Pondan

The term pondan is used in Malay culture to refer to a variety of different types of behavior and individuals. In my experience the term is used exclusively for males whose dress or behavior constitutes a significant departure from stereotypical male gender roles. (Villagers knew of no female pondan , though they suggested that such might be found in Kuala Lumpur.) Thus, it may denote an adolescent or adult male who dresses or otherwise adorns himself like a woman; or it may refer to a male who walks like a woman, behaves sexually like a woman (i.e., has sex with men), or acts like a woman in other ways (e.g., prefers the company of women to men). In keeping with the relative deemphasis of sex and gender in local society and culture, the encompassing nature of the pondan concept works against the elaboration of distinctions—found in English and many other languages—between transvestism, transsexualism, hermaphroditism, homosexuality, and effeminate behavior.^[11] I should underscore as well that sexual orientation is not a primary marker of the pondan category, which is, in any event, a mediating rather than supernumerary category.

There is, overall, both considerable tolerance for and acceptance of pondan . The same "relaxed" attitudes toward these phenomena exist among Malays elsewhere in the Peninsula (Raybeck 1986), among Indonesians and Filipinos (Yengoyan 1983), and among Southeast Asians generally (Keyes 1986). As one observer summed up the situation in the 1960s:

Basically, S. E. Asians are far more tolerant of personality deviation, abnormality and disorder than we are. Homosexuals and transvestites are treated with kindness and an amused tolerance; they are seldom considered a menace to society, blamed for being what they are, or made to feel that they must be kept in separate places from other people, ostracized or confined to institutions. Physical imperfection or mental abnormality are [also] regarded as something bestowed by God, as an act of fate (adjal or nasib ), and accepted as such by kinsmen and the community. (Jaspan 1969:22–23)

Villagers in Bogang often invoke the term pondan when discussing people like Razak (age thirty-four) and Kadir (age thirty), both of whom belong to the wealthiest lineage in the community but, like many other

young people, males especially, have long since moved out of the village. The term is typically used to indicate that Razak (who is married and frequently returns to the village on weekends) and Kadir (who has never married and rarely returns home) really enjoy spending time with women, and do in fact spend far more time with women than most "normal" men. People sometimes add that Razak and Kadir are effeminate in gesture, speech, and walk; that they are very good cooks; or simply that they are "like women" (macam perimpuan ). But there is no additional reference to or implication about their sexual orientation; in most contexts this simply does not come up. Sexual orientation, as noted earlier, is not a primary marker of the pondan category.

While many pondan marry and have children, villagers' occasional expressions of (mock?) surprise about pondan who marry suggest that, at some level, the concepts of pondan and marriage are mutually incompatible. It is sometimes said of pondan , especially after someone has commented on how effeminate or otherwise involved in gender crossing they are, "Yes, and can you believe they are married!" Similarly, villagers who heard that a woman who had been married to a village pondan (Razak) for eleven months and was, sadly, still a virgin (anak darah ), were not at all surprised, since, as one woman put it, "He is, after all, a pondan ." (Razak's uncle told me that Razak and his wife had no children because Razak has a sickness or disease [penyakit ], but this was not a biologized interpretation of why he is a pondan .) On the other hand, when Razak's marriage showed signs of breaking up some months later, few of the comments about the problems involved made mention of Razak being a pondan (focusing instead on his poor choice in selecting a wife who couldn't cook, look after a house, etc.). It merits note in any case that when Razak was teased incessantly and directly accused by his mother's sister of being a pondan (or bapo ), he got extremely upset with her, offering in the process, in what was a very unMalay move, to show her that he wasn't (i.e., that he [still?] had a penis and/or testicles).^[12]

Kadir's parents seem relatively unconcerned that Kadir is a pondan , but they are clearly very upset that he has no apparent interest in getting married, let alone marrying properly. Both his parents were distraught when they learned that the young woman he was spending time with in Kuala Lumpur was half-Chinese and half-Indian. Making matters worse, she knows nothing of cooking or other domestic tasks, and likes to spend money on restaurants and discos. These were the primary regrets Kadir's father mentioned to me on a number of occasions, though he was also saddened by the fact that Kadir rarely returned home anymore. The rea-

son for this, according to his father, was out of embarrassment for having failed in a business enterprise in Kuala Lumpur, for which he had borrowed M$5,000 from his mother, a sum which he is in no position to repay.

