his partner, Jean (Juan) Camou offered to become a Mexican citizen in order to acquire title to the property.^[33] Those unwillingly to enter into such an arrangement opted to simply become Mexican citizens. Foreigners acquired Mexican citizenship in order to assume administrative posts and to participate in commercial ventures. In 1860 C. J. Smith, an American ship captain from San Francisco, requested Mexican citizenship in order to operate freely out of the port of Guaymas.^[34] Enrique Spence and Thomas Farell also sought citizenship in order to acquire title to several mines. German and British citizens frequently changed their nationality to benefit from commerce in Mexico.^[35]

Despite the opposition of some local officials, these "foreign Mexicans" secured land and even acquired government positions. Once obtaining title to mines, foreigners usually sought local government positions in order to protect their investments. The prefect of Guaymas, Wenceslao Martínez, complained that a German had become comisario at the Chiponeña mine. Despite the German's claim of Mexican citizenship, Martínez believed that the state should reserve government positions for only native-born Sonorans.^[36] Eager to attract foreign capital, state officials continued granting requests by foreigners.

By the late 1870s, the Mexican federal government expressed alarm at the number of foreigners changing their citizenship in the northwest. They viewed the Americans acquiring citizenship along the border, or "pseudomexicans," as one political figure labeled them, with growing concern. Their presence according to C. Treviño, a customs officer, made a mockery of Mexican citizenship and prevented legitimate residents from acquiring valuable lands.^[37] To remedy the growing problems, state officials were instructed to forward all citizenship requests to Mexico City for formal review. Although the process now required federal approval, the practice did not cease. To improve their economic standing, Americans continued to become Mexican citizens. Sonoran officials wrote glowing letters of recommendation to Mexico City to expedite these applications. Others simply requested and received special exemptions from the Mexican government in order to own acquire property in the "prohibited zone." Several influential businessmen, such as Luis Proto, Leon Horvilleur, and Arthur Roas, obtained special dispensation to own land along the border in what became Nogales and Agua Prieta.^[38]

Indigenous Populations

Beside affecting Mexicans and Anglos, border relations also had an impact upon the region's indigenous populations. For these people, the presence of a border exacerbated old problems and gave rise to a host of new challenges. Traditionally, the Yuma, Gila, Maricopa, and Tohono O'odham peoples migrated regularly between Sonora, Arizona, and even Baja California to celebrate festivities or during specific seasons of the year. Other groups, such as the O'odhams, had settlements in both Sonora and Arizona. The location of the border divided indigenous peoples, formally establishing some as Mexicans and others as Americans.^[39]

Neither Mexico or the United States appeared concerned by the plight of the indigenous, forcing each group to fend for itself. Still, the border provided some with the opportunity to mitigate their situation and seek better treatment.^[40] Dissatisfied with their experiences under the United States government, a leader of the Maricopa, Juan Moreno, sought permission from the governor of Sonora for his group to resettle in Mexico. Moreno recounted the condition the Maricopa faced in the United States, complaining that the "Americans had taken their animals and lands . . . depriving them of a livelihood."^[41] Citing the usual lack of resources, the Sonoran state authorities, who simply did not consider resettling Maricopas a priority, rejected Moreno's request.

Indigenous groups in Sonora also used the border to improve opportunities or to escape ruthless prosecution. Displaced by Sonoran cattle interests bent on monopolizing land in the north and by aggressive government campaigns, large numbers of Tohono O'odhams and Yaquis resettled in southern Arizona during the 1870s.^[42] O'odham communities in southern Arizona absorbed most of the new immigrants. Mexican campaigns against the Yaquis continued unabated during the Porfiriato, forcing countless numbers to migrate to avoid persecution. As the numbers of Yaquis swelled, they eventually formed their own separate and distinctive communities in Arizona.

Undefined Border

Indigenous peoples were not the only group to be displaced by the border. The uncertainty regarding the exact location of the border placed several ranches which straddled the United States and Mexico in a pe-

culiar predicament. William S. Sturges owned the old rancho Ortiz, whose confines encompassed both countries. As a result, he paid taxes on one part of his ranch in Tucson and assessments on the Mexican part in Altar. Mexicans officials wanted him also to pay duties on goods he brought onto the property from the American side. Likewise, American officials informed him that he would be expected to pay tariffs on any goods brought in on the Mexican side. Sturges wrote to the administrator of the aduana, insisting that he found himself surrounded by "two fires."^[43] Two years earlier, Fernando Ortiz, the previous owner of the ranch, had been arrested by American officials for paying taxes in Mexico and not in Arizona.^[44] To appease Mexican officials, who had contemplated building a customshouse on the border, Sturges offered to donate part of his property. State officials deferred judgment and forwarded the matter to Mexico City. In the meantime, the administrator of the Sasabe aduana, Ramón Gaxiola, agreed to simply record the goods that Sturges used on his ranch and delay payment until Mexico City and the United States government decided the issue. Confronted by long delays from the federal government, Sonoran officials usually sought local solutions to complicated international matters.

