Grammatici, , Magistri Ludi, and the Like

1. ACACIUS. Gramm. Constantinople? s.IV med.

Seeck, Briefe 46f.; PLRE I s.v. 5, p. 6.

Recipient of Lib. Ep . 398 and perhaps of Ep . 431 (both an. 355). That A. was a teacher is evident from Ep . 398.2: . That he was a gramm. is likely since some of his pupils went on to study with Libanius; cf. ibid., continuing from the sentence above: (cf. Seeck, Briefe 47).

Seeck, Briefe 47 and 320 (followed by Festugière, Antioche 105 n. 7), locates A. in Constantinople, because Ep . 398 stands just before a series of letters addressed to correspondents in Constantinople and its environs (Ep . 399-402, 404) and because Libanius had recently been teaching in Constantinople, until 354. But Ep . 398 stands just after an equally long series of letters addressed to correspondents in Bithynia, Ep . 394-97. (PLRE I is wrong to state that the letter "falls within" a group of letters addressed to Constantinople.) A. could therefore have been active in Nicomedia, where Libanius had also taught successfully for a number of years. The matter seems incapable of resolution: note that five of Libanius's students are known to have come from Bithynia, ten from Constantinople; cf. Petit, Étudiants 114. Libanius's more recent tenure in the capital might, however, tip the balance in favor of Constantinople. See also below.

Seeck, Briefe 47, identifies A. with the Acacius of Ep . 431, whom one Daphnus subjected to trial before the PPO Strategius Musonianus at Antioch in the autumn of 355. The nature of the case is obscure: Libanius says only that Daphnus had posted a surety in the case despite Musonianus's attempt to discourage him and was awaiting Acacius's arrival,

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and that Acacius was being aided by the intervention of Clematius, Apodemius, and Libanius himself. Clematius is evidently Clematius 2 (PLRE I p. 213), an agens in rebus (?) at the time, who returned to Constantinople shortly thereafter; Seeck (RE 1.2819.21ff.; cf. PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 82) identified Apodemius with the agens in rebus instrumental in the death of Gallus and active in Gaul earlier in 355. Apodemius may therefore have traveled to Antioch with Clematius, who had come from Italy by way of Constantinople. If so, and if the gramre. A. (above) was the recipient of Ep . 431, the route of Clematius and Apodemius would favor locating the gramre. in Constantinople.

2. ADAMANTIUS. Lat. gramm. Sardis? Before 580; s.V ex. / s.VI init.?

RE 1.343-44 (Goetz); PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 7; cf. Sch.-Hos. 4:2.220.

A doctor . . . elocutionis Latinae (GL 7.165.14f.); father of Martyrius (q.v., no. 95). The latter is called Sardianus in the subscr. to one ms of his work and might be dated to s.VI 1/2-med. If the epithet is accurate, A. was possibly of Sardis also; if the dating of Martyrius is correct, then A. should be dated to s.V ex. / s.VI init.

A. provided the inspiration for his son's treatise on b and v: GL 7.165.13f., hoc commentario nostro acceptis seminibus ab Adamantio meo patre . He was confused with his son by Cassiodorus, whose use of Martyrius's treatise provides a term. a. q . for the pair.

See further s.v. Martyrius, no. 95.

AEGIALEUS: see no. 179.

+ AETHERIUS: see no. 180.

3. AGATHODAEMON. Gramm. Egypt? s.IV ex. / s.V 1/3.

PLRE II s.v., p. 33.

A : inscr. Isid. Pel. Ep . 3.303; 5.55, 334, 439, 454; cf. also a reference to his students in Ep . 5.55 and Isidore's reflections on the effectiveness of his in Ep . 5.334. Recipient of several letters from Isidore of Pelusium involving moral exhortation (Ep . 3.303; 5.55, 454) and discussion of style (Ep . 5.439). Ep . 5.444, a protreptic letter with a literary conceit, may be to the same man: it is addressed simply , without the title ; cf. also Ep . 1.270, 435, similarly inscribed. The recipient of the latter two epistles was a Christian (1.270, vs. ) critical of the ascetic life (1.435).

