One
Heimat and German Identity
This is a study of how a geographical border shaped the lives and loyalties of a group of modern Germans. The border winds along the Rhine River south from Worms almost to Karlsruhe, veers west through the low mountains of Alsace, edges around the Saarland and French Lorraine, then circles east across the southern edge of the old Prussian Rhineland to meet the river again. With the exception of the Rhine, there is no obvious topographical logic to the border, and the innocent traveler could easily pass from Mainz, outside the border, to Speyer, inside it, without noticing any change in the nature of the landscape, the cultivation of the land, or, least of all, the character of the people. Yet in the course of the nineteenth century the border, created as a minor addendum to the territorial settlements of 1815, acquired a cultural resonance that, at least for Germans, gave the journey between these two similar Rhenish cities an entirely new meaning. By 1871 the German traveler would have passed across the border into a place he recognized as the Pfalz and to people he called Pfälzers.[1]
By 1871, the Pfalz represented a definite place on the map of Germany, and its people held an increasingly articulated sense of their own distinctiveness, to which a growing collection of local literature and local associations attested. Their self-conscious regional identity began in the mid–nineteenth century, flourished at the turn of the century, and survived, taking on new purposes and meanings, in the wars, occupations, and political upheavals of
[1] This study uses the terms Pfalz and Pfälzer throughout rather than the cumbersome though perhaps more familiar English translations Palatinate and Palatine .
The Rhenish Pfalz in the nineteenth century (hollow squares indicate castles).
Inset: Germany in 1871.
the twentieth century. The historical significance of such doggedly narrow loyalties remains, however, obscure. The persistence of Pfälzer identity—or, for that matter, Bavarian, Saxon, Berliner, or Pomeranian identity—long after the achievement of German nationhood is a fact more likely to find its way into travel than scholarly literature; it bespeaks quaintness rather than conflict, nostalgic backwardness rather than modernity. It is possibly charming and certainly irrelevant. Yet the growth and survival of Pfälzer consciousness raise a number of intriguing questions about the nature of what is often dismissingly called provincialism and, by extension, about the nature of nationalism and national identity, which provincialism is assumed to oppose. For the case of the loyal Pfälzers has at its heart the much-discussed case of Germanness itself: where it came from, what constituted it, what held it together, what were its consequences. In the course of taking on the smaller case, this study is intended to illuminate the larger one, even if not, Holmes-like, providing any unexpected solutions.
In measuring the historical significance of persistent regional identities in Germany, one must note from the outset that those who held on to such identities were, with a few exceptions, not conscious of doing or being anything remarkable. They understood their regionally directed activities, if they thought about them at all, as a private enjoyment, comparable to a hobby, and as a public service—a civic-minded contribution to the health of the community. They wrote small historical articles; they collected objects, customs, and words; they organized local festivals and staged local celebrations; they marked out nature trails, picked up litter, and raised observation towers on the tops of mountains. Ranging from the practical to the sentimental and taking in a bewildering array of ephemera along the way, these efforts nevertheless constituted a single body of activity and knowledge for most Germans. Pulling these efforts together and bestowing on them both coherence and purpose was the word Heimat . In its simplest sense, Heimat means home or homeland; in the context of these activities, it referred above all to the Pfalz. The Pfalz was the homeland; the Pfalz was Heimat. Out of Heimatliebe , the Pfälzer undertook Heimatpflege and thought Heimatgedanken . During his life, he might call himself a Heimatkundler or simply a Heimatler , and after his death his obituary would praise him for having truly loved his Heimat.[2]
[2] As a rule, these German words have no direct counterparts in English, which is precisely why they make a subject for historical study. Heimatliebe is, of course, love for one's homeland. Heimatpflege is a term with medical and civic connotations that refers to any and all activities that "care for" the Heimat: it harks back to the Stadtpfleger , a leading political position in the early modern constitutions of independent German cities. A Heimatkundler or a Heimatler was someone who engaged in activities that promoted the Heimat, either investigating its history, preserving its folklore, or boasting of its natural beauties. Finally, the use of the masculine he is in this case mostly conventional: many Heimat activists, though by no means the majority, were women.
But to conclude that the "meaning" of all these activities and attitudes is to be found in the "meaning" of Heimat would be far too simple. For the term Heimat carries a burden of reference and implication that is not adequately conveyed by the translation homeland or hometown. For almost two centuries, Heimat has been at the center of a German moral—and by extension political—discourse about place, belonging, and identity. Unfortunately, the very ordinariness of the contexts in which the word crops up has obscured the range and richness of what Heimat can tell us about the "peculiarities of German history."
Rescued from archaic German in the late eighteenth century, the word gathered political and emotional resonance in scattered legal reforms and popular literary invention of the Biedermeier period. In the second half of the nineteenth century, Heimat identified the diverse and mostly local efforts (like those of the Pfälzers) to appreciate provincial cultures and, simultaneously, to celebrate German nationhood. During the war, it served the Germans in the same way that the term home front served the English. By the 1920s and 1930s, a profoundly incompatible group of republican activists, conservative nationalists, and German racialists competed for control of Heimat. But their struggle over Heimat did not end (as did, for example, the struggle over the term Gemeinschaft ) with Nazi seizure and irreversible corruption. Instead, in both East and West Germany, the general cultural discussion about Heimat has continued since the fall of the Third Reich.[3] Heimat has played a major role in the state-sponsored efforts to reestablish German society on a new but firm moral basis, particularly in the realm of civic and political education. The question of a legal "right" to a Heimat has also been at the center of discussions and accusations between the Federal Republic and the postwar states of the Soviet bloc. On the level of popular culture, Heimat has been the theme of so many films, novels, sentimental songs, and earnest radio and television talk shows (and, most recently, an immensely popular television series) that it would be impossible to imagine postwar German culture, particularly of a certain milieu, without it.[4]
The term Heimat , one could argue, has entered into so many different discussions in such diverse areas of German society that it would be a great mistake to search for a solitary meaning, a single truth beyond all the white noise. And yet the ubiquity of the term and the deep emotionality of its appeal have proven irresistible temptations to interpreters in search of an essence for which Heimat is the expression. Their results have not always been enlightening. In a Hessen radio discussion in 1970, for instance,
[3] Günther Lange's Heimat —Realität und Aufgabe. Zur marxistischen Auffassung des Heimatbegriffs (Berlin, 1973) provides an East German Marxist perspective on the discussion in both East and West Germany.