A New Regional Economy

Population growth in the Arizona Territory had a commensurate effect on agricultural production and trade in northern Sonora. For years, agriculture in the area had been limited by Apache raids and a scant and dispersed population.^[45] Merchants in the area protested that their trade caravans could not travel without the protection of an armed escort. Payment of guards increased the price of their goods, cutting into their limited profits.^[46] The resident of the villa de Altar proposed that they be allowed to ship their goods by sea to Guaymas in order to avoid Apache raids. After four ,years of deliberations, the Mexican government allowed commercial shipping from Ensenada de los Lobos in the district of Altar.

After the Civil War, the return of the United States cavalry to Arizona made travel through the American territory somewhat safer. During this period, the population growth throughout southern Arizona produced a discernible effect on Sonora. In his quarterly report, the district prefect of Altar described this change: "[F]or many years the towns of the district have been reduced to cultivating only small portions of land in order to meet the needs of its inhabitants. Arizona changed

these conditions for the farmer, . . . providing reasonable prices for their agricultural products."^[47] With new markets in Arizona, agricultural production, especially that of wheat, increased throughout northern Sonora. Both large and small ranches placed greater amounts of acreage under cultivation. Flour mills in the proximity of the border, especially those in the district of Magdalena, also expanded production. Not all land owners fared equally. By controlling the refining process, mill operators, such as José Pierson, at Terrenate, could set prices and monopolize output. Terrenate regularly dispatched caravans loaded with flour north to Tucson.^[48] In turn, Pierson established lucrative partnerships with American agents, such as L. M. Jacobs and Company, who sold his products throughout Arizona. The Sonoran Pierson became well known within Tucson social circle, and the American press reported on his activity.^[49]

Caravans with as many as seventy or eighty mules made the trek from the flour mills of the northern districts to Tucson. In addition to wheat, according to La Reconstrucción, an Hermosillo newspaper, teamsters traveled to Arizona with a wide array of products such as "beans, chile, panocha, straw hats, petates, soap, dried and fresh fruits, oil as well as mescal. Adolphe Bandelier, a French traveler, reported seeing caravans with dozens of horses, mules, and wagons loaded with products destined for Arizona.^[50] In his 1873 report, U.S. consul A. Willard indicated that Mexicans dominated the agricultural trade between Sonora and Arizona.^[51]

Northern Sonoran agriculture became increasingly dependent on markets in southern Arizona. This relationship also implied that the region's production became vulnerable to shifts in the Arizona economy over which Mexicans had little control. Although district prefects in the region expressed optimism over new opportunities in Arizona, they also warned of the danger of relying exclusively on exports. Earlier experiences with the sale of wheat to Sinaloa alerted them to the risks of relying on one market. Whenever the price of grain and flour dropped in Arizona, farmers in northern Sonora suffered the consequences.^[52] Authorities at Magdalena and Altar argued that market fluctuations prevented rammers from effectively planning yields. Eager to increase profits, many had invested heavily and expanded production only to see prices drop as supply increased. The prefect of Altar also blamed the large number of Sonorans in Arizona who farmed in the Santa Cruz Val1ey for undercutting the production of wheat in the northern districts of Sonora.^[53]

Despite these obstacles, new markets in the north elated large landowners. Since mill operators and agricultural brokers stood to make a greater profit from exporting wheat, many sought to monopolize local production. As a consequence, many areas in the state actually experienced occasional grain shortages. In May of 1864, at the height of the harvest season, the district prefect of Magdalena complained about the scarcity of wheat. According to him, although other grains remained in abundant supply, "wheat was scarce in the district because of its export to other Mexican states and abroad."^[54] Most of the grain in Magdalena had been shipped north to Tucson, where producers obtained a higher price than by selling it to the local inhabitants.