There are no specific occupational niches monopolized or favored by, or closed off to, pondan . Some pondan , however, are bridal attendants, or mak andam (as occurs in the Philippines, and elsewhere in the world as well [Yengoyan 1983]); and, generally speaking, there seems to be a conceptual link between pondan and mak andam . The best known and most skillful mak andam in Negeri Sembilan is in fact a pondan from Bogang named Zainal, whom I interviewed in January 1988.

I first met Zainal in 1979 or 1980, but it was not until my second period of research that I had the opportunity to talk with him at length. I had run into him at a village wedding, in December 1987, and had taken pictures of the bride he helped make up, which I later sent to him along with an invitation to come to the house for lunch. Zainal arrived sporting eyeliner and toting a large imitation-leather bag of the sort made for slide projectors and accessories, and a bag containing three photo albums of his work. The first bag contained various items of women's jewelry—necklaces, chokers, belts, gold pins, etc.—and a ceremonial dagger (keris ), the kain sengkit that grooms wear around their waists, some colored eggs (bungga telor ), and miscellaneous items he uses in his professional capacity as mak andam . The photo albums, for their part, contained pictures of various brides he had made up, photos and clippings of wedding gifts and bridal chambers that he uses to help people decide what they want to have done for their weddings, and some newspaper and magazine clippings featuring stories about his work.

Among the very first things Zainal mentioned to me as he sat down and began unpacking his things was that he was "very gifted," that he had been aware of this from an early age, and that God had given him his special talents. His father, who eventually became a high-ranking member of the Survey Department, had also been very clever at school, and had in fact been raised by a "white person" from the time he was fifteen or so until he was about seventeen.

Although both his parents are from Rembau, Zainal grew up in various areas of the country (but never in a village) and has traveled widely. His mother (still living) resides within the confines of Bogang, he said, but she really doesn't know anything about "village ways" of making a living. In fact, she never planted rice, tapped rubber, or raised animals because "she never had to do any of these things." By way of rounding out the

picture, Zainal added that each and every one of his (six or seven) siblings has high status: One is a lawyer, one has a Ph.D., another is in the army (or married to a high-ranking army officer), and so on.

When Zainal was in school he didn't have to study very hard, and he soon realized that he had a flair for making decorations on special days at school, and for the field of decoration generally. Eventually this led him into the business of mak andam , which he began professionally in about 1969. At first he didn't charge the women who asked him to make themselves up, though sometimes they would give him a few ringgit . Later he began charging for his services, and at the time of the interview he made a fair amount (he did not specify how much) from this line of business, though his full-time job was at the Survey Department. His fee for a village wedding was usually around M$400 (though he sometimes did them for free), but he charged much more for the weddings of urban Malays, particularly since his fees were structured in part around what people could afford and included the cost of materials used to adorn both the bride and the bridal chamber. One of the most expensive weddings he helped arrange was that of the child of a large housing developer in Seremban. The bridal chamber alone cost more than M$30,000, mostly for the price of an imported Italianate bed.

Zainal's work has taken him throughout the Peninsula and to other countries as well. Much of his overseas travel is in connection with his involvement in a Negeri Sembilan cultural organization, which has sponsored his trips to Singapore, Indonesia, Japan, and Turkey. He has also been to Hong Kong, though that may have been a pleasure trip, courtesy of a British friend (an estate manager), who paid his way. The impression I got was that the estate manager was gay and that he and Zainal were lovers for a while (perhaps before Zainal got married), though Zainal never came out and said this.

Zainal mentioned a few times that he was the only male mak andam in all of Negeri Sembilan, and that he was also the best known of all mak andam (women included) in the entire state. As for why other males didn't become mak andam , Zainal said that they might be embarrassed to do this kind of thing because it was regarded as women's work, but he had no other comments on the subject.