[4] One out of every five films made in the Bundesrepublik between 1947 and 1960 was a Heimat film. See the study by Willi Höfig, Der deutsche Heimatfilm 1947 –1960 (Stuttgart, 1973).
Heinrich Böll, Günther Grass, and Norbert Blüm, among others, debated whether Heimat referred to "something lost" and "only available to the memory" or to any place where one was settled and familiar. The discussion ended, not untypically, with Blüm defending the environmental and housing policies of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) against the attacks of both Böll and Grass.[5]
The scholars have been, if anything, less enlightening than the writers and politicians. Sociologists and social psychologists have explained Heimat as a basic human need, comparable to eating or sleeping, "to be known, to be recognized, and to be accepted."[6] They have asked the literal question "What is Heimat?" and have answered, with a confusing series of examples and exceptions, that Heimat is where one is born, where one receives an education, comes to consciousness of selfhood, adjusts oneself to family and society, or constructs a "social entity."[7] Political scientists have also spoken of Heimat in terms of natural human tendencies, in particular tendencies to form political allegiances, whether on the local or the national level.[8] But to discuss Heimat as the human condition is to illuminate that condition, not the term itself. Ina-Maria Greverus, herself a leading proponent of the idea of Heimat as an expression of "territorial man," notes that books about Heimat usually resort to discussions of Heimat and or as something else: Heimat and speech, Heimat and nation; Heimat as family, as community, as tradition, as natural surroundings. Heimat, she suggests, represents a synthesis "which perhaps only the poets can grasp."[9]
What poets know and what scholars often forget is that words themselves are slippery, infinitely malleable, capable of saying many things. Instead of generating more definitions for a word that has collected so many, this study will investigate the history of the word itself, which in the case of Heimat
[5] Alexander Mitscherlich and Gert Kalow, eds., Hauptworte-Hauptsachen. Zwei Gespräche: Heimat, Nation (Munich, 1971), pp. 14–20. Blüm is today the CDU minister of labor; then he was only a member of the CDU leadership when Helmut Kohl seemed far from the chancellorship.
[6] Wilhelm Brepohl, "Heimat und Heimatgesinnung als soziologische Begriffe und Wirklichkeiten," in Das Recht auf die Heimat. Vorträge, Thesen, Kritik , ed. Kurt Rabl (Munich, 1965), p. 48; the German words are kennen, erkennen , and anerkennen . See also Wilhelm Brepohl, "Die Heimat als Beziehungsfeld: Entwurf einer soziologischen Theorie der Heimat," Soziale Welt 4 (1952–53): 12–22; Heiner Treinen, "Symbolische Ortsbezogenheit: Eine soziologische Untersuchung zum Heimatproblem," Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 17 (1965): 73–97, 254–97; Ina-Maria Greverus, Der Territoriale Mensch. Ein literatur-anthropologisches Versuch zum Heimatphänomen (Frankfurt, 1972); and Ina-Maria Greverus, Auf der Suche nach Heimat (Munich, 1979).
[7] Brepohl, "Heimat und Heimatgesinnung," p. 43; and Klaus Weigelt, "Heimat—Der Ort personaler Identitätsfindung und sozio-politischer Orientierung," in Heimat und Nation. Zur Geschichte und Identität der Deutschen , ed. Klaus Weigelt (Mainz, 1984), p. 15.
[8] See the contributions to Weigelt, Heimat und Nation ; and Werner Weidenfeld, Die Identität der Deutschen (Munich, 1984).
[9] Greverus, Territoriale Mensch , p. 31.
means the history of a certain way of talking and thinking about German society and Germanness. Heimat has the resonance of what Raymond Williams called a "key word."[10] Comparable to his words industry, democracy, class, art , and, above all, culture, Heimat came into its current usage at a certain juncture in German history and has remained in both an everyday and a more formally argumentative vocabulary ever since. Out of the interplay between change and constancy in its meaning there emerges what Williams called a map to wider changes in the society and to broader movements of opinion. Heimat suggests a long-standing though not always explicit debate in German society about the proper relation between the locality and the nation, the particular and the general, the many and the one.
The significance of Heimat, then, lies not only within the borders of the Pfalz and within the self-regard of the Pfälzers, although those overlapping realms of experience will have pride of place in the chapters that follow. Heimat's claim to the status of a key word in German history goes beyond the particularities of regionality and the generalities of nationality to rest finally on what both region and nation have in common: the effort, for better or for worse, to maintain "community" against the economic, political, and cultural forces that would scatter it. To put the problem in such a way is immediately to suggest the relevance of the celebrated distinction between Gesellschaft and Gemeinschaft , posited by Ferdinand Tönnies at just about the time when Heimat enthusiasm was at its peak. As Tönnies eventually came to assert, these two terms identified not two stages in a unilinear and dichotomizing historical development, in which all historical actors became either modernizers or reactionaries, but rather two poles between which all forms of human association could fluctuate.[11] Similarly, the adventures and misadventures of the idea of Heimat over the past century and a half of German history reveal at the very least the profoundly uneven course that "modernization" has taken, and possibly the inappropriateness of the concept altogether. The ironies that have characterized one culture's experience of modernity will thus form a subtext of the story that follows. The Pfälzers' effort to maintain the commonality invoked by the idea of Heimat can tell us much about both the dangers and the value of a communalist vision of the good life.