Conditions such as those present in Magdalena could be found throughout the state. The powerful merchants of Guaymas and Hermosillo openly speculated on the price of wheat, buying all the flour ground by local mills in an attempt to monopolize this export product and increase prices. In Sonora, the breadbasket of the northwest, urban dwellers often had difficulty finding wheat-one newspaper reported that whereas bakeries and local stores lacked flour, merchants maintained large supplies of grain stored in warehouses and earmarked for export."^[55] These speculators either refused to sell the wheat locally or sold it at such prohibitive prices that the population could not afford to purchase the product. In April 1878 a crowd of angry Guaymenses stormed the city council chambers and demanded an immediate end to all exports of wheat and flour until local demand was met. Council members (regidores ) agreed that shortages resulted from "the considerable export of wheat that occurs through the port of Guaymas to other Mexican states."^[56] The regidores convened a meeting of the city's most prominent merchants, including Juan P. Camou, Juan Mö11er, and Adolfo Bülle. Each merchant agreed to contribute a certain percentage of his wheat supplies to a store run by the municipio in an effort to appease the populace and forestall the demands for full-scale restriction on exports. Many residents, however, complained that the "establishment of a bakery and butcher shop run by the city would not remedy the situation of the overwhelming majority of the populace which suffers from the lack of wheat and, above all, the prices being charged for basic products.^[57] Despite the protest, the city-operated store, which resembled the colonial alhóndigas (grain storage facilitiest), calmed most dissent.

These measures, however, proved only a temporary solution. Occasional droughts and continued speculation by merchants worsened the

grain crisis in Sonora. As exports increased in the late nineteenth century, most of the region still suffered from lack of wheat. In 1880 General José G. Carbó, military commander of the northwest, complained to Porfirio Díaz that flour continued to be scarce in the region.^[58] To compensate for the lack of grain, the federal government, still weary about unstable political conditions in the northwest, permitted wheat from the United States to enter Mexico without paying taxes.^[59]

Despite the bitter experience with wheat shortages, merchants continued to speculate with the product. In a letter to his uncle, Juan P. M. Camou indicated that no flour existed in Hermosillo since a broker, "Carmelo Echeverria had just purchased the entire stock."^[60] As a result, the price of common wheat had jumped dramatically. The Camous, however, employed the same tactics as their competitors to inflate the price of flour. As the cost of wheat increased it became more difficult to monopolize production and still make a profit. Hoping to dissuade his uncle from trying to corner the local wheat market, Juan P. M. Camou insisted that the "millers will not sell you all their stock when they know that you are trying to raise the price.^[61] The argument appeared to discourage the older Camou. As Sonoran merchants fought among themselves to control wheat production, San Francisco interests, such as the Stockton Milling Company took advantage of the shortage caused by speculation and penetrated the local market selling at lower prices.^[62]

The Porous Border

Besides stimulating agriculture in northern Sonora, the increased population in Arizona also attracted the attention of California business interests. San Francisco merchants dispatched ships up the Gulf of California to the mouth of the Colorado River and from there by flat-bottom steamers up to Yuma.^[63] From there, mule trains followed the Gila River into central Arizona, distributing products to old and new population centers. For trade caravans destined for southern Arizona, however, this route remained time-consuming and costly. As the military had learned earlier, the Guaymas route provided quicker access to southern Arizona. As late as 1875, United States troops destined for forts in southern Arizona still landed at Guaymas. In August of that year, the Montana docked at the port with thirty American soldiers en route to Arizona.^[64]

Since the establishment of the first Anglo settlement in southern Ari-

zona, United States and Sonoran merchants had supported the use of Mexican ports to supply the territory.^[65] On sporadic occasions between the late 1850s and the 1870s, the Sonoran government allowed goods from the United States to travel in transit through the state. During such times, the American and Mexican merchants of Tucson, according to consul A. F. Garrison quickly availed "themselves of this privilege," and mule trains made the trek successfully.^[66] This commerce proved significant for Arizona's early development. Mexican freighters, as Henry Pickering Walker points out, could haul "four thousand pound loads with an eight-mule team."^[67] Products carried in transit included basic items such as rope, wire, and tools, as well as luxury goods. One shipment received in 1872 by the Jacobs brothers of Tucson consisted of a bed and mattress, "one sofa, eleven chairs, one 'Bereaux' with marble top, one washstand with marble top and a towel rack."^[68] Consul Willard estimated that in 1870 between one-half and three-quarters of a million dollars worth of goods passed through Sonora in transit to Arizona and southwestern New Mexico.^[69]

Treaties governing the transit of goods proved problematic. Disagreements over storage charges, duties, and suspicious manifests occurred frequently. Irate local officials insisted that merchants simply padded orders and reclassified their products as goods in transit to evade municipal taxes.^[70] The house of Bülle and Sandoval in 1873 ordered 20,000 pounds of sugar from Tepic for C. F. Hayden of Arizona. The prefect of Guaymas sought to make an example of Bülle and Sandoval and insisted that they pay an assessment whether their goods came from Tepic or "from the Great China."^[71]