In response to one of my questions, Zainal explained that he recited incantations and prayers to enhance the beauty of the bride, to make her more radiant and attractive, and that he also applied special oils that had been passed down to him for this purpose. The incantations and prayers were nothing elaborate, he assured me, but they did make the bride look

better. Such things were not used on janda (widows and divorcées), however, since they were "already old" and "aren't pretty anymore" (tak cantik lagi ).

Zainal also mentioned (this, too, in response to one of my questions on the subject) that people occasionally asked him for advice on sexual matters. These requests for information typically came from those who "haven't mixed much," like village girls who had never worked in factories, for they did not usually receive any advice or information about sex or physical intimacy from their mothers, or from anyone else. As a consequence, they really didn't know how to behave when they were approached for the first time by their husbands, and they were understandably scared, he said, adding "we were scared at first too, right?" (kita pun takut mula-mula juga, bukan? ). But Zainal didn't usually bring up sexual matters, because he didn't think it was his place to do so. And he worried about his reputation: "What would people think of me if I just started talking to them about sexual matters? They would surely think that is very inappropriate."

I was not very successful getting Zainal to elaborate on the symbolism of wedding attire, or various aspects of wedding ceremonies, but he did raise a few interesting points. He used the expression raja sehari (literally, "king [and/or queen] for a day") when talking of the bride and groom on the day of their wedding. The notion that bride and groom are like royalty on their wedding is widespread, but I don't recall anyone using this specific term before (though it appeared in one or more of the clippings Zainal had with him). Zainal mentioned as well that it was inappropriate if the bride laughed or even had her mouth open while she and the groom "sit in state" (bersanding ). Laughing in particular was a clear sign of losing control and indicated cheekiness; that is, it brought her morals into question, as is true elsewhere in Southeast Asia as well (Jaspan 1969).

On the symbolism of the eggs (bungga telor ) that figure prominently at weddings, Zainal said only that eggs were displayed and given to guests since "people like them," and since "they feel especially honored and pleased when they are given them." But he added nothing more. I asked about the possibility of eggs being symbols of fertility and prosperity, and he seemed to think this quite plausible. I also went through the gender interview with Zainal, thinking that he might have a unique perspective. As indicated by the synopsis of the interview (see chapter 6), he did not.

Prompted perhaps by my questions on gender and sexuality, Zainal went into considerable detail about genitalia and related matters. When I asked him about circumcision, for example, he said that this was done

because it was very unbecoming to have a "long penis that just hung down there like that" (he indicated with his finger), adding that it wasn't clean or healthy either, since "all that stuff just collects there." Zainal then related a story about one of his non-Malay friends (the British estate manager), who wasn't circumcised. Zainal chastised him for being uncircumcised, and so he (the friend) ultimately agreed to undergo the surgery while he was back in England. He then proceeded to send Zainal pictures of his newly circumcised penis, one berdiri ("standing up") and one duduk ("sitting" or "lying down"). This was related with much laughter on Zainal's part, though he was watching my reactions closely to see what I thought of his story. The friend in question was apparently the same man who had invited Zainal to Hong Kong (all expenses paid), and who later asked Zainal to come to Los Angeles and stay with him. Zainal was a bachelor at the time and considered the invitation very seriously. But when he told his mother about the possibility of his going to America, she cried and cried; so he decided not to go, especially since his father was quite ill at the time.

Zainal also told me that he has a "gay friend" (his expression), a Christian, as I recall, who lives in Melaka or Port Dickson and hosted the big New Year's Eve party that Zainal attended. Zainal emphasized that he "loved parties," and that he stayed at this one until about 2 A.M. His response to my question about whether he took his wife to the party was "no," to which he added, "there are some things that you just don't talk about with your wife, right?" At about the same time in the conversation, he said that one of his friends (the gay Christian again?) had lots of pornographic magazines and some pornographic videos as well, one of which showed people at various "nude [night] clubs." Zainal mentioned that he had been concerned about where to keep all the magazines, and that it would have been unfortunate if someone had found them, so he gave them away to friends.