[10] Raymond Williams, Culture and Society: 1780–1950 (New York, 1966), p. xi; see also his Keywords , rev. ed. (Oxford, 1983). Heimat is not included in the closest thing in German to Williams's Keywords , the Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe , ed. Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, and Reinhart Koselleck (Stuttgart, 1972).
[11] See especially W. J. Cahnmann's introduction of Ferdinand Tönnies: A New Evaluation , ed. W. J. Cahnmann (Leiden, 1973); and Dan S. White, "Tönnies Revisited: Community in Imperial Germany," paper delivered at the Conference of the New York State Association of European Historians, Niagara University, September 1989.
The word Heimat has ancient German roots, according to Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, and has been identifiably present in various German dialects since the fifteenth century.[12] But as late as the eighteenth century the small elite of writers and publicists who were the self-appointed representatives of the German language used the word infrequently and certainly without particular significance. As part of a broad effort in the 1780s to restore ancient and neglected words to the language, early Romantic writers recommended the adoption of Heimat and began to incorporate it into their vocabulary. One, Karl Phillip Moritz, wrote that this "venerable expression" joined with the word Vaterland to suggest an image of "homey tranquillity and happiness . . . which is contained in the lovely sound of the German word heim ."[13]
Several features of this rebirth of a word are noteworthy for the light they shed on Heimat's role in subsequent German history. The first thing one notes is that the actors in this linguistic drama were people of a particular sort. They were writers preoccupied with the idea of the German language as the expression of the German people and as the promise of a German nation. Their German language was not that in everyday use in the small towns and the countryside. Rather, it was a language conscious of its audience, a public language for the growing body of Germans who identified with change, who looked to the future, and who for the most part pictured the future in terms of a single nation and state.
The second and closely related feature of this rebirth is its timing. Heimat reentered the language at a moment when the political structure of the German states was disintegrating. "In the beginning was Napoleon," wrote Thomas Nipperdey in his history of nineteenth-century Germany, and so it was also for the idea of Heimat.[14] Under the influence of the overwhelming fact of Napoleonic power, the delicate stasis which the Holy Roman Empire had maintained among the many political constitutions of central Europe dissolved. Particularly the larger states were left to find a way to deal not only with Napoleon but also with the baffling diversity of their own internal structures. The ensuing confrontation between the reforming, centralizing, rationalizing representatives of a so-called General Estate and the community-bound people of the hometowns is the proper context in which to understand the evolution of the term Heimat .[15]Heimat took on much of its modern connotation in the General Estate's attempt to understand and to reshape the German locality. In common with words like Nation, Staat, Volk ,
[12] Jakob Grimm and Wilhelm Grimm, Deutsches Wörterbuch , vol. 4, pt. 2 (Leipzig, 1877), pp. 864–66.
[13] Friedrich Maurer and Friedrich Stroh, Deutsche Wortgeschichte , vol. 2 (Berlin, 1959), p. 294.
[14] Thomas Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte 1800–1866. Bürgerwelt und starker Staat (Munich, 1983), p. 11.
[15] This discussion draws on the political sociology Mack Walker developed in German Home Towns: Community, State, and General Estate, 1648–1871 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1971).
and Vaterland , whose historicity is well recognized, Heimat participated in the development over the next fifty years of the vocabulary of German public, bourgeois life.[16]
To be sure, Heimat does not seem to be about this public sphere, this Öffentlichkeit of liberal hopes. It brings to mind instead the restricted and secure society of a childhood memory; the very word would seem to emanate from, as well as refer to, the society of the hometown burgher, the unabashedly local German. But Heimat is not, I think, a word like Eigentum , which described a quality of place and identity genuinely characteristic of the hometownsmen.[17] It represents the modern imagining and, consequently, remaking of the hometown, not the hometown's own deeply rooted historical reality. It is a term that dwelt in one world, that of the self-conscious centralizers, modernizers, and nationalists of the General Estate, while evoking another. The Heimat of Moritz and others like him was an invention and a mythology—nostalgic and sentimental, but also potentially useful.
A mixture of practicality and sentimentality became the distinguishing feature of Heimat and characterized even the first tentative treatments of the Heimat theme in the early nineteenth century. A few examples will make this clear. The Heimatrecht (law of domicile) of the 1820s formed part of an administrative effort to make the definition of citizenship uniform and all-inclusive. In Bavaria, where these liberal statutes passed in 1825 along with new regulations on civil marriage, inheritance settlements, and trade freedoms, Heimat bespoke a right to dwell in a place and "invoke its aid in case of impoverishment"; moreover, any Bavarian subject could under these laws "stay and work in any Bavarian town he liked, provided he stayed within the law and supported himself."[18]
This use of the term Heimat represented more than a "novel breadth" to an essentially old term.[19] The Bavarian administrators were substituting a new principle of state citizenship for the old practice of community control over who belonged and who did not. That so familiar and innocuous a term as Heimatrecht should have embodied this principle reveals an important moment, not just in the confrontation between bureaucrats and hometownsmen, but in the discussion within the progressive bureaucracy on the role of localities in a greater state. Heimat represented a thoroughly flexible concept by which the state could reproduce itself at the local level of civic experience characteristic of most people's lives. Heimat, claimed a Bavarian administrator in his presentation of the new Heimatrecht to the Landtag, was "the
[16] For a discussion of the historical aspect of some of these terms, see James J. Sheehan, German Liberalism in the Nineteenth Century (Chicago, 1978), part 1.