Goods in transit represented only a fraction of the trade between Sonora and Arizona. Excessively high duties and taxes charged by Mexico encouraged smuggling along the border. To dock at Guaymas, for example, foreign ships had to pay a lighthouse tax although no lighthouse existed and a pilotage fee although no piloting was provided. Other charges included "a certificate of health" for the ship's crew, duties on the goods they unloaded, and taxes on the products they loaded.^[72] Ships seeking to avoid this array of charges traditionally used unguarded natural inlets on the coast to land supplies and send them by mule trains into Sonora and Arizona. By the late 1860s, Americans established a town known as Puerto Isabel (or Santa Isabel) at the mouth of the Colorado River in Mexican territory.^[73] Although the Mexican government under Benito Juárez established a customshouse on the site, Americans exercised de facto control. In 1870 a group of

Americans expelled Quirino García, the Mexican customs officer from the port, killing three of his assistants who resisted.^[74] Puerto Isabel remained without any Mexican supervision and American influence over the small port continued unchallenged. American troops from Fort Yuma patrolled the area from the border to Puerto Isabel and, according to Mexican officials, enforced two sets of laws, one for Americans and the other for Mexicans. Alberto Sandoval, a resident of Altar, protested that American authorities act "as if they own the territory and the destiny of the Mexicans that reside there."^[75] The administrator of the aduana at Guaymas complained to the federal government that local officials had no way of controlling this booming American settlement in Mexico.^[76]

By 1871 Puerto Isabel had a Wells Fargo Office, a North Pacific Steamship office, a bank, and warehouse facilities.^[77] One steamship line in San Francisco established regular service to Puerto Isabel every twenty days.^[78] Ships en route to the port docked at Guaymas and loaded goods, thus profiting Mexican merchants. The complicity of these merchants appeared to have ensured the smooth operation of the illicit port. American smugglers used Puerto lsabel not only as depot for goods destined for Arizona, but also for contraband into Baja California and the coastal areas of Sonora.^[79] Even though some Guaymas merchants, such as Wenceslao Iberri and C. Sandoval, complained about the lost revenue produced by the contraband, the government appeared powerless to control the situation at Puerto Isabel.^[80] After the expulsion of García, pleas to establish an aduana there went unheeded. The Mexican government bore partial responsibility for the conditions at Puerto Isabel and throughout the northern Pacific coast. To alleviate the region's isolation, the Mexican government initially subsidized the operation of San Francisco shipping companies delivering goods to the area, including to Sonora.^[81] Under the guise of legitimate commerce, American smugglers began to penetrate the region.^[82]

Goods received at Puerto Isabel usually found their way back into northern Sonora. With no regular military force in the north and little to demarcate the border except an occasional stone monument, smugglers had a free hand. At times both Mexicans and Americans simply moved the landmarks to suit their own needs. Most disregarded the existence of a border and operated freely on either side of the line. In the Santa Cruz Valley, several Americans established a small mining and trading post within Mexican territory at an old rancho known as La Noria . From this site, the Americans traded for minerals and sold prod-

ucts to the local inhabitants in Santa Cruz and elsewhere in the valley. In a report to Mexico City, Governor Torres described the installations at La Noria as a group of casas aviadoras (mobile structures) that could be moved at a moment's notice.^[83] Benefiting from access to cheap consumer goods, local residents seldom complained about the presence of these wandering tradesmen. When confronted by several local officials over the location of their enterprise, the Americans became indignant and claimed that a territorial engineer had certified that the site belonged to the United States. Unable to resolve the conflict peacefully, Sonoran officials forwarded the matter to Mexico City, where it joined hundreds of other complaints arising from new border interaction.

Railroad to Arizona

Nothing changed relations between Sonora and Arizona as dramatically as the arrival of the railroad in Yuma in 1877. With the coming of the iron horse, Puerto Isabel became obsolete.^[84] Within two years, rail lines reached deep into the Arizona Territory, advancing east along the outskirts of Tucson. The road from San Francisco to Arizona ended the American territory's near-total isolation, connecting it to West Coast supply centers. With a railroad, American producers could now afford to provide the area with inexpensive consumer goods as well as with luxury items.^[85] Access to American products in Arizona and Sonora further vitiated the development of manufacturing in the Mexican state. Little incentives existed for elites to invest in industry when foreign goods could be easily purchased throughout the state. With limited funds at their disposal, Mexican authorities remained powerless to enjoin the illicit traffic. In 1879 less than fifty soldiers patrolled a two-hundred-and-fifty-mile border.^[86] Confronted by the growing tide of contraband, one newspaper in Guaymas mockingly reported that rather than detain smugglers, most of the poor celadores (border guardsmen) looked forward to the opportunity to buy the "cheap wool shirts" sold by the traffickers.^[87] Eugenio Duran, the official responsible for activity in the Gulf of California, complained to President Díaz that little could be done to stop the growing flood of contraband. Duran suggested that Díaz either dramatically increase the numbers of agents and station several ships in the gulf or declare the northwest a zona libre (free zone), thus diminishing the material basis for smuggling.^[88] Eager to reconcile relations with the United States, officials in Mexico City eventually opted for the zona libre.