His school's location cannot be determined. It was evidently in the same place as that of Ophelius (q.v., no. 109), with whom A. received Ep . 5.439; it therefore presumably was in a good-sized town, since a small town would not likely have two . His name suggests Egyptian origin; cf. Ganschinietz, RE Suppl. 3.58.33ff.

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AGROECIUS: see no. 181.

ALBINUS: see no. 182.

ALETHIUS: see no. 183.

4. ALEXANDER. Gramm. . s.IV 2/3.

Seeck, Briefe 56; PLRE I s.v. 7, p. 41.

The subject of Lib. Ep . 1255, 1256 (both an. 364); called in Ep . 1256.3. As is clear from Ep . 1255.1, , this is Libanius's normal use of to mean (see Appendix 2). A. had already taught for a long time in Antioch (Ep . 1255.1, ) and was returning in 364 to his (Ep . 1255.2), which must have been Heliopolis in Phoenice; cf. Ep . 1256, to Alexander of Heliopolis (= Alexander 5 PLRE I, p. 40). He appears to have received an official appointment as teacher in Heliopolis: Ep . 1255.3, to Domninus, cons. Phoenices , . A. is also commended to Alexander (see above; Ep . 1256.3), a local power at Heliopolis who had shown himself well disposed toward the literary culture and its teachers during his governorship of Syria in 363: cf. Lib. Ep . 838, 1361, 1366, 1390, and esp. 1370, on Gerontius's appointment to the chair of rhetoric at Apamea.

5. ALEXANDER. . s.V 1/3.

PLRE II s.v. 7, p. 56.

Addressee of Nil. Ancyr. Ep . 2.49, , on the theme "the wisdom of the world is folly in the eyes of God." The letter is among those whose inscr. may have been derived entirely or in part from their contents: cf. Alan Cameron, "Authenticity" 185f.; and s.v. Asclepius, no. 18. For other letters addressed , see Ep . 1.129, 2.120-23, all possibly to A.; compare esp. the themes of Ep . 2.49 and 2.120.

6. ALYPIUS. Gramm. Seleucia (Isauria). s.V med.

PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 62.

Gramm. (; cf. Appendix 2) teaching at Isaurian Seleucia. When near death he was cured after incubation in the shrine of St. Thecla, with whom he communicated by quoting a verse of Homer, Il . 1.365: [Basil. Sel.] Vie et miracles de Sainte Thècle 2.38 Dagron. On the source (contemporary with Basil, but not by him), cf. Dagron, "Auteur."

A.'s son, Olympius (q.v., no. 108), was also a gramm.; see also s.v. Solymius, no. 259.

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7 ALYPIUS. Gramm. . s.V 4/4 / s.VI 1/4.

PLRE II s.v. 6, p. 62.

A ; recipient of Procop. Gaz. Ep . 13 with Stephanus and Hierius (qq.v., nos. 141, 75): Ep . 13 tit. With the other two men A. had gone from Gaza to Antioch (Daphne): Ep . 13.1ff.; cf. s.vv. Hierius, Stephanus. Procopius's phrasing suggests that the two Greek gramm. (A. and Stephanus) and the one Latin gramm. (Hierius) constituted the entire corps of gramm. at Gaza; cf. esp. Ep . 13.11ff.: [viz., Solon] ;

8. AMMONIANUS. Gramm. Egypt; probably Alexandria. s.V med.

RE 1.1861 (Cohn); PLRE II s.v., p. 70.

Gramm.: Suda A.1639, ; O.391, ; cf. Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 60 = frg. 111 Zintzen = Suda A.1639, quoted at Appendix 1.3e. Relative of the philosopher Syrianus (and so of Aedesia, wife of Hermias and mother of Ammonius and Heliodorus; cf. Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 124), whom he resembled spiritually and physically: Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 111. His name and relation to Syrianus make it clear that he was Egyptian, presumably of Alexandria. If Asmus was correct in making him the teacher of Isidore ("Rekonstruktion" 454f.; Leben 37f.), he will have been active (again, presumably at Alexandria) ca. s.V med.

He is said to have owned an ass that was mad for poetry: Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 60 = frg. 111; cf. Suda O.391.