[17] Walker, German Home Towns , pp. 2–3.
[18] Ibid., p. 296.
[19] Ibid.
cradle of complex and beautiful relations and sensibilities from which the sense of cooperation for common ends develops . . . [the] nursery of civic virtues and order, whose foundation and whose cultivation shall be regulated by this law."[20]
Such a Heimat was not the genuine hometown, in which the idea of civic virtue had been wholly inner-directed, implying little about service to a greater state. The genuine hometown, moreover, was regulated by anything but law, if we take law to mean, as this speaker does, a codified and written body of statutes. The Heimat of these 1825 statutes was an administrative fiction, whose essential modernity became over the next century more and more obscured by the deceptive antiquity of the word and perhaps more importantly by the demise of the real hometown. Rotteck's Staatslexikon of 1839, inventory of the liberal program, mentioned the old rights of communities as the original Heimatrecht but then proceeded to identify contemporary Heimatrecht not with hometown autonomy at all, but rather with state administrative laws like those of 1825 in Bavaria.[21] To be sure, uses of the term were often ambiguous and contradictory. But the trend favored the state, not the hometown, and the fate of Heimat, the seat of "civic virtue and order," was bound up with the state.
In the literature of the mid–nineteenth century, the Heimat theme expressed similar contradictions. The Heimat of numerous novels and poems about the countryside and village life was an idyll of local communities, close family harmony, and a domesticated, friendly nature.[22] In the works of writers like Auerbach and Immermann, Gotthelf and Storm, Heimat stood in opposition to the city; it was the seat of folk customs and speech, the place where the old ways were remembered and preserved. And yet in several important respects this Heimat was not the hometown, the sealed, exclusively local society that was still present on the German political landscape; these writers' Heimat was instead a nostalgic construction that reproduced the localness of hometown life without preserving its qualities of isolation and independence. This Heimat contrasted to a Fremde or Ferne of late romantic adventurers in strange lands. It was the place to which one finally returned: the homeland.[23]
[20] Emil Riedel, Commentar zum bayerischen Gesetze über Heimat, Verehelichung und Aufenthalt vom 16 April 1868 (Nördlingen, 1868), p. 26; cited in ibid.
[21] Carl von Rotteck and Carl Welcker, Staats-Lexikon oder Enzyklopädie der Staatswissenschaften , vol. 7 (Altona, 1839), p. 665.
[22] Erika Jenny, "Die Heimatkunstbewegung" (diss., Universität Basel, 1934), pp. 13–15; Leonore Dieck, "Die literargeschichtliche Stellung der Heimatkunst" (diss., Universität München, 1938), p. 10. See also Norbert Mecklenburg, Erzählte Provinz. Regionalismus und Moderne im Roman (Königstein/Taunus, 1982); and Greverus, Territoriale Mensch .
[23] Maurer and Stroh, Wortgeschichte 2:392; Helmut Schelsky, "Heimat und Fremde: Die Flüchtlingsfamilie," Kölner Zeitschrift Für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie 3 (1950–51): 163.
Writers like Auerbach and Gotthelf tried, furthermore, to use the "individual stories" and "differentiated natures" of the localities to illuminate what was true of Germans and Germanness in general.[24] Even as they depicted the villages, their subject was Germany—and perhaps just as important, their audience was German, or at least considered itself so. The reading public made Auerbach a phenomenal success.[25] To speak of a reading public is to speak, however tentatively, of newspaper subscriptions, publishing and bookselling businesses, voluntary associations, and other phenomena of an emergent bourgeois public society.[26] And although the contours of that bourgeois world would change dramatically in the last half of the nineteenth century and in the twentieth, the idea of Heimat would change with it, surviving long after the real hometown had ceased to have any place in the constitution of the German nation.
In both law and literature, then, the utility of Heimat lay in its capacity to obscure any chasms between small local worlds and the larger ones to which the locality belonged. The Heimatrecht theorizers denied the political chasm; the Romantic writers of village tales denied the emotional one. The Heimat they described, legislated, or memorialized was a creation, not less invented for being tinged with nostalgia for a past that never was or, if it was, bore little relation to their Heimat. Like most "traditions" of dubious antiquity, the modern idea of the Heimat originated in a period of rapid social transformation.[27] It tried to make sensible at least small pieces of that changing society, brushing them with a false patina of fixedness and familiarity. Those who created and promoted Heimat, consciously or not, were suggesting a basic affinity between the new, abstract political units and one's home,
[24] Jenny, "Heimatkunstbewegung," p. 19.
[25] Dieck, "Literargeschichtliche Stellung der Heimatkunst," p. 10; Jenny, "Heimatkunstbewegung," pp. 14–15.
[26] For perspectives on the reading public and its relation to bourgeois society, see Sheehan, German Liberalism ; David Blackbourn, "The Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie: Reappraising German History in the Nineteenth Century," in David Blackbourn and Geoff Eley, The Peculiarities of German History (New York, 1984); Rainer S. Elkar, Junges Deutschland in polemischen Zeitalter. Des schleswig-holsteinische Bildungsbürgertum in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts (Düsseldorf, 1979), esp. chaps. 1 and 3; and Günter Wiegelmann, ed., Kultureller Wandel im 19. Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1973), esp. introductory essays by Rudolf Braun and Hermann Bausinger. The by-now classic text on the emergence of the "public" is Jürgen Habermas's Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit (Neuwied, 1962), although Habermas's public sphere of rational discourse is already impinged upon and undermined by the emergence of a mass public.
[27] See Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983), especially the introduction by Eric Hobsbawm. Heimat ideas fall into Hobsbawm's first and most common variety of invented traditions, "those establishing or symbolizing social cohesion or the membership in groups, real or artificial communities" (p. 9). See also several of the essays in Hermann Bausinger and Konrad Köstlin, eds., Heimat und Identität. Probleme regionaler Kultur (Neumünster, 1980).
thus endowing an entity like Germany with the emotional accessibility of a world known to one's own five senses.