A handful of Sonoran merchants, teamsters, and other intermediaries made hefty profits transporting and reselling contraband items throughout the state.^[89] Towns in the proximity of the northern border provided excellent cover for smugglers. One visitor to Imuris noticed that many homes had high rear walls and "skilfully contrived hiding places designed for the concealment of smuggled goods."^[90] Legal commerce also continued to provide an excellent cover for the sale of contraband items. Smuggling of this magnitude could not have occurred without the participation of established economic interests who facilitated the transportation and the resale of goods. Reporting to Díaz on conditions in the northwest, Patricio Avalos believed that many merchants made sizable profits by trafficking in contraband.^[91] Several levels of cooperation existed between American suppliers and Sonoran businesses. Some Guaymas merchants who functioned as brokers for Arizona merchants evaded customs by padding orders received for their American clients. Once in the port, the merchandise became part of their existing inventories and thus avoided taxation. In other cases, merchants arranged with American suppliers to unload goods along the unprotected coast, after which the merchandise would be sold through existing legitimate enterprises.^[92] Customs agents complained that under the guise of legal trade, Americans ships actively engaged in smuggling.^[93] After auditing the merchants' ledgers, one customs agent in the gulf reported that although no foreign hats or shoes had been officially imported for two years, they could be found in most local stores.^[94] The United States consul to Guaymas estimated that over $187,000 in contraband had been introduced into Guaymas in this manner during 1879.^[95] Closer to the border, hacendados and merchants also actively participated in the illicit trade. On several occasions, for example, General Serna had been accused of using his hacienda, Arituaba, as a storehouse for illegal merchandise. Others accused him of allowing traffickers to use his property to avoid apprehension. Several merchants in Hermosillo also came under attack for collaborating with smugglers and merchants.^[96]

Besides enriching a select few smuggling operations eventually increased violence along the northern border. In several cases, emboldened bandits overran customs stations and stole all the receipts. In April 1878, for example, a party of thieves attacked the inland aduana at Altar, killing three officials. Authorities suspected two Mexican brothers, Jesús and Antonio Bustamante, of the assault. Both lived in Tucson, and although Mexican officials requested their extradition, they eluded cap-

ture.^[97] Three months later, the Altar station once again fell to bandits. This time, the guards were held hostage while the smuggled goods made their way to Hermosillo.

Individual travel became a risky proposition along northern roads. Robbers now took the place of the Apache raiding parties. Highway-men presumed that individuals traveling between northern Sonora and Arizona carried silver or currency for trade in Tucson. Journeying north of Magdalena on the road to Arizona, Alphonse Pinart warned that in "los Llano there is a den of thieves that robs people on their way to Tucson.^[98] Most arrests for contraband involved the poor teamsters who hauled the illegal traffic. Americans suppliers and their wealthy Mexican allies usually remained out of reach of the law. Losing substantial amounts of tax revenue, the state government in 1879 passed a new law mandating long jail terms for smugglers.^[99]

Recognizing that inland aduanas at Altar, Magdalena, and Fronteras proved incapable of regulating commerce, in 1880 the federal government established four customs stations on the actual boundary line with the United States at Quitovaquita, Sasabe, Palominas, and Nogales.^[100] These stations became the first government facilities placed on the actual border between Sonora and Arizona. Economic activity, whether legal or illicit, served to demarcate the actual international boundary between Mexico and the United States. Despite the establishment of these aduanas, smuggling continued unabated. They proved ineffective in deterring contraband and eventually the federal government established a constabulary force on horseback to patrol the area and deter illegal trafficking.