It was, I think, during this part of the conversation that Zainal asked about "free sex" (his expression) in America, but, for better or worse, I didn't provide much information on the subject.^[13] I should perhaps add that I never asked Zainal if he considered himself (or realized that others regarded him as) a pondan . Nor did I broach any other topics bearing on pondan . The main reason for not addressing any such issues is that, at the time, it seemed impolite and otherwise inappropriate to do so.

As the afternoon wore on, I grew tired. Zainal, however, continued to be very animated, though he may have eventually sensed that my energy was waning. Before leaving, he offered to dress Ellen and me in formal

wedding attire, promising to make us up very elaborately. He would need a bit of advance notice, however, and the evening would be best. He would dress us in our home, thus making sure that the outfits and decorations fit well with the decor and style of our house. Zainal also insisted that we come up to Seremban and spend the night, and that we would have lots of fun cooking, eating, and talking together. He added that he would be very upset if we went back to America without first saying good-bye.

A number of themes emerge from my interview with Zainal, but I will confine my comments to a few of the more basic issues. Among the things that struck me most forcefully during the interview with Zainal was how articulate and cosmopolitan he was, and how proud he was both of his accomplishments as a mak andam , and of his enviable status (both ascribed and achieved) in general. His status concerns were expressed toward the beginning of the interview, when he laid out his genealogy and cultural pedigree, along with his broad travel experiences and the educational attainments and professional accomplishments of his siblings and their spouses. It is significant that Zainal's masculinity and overall status were by no means compromised by the fact that he was a pondan ; indeed, he derived considerable esteem from the role of mak andam , which, especially in the case of male mak andam , is clearly linked to the status of pondan . This situation contrasts rather markedly with what one finds in Western societies, where gender crossing of any variety typically entails a loss of status (stigma).

Gender crossing in Western societies is invariably viewed (particularly in official discourse) in strongly negative terms, as highly "unnatural," an abominable violation of God's will. It does, moreover, elicit ambivalence, hostility, and, on occasion, violent outbursts from non-gender-crossers, especially males. Such is not the case among Malays, or most other Southeast Asians, who, as noted earlier, display a relatively accepting, accommodating, and "relaxed" attitude toward such phenomena. That Malays and other Southeast Asians do not seem very threatened by gender crossing is probably related to the fact that gender is not all that strongly marked in most domains of Southeast Asian society and culture; and that, as such, behavior which blurs the boundaries of gender categories is less problematic and threatening with respect to the basic (relatively ungendered) structure of the universe. The question of markedness aside, gender categories are not arranged in a strongly asymmetric fashion (male and female are viewed in many contexts as complementary, not hierarchical) and do not constitute the foundation of social hierarchy; hence, gender crossing does not pose a serious challenge to the basic social hierarchy,

which is structured in terms of descent, age, birth order, and, in recent times, social class.

Local attitudes toward pondan might well be decidedly less accommodating if the majority of pondan and other gender crossers were female. They might also be far less accommodating if there were gender crossers living full time in Bogang, especially if such crossers were, in addition, engaged in publicly recognized and acknowledged homosexual liaisons.^[14] Inquiries along these lines are certainly worth pursuing, but unfortunately they are beyond the scope of the present discussion.

I mentioned earlier that sexual orientation is not a primary marker of the pondan category. I should note, though, that some pondan wear their sexuality on their sleeves. Such was clearly the case with Zainal, whom I (and Ellen) assumed from the outset was homosexual, and in any case, was far more interested in talking about sexuality and (male) genitalia than any Malay I have ever encountered. Some of this may well have been related to his being a pondan . (Bogang's two other pondan are also decidedly "cheeky" by Malay standards.) Also relevant perhaps is that Zainal clearly viewed me as a Westerner and a Christian to boot, someone who was "free," like him, of many sexual and gender constraints, and thus appropriately positioned to discuss sexual matters.