In reality, of course, Heimat's nostalgic evocation of a closed and close-knit community reflected its replacement by these larger and less personal forms of political and territorial belonging. Heimat's depiction of the small town as a "cradle" of the greater political unity both eased the transition and defined an entirely new, more malleable kind of localness. The idea of Heimat potentially embraced all of Germany, from its individual parts to its newly constituted whole. It offered Germans a way to reconcile a heritage of localized political traditions with the ideal of a single, transcendent nationality. Heimat was both the beloved local places and the beloved nation; it was a comfortably flexible and inclusive homeland, embracing all localities alike.
Nevertheless, the usefulness of a world like Heimat becomes fully apparent only when one considers the requirements for national integration after the formal unification of Germany under Prussian leadership in 1871. That Heimat—with its dubious historicity and remarkable imprecision—should speak at all to the problem of German nationhood needs some explanation. Recent wisdom has for the most part turned away from such cultural phenomena, suggesting that German nationhood was less the final stage of the unfolding and maturing of an idea, as Friedrich Meinecke magisterially revealed it, than the creation of measurable processes of economic transformation and administrative, educational, and political communication.[28] Nationalism, by extension, was not the natural expression of a deep cultural communion but the psychological reflection of real social and economic bonds. The growth of nationalism represented another victory of base over superstructure: increasingly complex networks of social interchange in a given territory produced a revolution in the minds of men and women. Feelings of belonging together in a nation thus followed from the actual experience of being together—in trade, in educational institutions, in the imaginary world created by the supralocal press.[29]
The value of this anti-idealist perspective for illuminating the social history of German nationalism is clearly great. From its beginnings within a core group of supporters to its diffusion throughout wide circles of the
[28] See, e.g., Robert Berdahl, "New Thoughts on German Nationalism," American Historical Review 77 (1972): 65–80; Eric Hobsbawm, "Some Reflections on Nationalism," in Imagination and Precision in the Social Sciences , ed. T. J. Nossiter, S. Rokkan, and A. H. Hanson (London, 1972), pp. 385–406; and Geoff Eley, "Nationalism and Social History," Social History 6 (1981): 83–107. The theoretical innovator in this approach was Karl Deutsch in his Nationalism and Social Communication (Cambridge, Mass., 1966). Two of the most important efforts to apply Deutsch's ideas, though neither deals with Germany, are Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870–1914 (Stanford, 1976); and Miroslav Hroch, Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe , trans. Ben Fowkes (Cambridge, 1985).
[29] For fascinating speculation on the importance of this last factor, see Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983).
bourgeoisie, German national consciousness could not have spread without networks of railroads and rivers, printing presses and postal offices, academic halls, associational meeting rooms, and army training posts. By 1871, local communities had at least lost their physical and political isolation. And although the new Reich was an administrative monstrosity, haphazardly combining elements of federalism and central control in an imperfect reflection of the diversity of inner-German relations, it made the presumptive nationness of Germany into a tangible reality. It was responsible, moreover, for the further assertion of the national presence through national schooling, national military service, national currency, and, not least of all, national monuments.[30]
Ironically, the problem with the anti-idealist perspective is that it has paid scant attention to the feeling of national belonging itself, concentrating instead on the forces that produced it. As a consequence, it still requires us to make a grand leap of assumption from the workings of "social communication" to the existence, and persistence, of national identity. By linking national feeling to the forward march of modern social forms, the anti-idealism of modernization theory obscures the phenomenological difference between an individual's material existence and an individual's interpretation of that existence. Calling oneself a German may, in other words, have nothing to do with how often one reads a particular newspaper; calling oneself a German may not preclude hanging on to any number of other self-interpretations. The trouble with seeing national consciousness as a necessary concomitant of political and economic modernization is that one comes to believe that a certain rationality and progressivism ought to characterize national feeling—and when they do not, one blames the nationalists for their barbarism. Perhaps more important, one becomes dulled to the tremendous flexibility and ambiguity of the national idea itself. The unique characteristics of a national identity—its peculiar capacity to create a general identity that is nevertheless exclusive, its recently coined antiquity, its philosophical superficiality—all remain inexplicable without a serious effort at the interpretation of culture.[31] If, as seems to be the case in most European countries, national belonging had become the dominant type of social and cultural identification by the late nineteenth century, we need to find out why and how it appealed to so many, under such diverse circumstances. We need to understand how national belonging was fit into a structure of social and cultural identities, some of which already existed and some of which evolved alongside the new nationalism.
The idea of Heimat can provide some answers to these questions. The
[30] Thomas Nipperdey, "Nationalidee und Nationaldenkmal in Deutschland im 19. Jahrhundert," Historische Zeitschrift 206 (1968): 529–85.
[31] These are Benedict Anderson's suggestions for what makes nationalism so peculiar as ideology; see Imagined Communities , pp. 14–15.
presence of such a word as Heimat in the German language of nationhood is not, as some have mistakenly thought, a sign of malaise in the German political culture—whether the malaise be characterized as the political submissiveness of privatism or the antimodern philistinism of particularism.[32] The Heimat consciousness and Heimat institutions that developed over the course of the nineteenth century were characterized neither by withdrawal from public affairs nor by resistance to membership in larger political communities. Rather, the increasing, widening uses of Heimat, especially after 1871, reveal how the idea of the nation settled into people's minds. The evolution of Heimat as a concept followed the shifting hierarchies of belonging, from hometown to territorial state to nation. In many German regions, the revived interest in local history, customs, and dialects and the proliferation of songs and lyrical writings on the qualities of the locale—all of which came under the rubric of Heimatbestrebungen , or Heimat endeavors—created a new mythology about the region's contribution to German nationhood. Many revived or newly invented festivals further provided opportunities to celebrate publicly the nation and the region together.[33] Identification with the nation did not, in other words, require that all peasants, hometownsmen, and other unregenerate localists shed themselves of their premodern burden of provincial culture. Nationalism could embrace their smaller worlds; Germanness could encompass their diversity.