Cultural Consequences

The preponderance of American goods slowly altered traditional patterns of consumption in the Mexican northwest. American fashions and consumer goods, including a wide range of food items, became an alternative for European and local products. Transportation costs had always limited European products to more expensive items. The influx of low-cost American products refashioned clothing styles, modified traditional dietary patterns, and decreased the dominance of European interests. In the view of one official, the central government had to exert greater authority over the northwest since constant exposure to Americans products had made the people of the region, ayankada or "Yankeefied."^[101]

The quantity and character of the smuggled goods provided insights into these changing patterns of consumption. Cloth and manufactured garments composed the backbone of the illicit trade. The sheer quantity of the material introduced stands as a testament to the skill of Sonoran teamsters. For instance, on one occasion, authorities in Magdalena reported seizing 6,813 yards of printed cotton cloth and 1,627 yards of plain cloth, in addition to several dozen denim pants, shoes, socks, and underwear.^[102] Magdalena did not prove to be an exception. Authorities at Fronteras and other ports of entry reported confiscating similar shipments of fabric and clothing.^[103] With limited resources, authorities could do little to seal the porous border. At best, officials managed to intercept only a small portion of the contraband. Alexander Willard, U.S. consul at Guaymas, estimated that four-fifths of the "cotton and woolen goods" sold in Sonora had been smuggled into the state.^[104] Willard faulted Mexican tariffs and customs policies, which charged extremely high duties on fabrics, for encouraging smuggling.^[105]

Besides the usual assortment of clothing, authorities began to expropriate a bevy of dry food items and canned goods destined for the tables of Sonoran families. Authorities at Magdalena confiscated 25 pounds of California chocolates, 12 pounds of refined white sugar, 15 pounds of assorted nuts, and 9 pounds of orejones (dried apples).^[106] At Sasabe, government officials seized "25 pounds of white refined sugar, 20 boxes of canned fruits, 24 cases of canned English hams, 6 boxes of coffee, 11 pounds of English meats, [sic] 3 boxes of canned English sardines and 25 pounds of rice."^[107] Smuggled consumer goods reached many in the general population, altering dietary practices. For Sonora's upper and middle classes, products such as "refined white sugar" replaced the traditional panocha (brown sugar). According to U.S. consul A. F. Garrison, after the introduction of imported white sugar, the production of panocha continued mainly for the benefit of the "poorer classes."^[108] As this trade grew, the consumption of local products, such as panocha, corn tortillas, dried beef, and pinole (dry, ground corn meal) became increasingly identified with the diet of the laboring classes.

By the end of the 1870s, the balance of power between northern Sonora and Arizona had shifted. From being a recipient of goods, albeit in transit, Arizona eventually became the supplier of Sonora's commercial needs. Sonoran pack trains which previously supplied Arizona arrived empty at Tucson, where according to one observer, they "loaded all kinds of wares suitable for the Sonoran markets.^[109] Smuggling eventually drove many smaller merchants in the north to the brink of

bankruptcy and undermined legitimate commerce in places as far south as Mazatlán and San Blas.^[110] According to the United States consul in Guaymas, by the mid-1870s the complaints from the merchants of Guaymas became more vocal as trade increased "between the people of northern Sonora and the territory of Arizona."^[111] He reported that "in the north of the state, American manufactured goods, of cotton and woolen, [have] taken the place of European goods heretofore furnished from this port."^[112] Americans also established themselves as the principal suppliers of heavy goods such as steam engines, mining and agricultural implements, and lumber-products which remained too costly to bring from Europe.

Groups who had not benefited from the new economic conditions deplored the situation in their state. Echoing these sentiments, the Hermosillo newspaper La Reconstrucción lamented that increasingly

Tucson is where the residents of our border districts of Altar, Arizpe and Magdalena purchase the products that they need. The impact of this trade is felt in Hermosillo and in the port of Guaymas, because it has been a long time since the residents of the North have come here to shop. Even the campesinos of those districts save their earnings and go to the American border to buy what they need for their families without having to pay duties.^[113]

The newspaper's comments dramatically illustrated the shift occurring in patterns of consumption and trade. The fact that even laborers pooled their resources in order to make purchases in Arizona underscored the extent to which conditions between both states had changed. By 1878, access to American products forced many smaller commercial houses in Guaymas to curtail operations.^[114] Other cities also experienced economic contractions. Relations with the United States had not produced the positive results which many had earlier envisioned. Unable to compete with Tucson, Hermosillo, once considered the commercial emporium of the state, now only supplied settlements in its immediate vicinity.^[115]

The United States consul confirmed this new trend in his 1878 report to Washington, stating that throughout the state the "consumption of American manufactured goods is now in excess of European goods, whilst ten years ago cotton and woolen goods consumed in this district were almost entirely imported from Europe.^[116] Frederick Schwatka, who traveled extensively in Sonora, echoed Consul Willard's observations. He noted that during an earlier visit, commerce "although small indeed was three-fourths in the hands of the Europeans, while today

[1880s] three-fourths of it is American.^[117] Contraband had undermined traditional commerce, influenced cultural patterns, and spilled over into adjoining regions in the Mexican northwest. The new prominence of American products compelled merchants who relied on more expensive European suppliers to either adapt or be displaced.