The overall situation I have described here may soon change. For while pondan are certainly tolerated and accepted in village society, the past few years have seen concerted efforts by Islamic reformers and various state governments to crack down on and ultimately eliminate transsexuals, transvestites, and all other types of gender crossers—and thus to "clean up" male sexualities and locally defined masculinities alike. These efforts include legislation as well as scholarly conferences, some of which were held at the University of Malaya while I was in the field in 1987. A spokesman at one such conference went on record as saying that transsexualism (being a mak nyah ) is an act of God, and that transsexuals should be accepted by the Muslim community—" Islam always opens its door to everyone "—particularly since "they don't have any control over their situation."^[15]

He added, however, that the Islamic stand on the mak nyah question was very clear since Islam divides humans into two categories: male and female; and that problems necessarily arise when a transsexual tries to behave or dress like a woman, or take hormone pills, all of which is forbidden in Islam. Thus, while "these people require guidance, sympathy and fair treatment from all quarters," "efforts should be made to bring them to the right path" (i.e., "they should be convinced that they are men");

"Islam recognizes them as men and hence they should be treated as men."^[16]

In addition to sponsoring scholarly conferences focusing on mak nyah and pondan , the state has introduced legislative measures to help realize its goals in this area. The state of Kelantan recently passed laws making it an offense for Muslim men to dress or act like women in public. The state of Penang was seeking to enact similar laws during the period 1987-88, so as to broaden its ability to act against transvestites. Under existing legislation, authorities in Penang could only act against transvestites caught or suspected of "soliciting." In certain areas of Penang, the Department of Religious Affairs, with the cooperation of the police, conducted one or two raids in the area every month, though this was also an effort to curtail (heterosexual) prostitution.

Legislative changes such as these will probably be introduced in Negeri Sembilan and other states as well. Similarly, it seems reasonable to assume that the next few years will also see an increase in federal regulations aimed at better regulating and perhaps eliminating all types of gender crossing, such as the 1983 ruling that forbade sex-change operations among all Muslims in the country.^[17]

Recent legislation and other moves against pondan and mak nyah are profitably viewed alongside contemporary legislative and other initiatives aimed at exercising greater control over the body, and the bodies of women in particular. Ong (1987, 1988, 1990a, 1990b), among others, provides incisive analyses of some of these issues, so I need not elaborate here. I would simply emphasize a point that is more often than not dealt with implicitly rather than explicitly—or otherwise effectively glossed over—in the literature as a whole: Even if we are concerned primarily with women (as opposed to gender), we need to keep squarely within our analytic view the ways in which state policies and discourses affect (and are likely to affect) the bodies and sexualities of both women and men (a theme to which I return in a moment). It is important to bear in mind, too, that the legislative and other recent trends at issue have clear antecedents which date back many centuries. Recall here that while women and transvestites (the majority of whom seem to have been male) were highly regarded as ritual specialists throughout much of Southeast Asia during the early part of the period 1400–1680, they experienced a marked decline in status and prestige during the latter part of this period owing to the development of Islam and other Great Religions. For the most part this decline in status did not entail actual stigma, at least in the case of transvestites and other varieties of gender crossers. It is nonetheless true that

at present the sole ritual activity specifically linked with the once sacred role of gender crosser is that of bridal attendant (mak andam ). Recent legislative and other measures of the sort discussed earlier will probably eliminate this link in the not-too-distant future and thus contribute to a further secularization of the role—one which also involves its redefinition as a contaminating (as opposed to sacred) mediator "perversely muddling and enmiring the [increasingly] polar terms of the classical [gender] system" (Stallybrass and White 1986:110). More generally, it appears likely that such measures will contribute to an increased dichotomization of gender, especially since their central goals clearly include the elimination of all mediating categories such as pondan and mak nyah and the simultaneous cleansing ("defeminization") of locally defined masculinities.

Recall, finally, my earlier point that our analytic gaze needs to be focused on the ways in which state policies and discourses affect (and are likely to affect) the bodies and sexualities of women and men. The more encompassing theme here is two-fold. First, femininity, masculinity, and mediating categories such as pondan and mak nyah are dialectically related elements of a single system, an understanding of which fully requires us to give due attention to each of its major components. And second, that system is most usefully analyzed in relation to the vicissitudes of political economy and historical change, including, in particular, the reproduction and transformation of the criteria and axes entailed in the allocation of prestige and stigma. For further substantiation of these broad contentions we need only consider the case study presented in the following section.