National integration, to return to where this discussion began, thus presents itself not simply as a problem of power and regulation but, as Theodor Schieder has put it, as a "question of consciousness."[34] For the incomplete nation of 1871, the invented traditions of the Heimat bridged the gap between national aspiration and provincial reality. These efforts might be called federalist, in the sense that Heimat enthusiasts celebrated German diversity. They supported national cohesion without necessarily showing any enthusiasm for its symbols or for its agents, Prussia and the national government.[35] Nor was such enthusiasm for Prussian culture required of Germans: Bismarck himself was opposed to what he saw as French-style (hence un-German) centralization, preferring to "absorb . . . German indi-
[32] These interpretive tendencies, characteristic especially of works that seek to explore the German "mind," are evident throughout Hermann Glaser's The Cultural Roots of National Socialism (Spiesser-Ideologie) , trans. Ernest Menze (Austin, Tex., 1978); in the first three chapters of George Mosse's The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York, 1964); and in the introduction to Fritz Stern's The Politics of Cultural Despair (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961).
[33] For a study of how local festivals and folksongs were adapted to the new Swiss federal state of the nineteenth century, see Rudolf Braun, Sozialer und kultureller Wandel in einem ländlichen Industriegebiet im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Erlenbach/Zürich, 1965), esp. chap. 6.
[34] Theodor Schieder, Das deutsche Kaiserreich von 1871 als Nationalstaat (Cologne, 1961), p. 9.
[35] Thomas Nipperdey's "Nationalidee und Nationaldenkmal" mentions some regional differences in the building of Bismarck towers; that discussion might profitably be expanded.
vidualities without nullifying them."[36] Federalism and regionalism have long been recognized as important though distinct concepts in understanding the particular nature of the German national state.[37] It should then come as no surprise to learn that regional allegiances continued to play an important role in the national feeling of Germans and that regional and national loyalties could be compatible and mutually reinforcing.[38] Finally, the postunification career of Heimat can cast light on what Mack Walker once described as the German conundrum: how to have a nation that would be like a hometown.[39] For Walker, this conundrum, this quest for a true Volksgemeinschaft (popular or national community), lay at the heart of the German problem; after 1871, nostalgia for a hometown community that had never really existed made philistines out of ordinary folk and reactionaries out of intellectuals. Nazism, with its overheated rhetoric of national community, was the terrible but unsurprising fulfillment of this fatal nostalgia.
But the conundrum is perhaps better appreciated as the desire to have both community and nation, not the latter masquerading as the former. This certainly is what Theodor Fontane, a Brandenburger, seemed to be saying in 1853: "Now let me again breathe freely / The air of the Fatherland . . . / He in his deepest heart is true / Who loves his Heimat as do you"; or Christian Mehlis, a Pfälzer, in 1877: "Love for the Fatherland is rooted in the love and knowledge of the Heimat"; or Christian Frank, a Bavarian, in 1927: "In the Heimat lies the unity of the Germans"; and Georg Schnath, a Saxon, in 1958: "A good friend to his Heimat will always be a good citizen of the state."[40]
[36] Cited in Hans A. Schmitt, "From Sovereign States to Prussian Provinces: Hanover and Hesse-Nassau, 1866–1871," Journal of Modern History 57 (March 1985): 41; see also pp. 55-56.
[37] See especially Karl Möckl, "Föderalismus und Regionalismus im Europa des 19. and 20. Jahrhunderts," in Von der freien Gemeinde zum föderalistischen Europa (Berlin, 1983), pp. 529–49; Heinz Gollwitzer, "Die politische Landschaft in der deutschen Geschichte des 19./20. Jahrhunderts: Eine Skizze zum deutschen Regionalismus," Zeitschrift für bayerische Landesgeschichte 27 (1964): 523–52; Karl-Georg Faber, "Was ist eine Geschichtslandschaft?" in Geschichtliche Landeskunde: Festschrift für Ludwig Petry (Wiesbaden, 1968), pp. 1–28; and Dietrich Gerhard, "Regionalismus und ständisches Wesen als ein Grundthema europäischer Geschichte," Historische Zeitschrift 174 (1952): 307–37.
[38] Jürgen Habermas, in his introduction to Observations on "The Spiritual Situation of the Age," trans. Andrew Buchwalter (Cambridge, Mass., 1984), wrote that "given the background of German history, the concept of the nation preserves ties to regionally rooted folk cultures more strongly than is the case with older nation-states, even more so than in Italy" (p. 17). Eric Hobsbawm, speculating on the nature of nations, asserted that large nations could accept local differences and that there was no irreconcilability between "micro and macro cultures" ("What Are Nations?" lecture, 10 October 1985, Stanford University).
[39] Walker, German Home Towns , pp. 425–29.
[40] Theodor Fontane, Gedichte , 17th ed. (Stuttgart, 1912); Christian Mehlis, Fahrten durch die Pfalz. Historische Landschaftsbilder (Augsburg, 1877), p. 2; Frank quoted by Otto Riedner, "Vorwort" to Karl von Manz, Alois Mitterweiser, and Hans Zeiss, eds., Heimatarbeit und Heimatforschung. Festgabe für Christian Frank zum 60. Geburtstag (Munich, 1927), p. 7; George Schnath, Heimat und Staat. Betrachtungen eines Niedersachsen (Hannover, 1958), p. 28.