A New Merchant Elite

Since the late 1850s, a select group of merchants had profited from increased trade with the United States. Economic relations with the north provided the impetus for the formation of a new merchant and landed elite. Individuals who adapted to the growing trade with the United States represented both older established retailers, such as the Aguilar, Camou, and Ortiz families, who had been operating since the 1830s and younger upstarts such as Manuel Mascareñas and Luis Martínez, recent arrivals from the state of Durango. Markets in Arizona, whether civilian or military, provided them with new opportunities and increased revenues.

The old credit system employed by the Europeans had allowed a large number of individuals to establish operations and take part in commerce. This arrangement had benefited European commerce, and as a result, American suppliers who demanded cash for their goods remained uncompetitive.^[118] The American ambassador in Mexico City complained that his countrymen did not have access to long-term credit in the United States, where money remained tight. German merchants operating in Mexico, he insisted, had the backing of large European banks who extended liberal credit terms.^[119] Americans required immediate payment for their goods, and when they did accept credit, it was usually short-term-in most cases less than thirty days. To compensate for granting credit and to cover the cost of transportation, Germans and others inflated the price of their goods. The arrival of the railroad in Arizona increased the availability of inexpensive consumer goods from the United States, providing American businesses with new advantages. Cheaper U.S. products displaced the Europeans and their credit system. Smaller, less capitalized merchants who depended almost exclusively on credit to supply their stores now found themselves excluded from a new important source of supplies. Only a small elite possessed the means to make the transition to the new cash system required by American suppliers.

The 1869 commercial census of Guaymas exposed the fragility of

the Sonoran elite. Of the 216 contributors, only 13 families possessed capital in excess of ten thousand pesos.^[120]

The wealth of these individuals represented either urban real estate or the value of existing stocks, not liquid capital. The increasing demands of a cash economy forced many in this group to adapt. To compete under these changing conditions, some merchants pooled their resources and formed partnerships. Before the 1860s, for example, Agustin Bustamante, Wenceslao Loaiza, Francisco Yrigoyen, and Rafael Escobosa had operated independently. Confronted by the changing demands of suppliers, by the early 1870s Bustamente and Loaiza merged operations, as did Yrigoyen and Escobosa, becoming two of Guaymas's most powerful merchant houses. Consolidations, though not always permanent, became common within business circles in Guaymas and Hermosillo. In Hermosillo, for example, such businessmen as Rafael Ruiz and Manuel Mascareñas found it necessary to join forces in order to strengthen their operations.

The 1875 commercial census indicated the growing trend toward mergers with other like-minded businesses or family members. Immediate and extended family structures, such as those of the Camou, Iberri, Latz, and others, continued to provide the core of many commercial enterprises. Of the twelve largest Guaymas businesses which handled orders in excess of three thousand pesos during February 1875, eight now involved partnerships or family-owned enterprises.^[121]

In addition to the continuing presence of foreigners in commerce, the report disclosed that only a handful of merchants had the capacity to function independently. By combining resources, either through mergers or by relying on family networks, the new larger firms quickly adapted to the changed market conditions and benefited from increased economic relations with the United States.

The actions of Sonora's merchant elite accelerated the changes occurring within their state. Although they still dealt with German suppliers, many now sought ties with San Francisco business interests in an effort to monopolize contact with key American suppliers. Guaymas merchants, including Camou, Escobosa, and Bustamante, traveled to San Francisco, becoming acquainted with the commercial operations and the business interests of the U.S. port.^[122] As the relationship grew, San Francisco newspapers reported on events in Sonora and on the affairs of elite families. The commercial associations maintained by such merchants as Juan P. Camou and Rafael Escobosa reflect the growing economic interrelationship between economic interests in San Francisco and Guaymas.^[123] Other Sonoran merchants actually found it more advantageous to relocate to San Francisco from where they supplied their former Sonoran counterparts. Wenceslao Loaiza, a respected Guaymas merchant, established operations in San Francisco and shipped American goods to Camou and others.^[124]

Making use of their new American connections, Sonoran merchants, such as the Iberri and the Camou clan, entered into profitable arrangements with firms in San Francisco, New York, and later, Arizona. The

Iberris provide an example of this new arrangement. Besides a thriving enterprise in Guaymas, the family also managed to become the Mexican representative for several important United States and English firms including the British and Foreign Marine Insurance Company, the Union Insurance Society of London, the Mutual Life Insurance Company of New York, the New York Life Insurance Company, and the Judson Dynamite and Powder Company. Other family-run enterprises also became intermediaries for American firms. Miguel Latz and his brothers, who operated a store in Magdalena, also served as representatives for California Powder Works, the Studebaker cars, Black Diamond Steel Company, and Mutual and Travelers Insurance Company.^[125]

As a select group of Sonoran merchants established themselves as agents for American business concerns, the ability of European suppliers to operate independently within the state diminished significantly. Trade with Europeans still took place, especially for luxury items, but they gradually lost ground to the Americans. Smaller Sonoran merchants, especially those in the interior, now found themselves purchasing most of their goods from the larger brokerage firms of Guaymas and Hermosillo, who maintained a monopoly over commerce and rigidly fixed the price structures. Credit transactions still occurred but were now controlled by a handful of important Sonoran entrepreneurs. The larger establishments, such as those owned by Bustamante, Loaiza, Iberri, Möller, Ortiz, Aguilar, and Camou, dominated commerce in the state.

Beside their monopolization of commerce and agriculture, the cultural and social orientation of the Sonoran elites also changed. Recognizing the economic predominance of the United States, they approved of increased relations with the north and functioned as a de facto lobby for United States interests in Sonora. This group increasingly depended on economic ties with the United States to advance their position. Free trade with the north became an economic imperative for their continued success. In 1870, for example, the Ortiz brothers from Guaymas sought permission for the American cavalry to operate freely between Magdalena and the American border in order to protect goods destined for the American territory.^[126] In July of the same year, Guillermo Andrade and Nicolas Gaxiola proposed to establish a telegraph line between Hermosillo, Ures, and Tucson to facilitate orders from Arizona merchants.^[127] Although the government rejected both petitions, these requests disclosed the growing importance that trade with the United

States had acquired for a new merchant elite. Ties with the north became essential for the continued success of this group.

Penetrating Mexico

With a relatively small population and weak internal markets, Sonoran merchants turned their attention to neighboring Mexican states and other Pacific ports. They sought to profit from their status as brokers between United States suppliers and Mexican buyers. Businessmen such as Rafael Ruiz, Manuel Mascareñas, José and Fermin Camou, and Carlos Nanetti of Hermosillo advertised their services as international brokers in such national Mexican publications as the Almanaque Histórico de México of 1883, El, Mundo Ilustrado, Artes y Letras, and others.^[128] In the absence of established banks, they also promoted their ability to exchange Mexican and American currency. Typically Sonoran brokers received orders from miners and agricultural interests along the Pacific coast of Mexico for such things as mining tools, petroleum products, carriages, and farm implements. Mine operators along the Gulf of California, for example, the French concern at El Boleo, relied on Guaymas merchants for everything, including lumber, beef, coffee, wine, and heavy equipment.^[129] This group also made significant profits selling Sonoran products-such as wheat, oranges, beef, and garbanzos-to Mexican interests in Baja California and elsewhere along the Pacific. Beside adding to the wealth of a new border elite, the promotion of Sonoran interests throughout Mexico alleviated the state's isolation from the rest of the nation. An economic incentive now existed for the state's integration with the rest of Mexico.

American investment, concentrated primarily in mining, did little to undermine the position of Sonoran merchants. Rather, local elites profited greatly from the establishment of large, American-owned mining operations. Mining centers, which paid relatively high wages and employed several thousand workers, provided merchants with new internal markets. The Camous did a thriving business selling clothing and other apparel to company stores in Cananea and Nacozari. Not limited to the confines of the Sonora, they also expanded operations, supplying goods to several Arizona mining centers such as Bisbee, Globe, and Wilcox.^[130]

Despite their growing economic and political power, Sonoran business groups constituted a relatively weak class that was constantly vul-

nerable to fluctuations in the price of Sonoran raw materials and other economic factors. Notwithstanding attempts to diversify their holdings and acquire land and mines, most Sonoran merchants had little control over the market conditions on which they relied so heavily. As intermediaries, they depended on their ability to profit from expanded economic contact between the United States and Mexico. Increasingly they learned to straddle the economic norms and even the cultures of both countries. Since they profited from economic relations with the north, they had a vested interest in assuring that relations between the United States and Mexico remained stable. Profiting from this relationship, most local elites supported the early policies of the Sonoran triumvirate and their patron, Porfirio Díaz.