Beyond the sentimental conventionality of these expressions lies a persistent belief that the abstraction of the nation must be experienced through one's common appreciation of a locality, a Heimat. This belief could take an explicitly political turn, as we shall see in the ideal of local citizenship promoted by Weimar republicans. Or it could remain in the realm of consensual invocation, as we shall see in one region's civic rituals.
But the very persistence of Heimat feeling should not mislead us into finding a single trajectory along which German history has traveled inexorably on to the final tragedy. What the long-standing concern with locality and integration—the communal conundrum—conceals is the real fragmentation in the German national experience between 1870 and 1955. Within this fragmented political culture, Heimat has been a term not of conflict but of attempted consensus. The chapters that follow examine its invocation over the course of almost a century of severe challenges to a particular region's social stability and political identity. The concern here is with what one scholar has called the "conscious appropriation" of past customs for present purposes and another has characterized as the "active reproduction" of certain values and traditions "through a succession of new conjunctures between the 1870s and 1930s."[41] As an organizing ideology for people quietly seeking a haven from the uncertainties of modern life, Heimat was at the heart of both these processes.
In the Rhenish Pfalz, the interplay between invention and tradition, between nation and locality, was particularly lively. The Pfalz existed on the periphery of its nation and suffered the minor indignities that such a position entails. But the Pfalz has never been isolated from dramatic change. Its sense of regional identity was a product of the upheavals of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, not a testimony to its detachment from them. Lying as it does between France and Germany, the Pfalz experienced as major quakes what might have passed as tremors in other parts of Germany. French revolutionary and Napoleonic rule first created the political boundaries of the Pfalz, then radically altered social and political life within them. Although the question of a lingering affinity between the French and the Pfälzers would exercise many subsequent generations of local historians, Pfälzers did seem to welcome French reforms at the time, and they held on to them tenaciously under successive forms of rule.[42]
In 1816, the Pfalz came to the Kingdom of Bavaria by way of a treaty
[41] Gottfried Korff, "Folklorismus und Regionalismus: Eine Skizze zum Problem des kulturellen Kompensation ökonomischer Rückständigkeit," in Bausinger and Köstlin, Heimat und Identität , p. 40; and Geoff Eley, "What Produces Fascism—Preindustrial Traditions or a Crisis of a Capitalist State?" Politics and Society 12 (1983): 63.
[42] Partly because of its experience under the French, Heinz Gollwitzer calls the Pfalz a "classic case" of politische Landschaftsbildung , or the political formation of a region, grouping it with Upper Swabia and Franconia ("Die politische Landschaft," p. 533). His notion of Landschaftsbildung is interestingly close to Hobsbawm's invented traditions. Gollwitzer writes, "Consciousness of tradition reveals itself to us—as paradoxical as this may sound—upon closer consideration as particularly flexible and changeable" (p. 531). What was decisive in the Pfalz, he asserts, was "the thorough inculcation of Enlightened opinion among the population—the liberal and democratic mentality taken from the West" (p. 536).
between Bavaria and Austria. For the Bavarians, this suspiciously Francophilic fragment of territory, physically separated from Bavaria by the Kingdom of Baden, was not a satisfactory substitute for the cities of Frankfurt, Mainz, and Saarbrücken, which had been their real desire; neither were the Pfälzers, for their part, pleased at the prospect of rule by Catholic Bavaria. The next sixty years of often stormy relations between the territory and its ruling state were crucial in giving substance and contour to Pfälzer local feeling and to the Pfälzer version of German nationalism. At issue throughout this time was the form that national identity would take: would it be mediated by loyalty to the Bavarian state, or did true Germanness demand the overcoming of all such interventions? That question, which corresponded roughly to the political debate between großdeutsch and kleindeutsch ("big German" and Prussian-dominated "small German") visions of national integration, was further complicated by the confessionally divided character of the Pfalz and by repeated outbursts of political radicalism in the region. As a result, the Pfalz suffered from a split personality in the middle decades of the nineteenth century. On the one hand, a considerable proportion of the local elite supported Bavaria's efforts at state building, participating, for instance, in a local historical establishment friendly to the dynasticism of the Wittelsbachs. On the other hand, democratic and pro-Prussian sentiment, overlapping with the Protestant elite, resisted assimilation into Bavaria and Bavarian-sponsored nationalism.
A compromise was finally forged on the eve of unification. Its political basis was the ascendancy in both Bavaria and the Pfalz of the National Liberal party, with its amalgam of kleindeutsch visions of unification and a mostly Protestant liberalism; and its strength lay in the domination of a political style, that of the Honoratioren , or local notables. With one eye on the nation, the source of their pride, and the other on the locality, the source of their distinction, these worthy gentlemen embodied the dual nature of Heimat consciousness. The formal honoring of the Heimat, which really began in the 1870s, was their work and reflected both their pride and their privilege. Its chief institutional expression was the Historical Association of the Pfalz (Historischer Verein der Pfalz), refounded in 1869 for the promotion of Heimatgeschichte , the history of the Heimat. From the beginning the society's membership included the political, religious, and economic leaders of the Pfalz. In a province with no dominant city, no aristocratic circles, and a comparatively undeveloped associational life, the Historical Association held the premier position in regional cultural affairs. It was the patron of museum
collections, the sponsor of lecture series, the preserver of monuments, and the promoter and publisher of historical, archeological, and ethnographic research. From 1870 to 1890, its monopoly over the evidence of a Pfälzer past corresponded to its domination of the civic associations of the Pfälzer present.
But the Honoratioren political style was not robust. It eventually gave way, in the Pfalz as in the rest of Germany, to a politics of large, national parties directed, even at the local level, toward mass constituencies. Local associational life, once the preserve of the local worthies, was inundated with new clubs, new participants, new interests. The staid ceremonial speeches that had been the forum for the patriotism of the local worthies now competed for public attention with extravagant parades, mass outings in the forests, and other equally undignified civic rituals. By the turn of the century, Heimat patronage had become the Heimat movement. Local patriotism, instead of slowly fading into insignificance with its former sponsors, was flourishing as never before. In a political culture with no satisfactory national symbology, the Heimat movement provided occasions to express one's sense of national as well as local belonging and to celebrate, however superficially, a community of common purpose.
Despite their recent origins, those rituals proved their worth in the difficult years of wartime and occupation that, following close on the heyday of the Heimat, tested the strength of national loyalties in the Pfalz. The 1920s in particular were marked by a series of crises, from revolutions to separatist putsches, that undermined the legitimacy of Bavarian rule and threatened to disassociate the Pfalz from Germany itself. In the face of disintegrating forces from outside and within, the Pfälzer Heimat clubs turned their energies to an aggressive assertion of the Germanness of the Pfalz. Their Heimat was both besieged and inviolate, vulnerable and eternal. The image had been effective in wartime and proved equally so in the unhappy years of the Republic. At the same time, Heimat promotion increasingly fell under the supervision of state agencies. Both the Bavarian and German governments poured resources into Heimat associations in the 1920s, continuing a practice that had begun informally during the war. On the surface, Heimat promotion was still the domain of voluntary associations; in reality, however, it had become a branch of official German propaganda.
Yet the Heimat activities of the Weimar Republic were a more complicated and interesting phenomenon than such a description would suggest. An important group of republican activists hoped that the medium of the Heimat—its clubs, its publications, its festivities—might serve the cause of democracy as effectively as it was serving the cause of German patriotism. Drawing on a mixture of political traditions, from Stein's ideal of communal self-administration to the democratic liberalism of the Pfälzers' own Hambach Festival, the Heimat republicans tried to infuse local patriotism with
the spirit of self-rule and responsible citizenship. In the context of the occupation, their efforts could not succeed. The republicans were thwarted by pro-Bavarian cultural conservatives on the one hand and by the increasingly noisy radical nationalists on the other. A "school for political violence," the French occupation unwittingly aided the rise of National Socialism in the Pfalz. By 1930, when the French finally withdrew, the quiet voices of the Heimat republicans had become almost inaudible.
Whatever independence from the state the idea and institutions of Heimat still had by the end of the french occupation, they lost after 1933. Nazi rule intensified the nationalism of Heimat sentiment and destroyed the autonomy of local associational life. In the writings of the Nazi ideologues of the 1930s, Heimat became simply one more term among many that revolved around the central themes of race, blood, and German destiny. Stripped of its provincial particularities, Heimat ceased to mean much of anything. Its survival in the Nazi period is testimony to little more than the Nazi capacity to make use of the materials at hand. At least in the Pfalz, its contribution to the Nazi appeal was negligible before 1933 and irrelevant afterward. By the final years of the war, Heimat activities had ceased altogether. If indeed Heimat loyalties lived on, they did so covertly and, unlike during the First World War, in resistance to the war itself.
For all these reasons, Heimat emerged from the Nazi experience as though unsullied. The rebirth of Heimat in the postwar era bore an odd resemblance to its emergence in the tentative first years of the General Estate. Once again Heimat suggested a new way to think about localness and Germanness together; once again it contributed to a process of creating a new German identity. But since 1945 Heimat has expressed a far more ambivalent attitude toward nations and their power. Its supporters have mostly subscribed to the interpretation of Nazism as centralized power gone mad; they have recommended Heimat as an antidote not to Germanness as such but to excessive Germanness. In 1946, for instance, a local almanac writer in the Pfalz felt that the most important project of the day was to restore "Heimat thinking" to "healthy channels": "The Pfälzers must learn again to feel themselves as Pfälzers."[43] The major consequence of this attitude was an attempt to restore Heimat associational activities to the center of local civic life, the position they had held at the turn of the century.
More recently still, the filmmaker Edgar Reitz made Heimat the title and theme of a long treatment of life in the twentieth century for the inhabitants of a small German village. Reitz's Heimat appeared on German television over nine weeks in 1984, gathering an enormous popular audience as well as considerable attention in academic and political circles. Reitz has been criticized (often by Americans) for consigning Nazism in general and Nazi
[43] Hans Reetz, ed., Pfälzerland: Illustrierter Familien-Kalender (Landau/Pfalz, 1946).
atrocities in particular to the periphery of his characters' lives.[44] But this criticism surely misses the point—not because it fails to understand the reality of small-town isolation but because it fails to understand the non-literal, the symbolic importance of Heimat itself. Heimat has never been a word about real social forces or real political situations. Instead it has been a myth about the possibility of a community in the face of fragmentation and alienation. In the postwar era, Heimat has meant forgiving, and also a measure of forgetting. Right up to the present, it has focused public attention on the meaning of tradition and locality for the nation itself. The survival and transformation of Heimat reveal to us the struggle to create a national identity out of the diverse materials of a provincially rooted society.
[44] For a sampling of the critical reaction, see the special issue of New German Critique , no. 36 (Fall 1985), esp. the articles by Miriam Hansen ("Dossier on Heimat ," pp. 3–24) and Michael E. Geisler ("'Heimat' and the German Left: The Anamnesis of a Trauma," pp. 25–66); Timothy Garten Ash, "The Life of Death," New York Review of Books 32 (19 December 1985): 26–29; and Kenneth D. Barkin, "Modern Germany: A Twisted Vision," Dissent (Spring 1987): 252–55. See also Anton Kaes, From Hitler to Heimat: The Return of History as Film (Cambridge, Mass., 1989), esp. pp. 163–92.