9. AMMONIUS. Gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV 1/3.

PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 54.

The name "Ammonius" appears in the tit. of Auson. Prof . 10: Gramrnaticis Latinis Burdigalensibus [cf. Prof . 8] Philologis / Ammonio Anastasio / Grammatico Pictaviorum . It is supplied thence by all editors at v. 35, where some name is plainly missing, to designate the teacher who precedes Anastasius (vv. 42ff.) in the catalogue. It has been suggested (Booth, "Notes" 243) that Ammonio Anastasio in the tit. is the name of one man, viz., Anastasius (q.v., no. 11), in which case the name of the teacher commemorated in vv. 32ff. would be lost beyond retrieval. Note, however, that Ammonius Anastasius would itself be an unusual name and that the only grammatici Ausonius commemorated who have two or more names—Pomponius Maximus Herculanus and Acilius Glabrio, the former a curialis , the latter possessing claims to nobility (see s.vv., nos. 70, 64; the second name of Leontius [q.v., no. 89] Lascivus was a playful supernomen and so is irrelevant here)—were both probably of higher status than the teacher of

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vv. 32-41: see below. It is probably best to retain the traditional solution noted above; for a survey of other solutions to the problems the tit. of Prof. 10 presents, see Booth, "Notes" 243.

A. was a grammaticus (v. 31) Latinus (tit.) who taught rudibus pueris / prima elementa (vv. 36-37); cf. s.v. Crispus (no. 40) and Appendix 4. He had famam tenuem because he was doctrina exiguus (see preceding) and because he had mores implacidi (vv. 38-41). He was active probably very early in s.IV and in any event before the time of Ausonius's own tenure at Bordeaux, which began ca. 336/37; see further s.v. Concordius, no. 35. His name points to a non-Gallic—specifically, Egyptian—background.

10. AMMONIUS. Gramm. . s.IV ex.

RE 1.1866.8ff. (Cohn); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1080; PLRE I s.v. 3, p. 55.

A : Soc. HE 5.16.10, 15. Active at Alexandria, whence he fled with the gramm. Helladius (q.v., no. 67) to Constantinople after the desecration of the Serapeum at Alexandria in 391: Soc. ibid. = Phot. Bibl. cod. 28 (1.16 Henry) = Nic. Call. HE 12.25.

A. was a pagan and a priest of the ape: Soc. HE 5.16.11, (for which cf. John Chrysost. Ad pop. Ant. hom. 10.3, In Gen. serm. 1.2; Zach. Schol. Vie de Sévère p. 35.4). The ape meant is probably the , sacred to Hermes-Thot as god of the moon and, esp. appropriate here, of ; cf. Horapollon Hieroglyph. 1.14 Hopfner (Fontes historiae religionis Aegyptiacae 4.582.8f.), with Hopfner, Tierkult 26ff. The historian Socrates, who was a pupil of both Ammonius and Helladius at Constantinople, heard A. indignantly recount the events of 391: HE 5.16.15.

A. is probably not the author of an epic poem on Arcadius's victory over Gainas in 400 (cf. Soc. HE 6.6.37, with Alan Cameron, "Wandering Poets" 480 n. 63, 483 n. 81): "Ammonius" is among the commonest of names; and Socrates dates the poem to 438, rather late for A., who can hardly have been born much later than ca. 370. He is certainly not the author of the lexicon De adfinium vocabulorum differentia surviving under the names of Ammonius and of several others (cf. most recently Nickau, ed., Ammonius lxvi-lxvii); and he is probably not the reviser, who quotes Luke 7.3.

11. ANASTASIUS. Gramm. . s.IV 1/3.

PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 59.

Anastasius: Auson. Prof. 10.42; on the names Ammonio Anastasio in the corrupt tit. of Prof. 10, see s.v. Ammonius, no. 9. Grammaticus (ibid. tit., v. 45) Latinus (ibid. tit.). A native of Bordeaux (v. 46; cf. 51-53), where he apparently taught for some time (v. 53: it was only in senio , when he moved to Poitiers, that he suffered his reverses). He moved to Poitiers

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out of ambitio : vv. 47-48; cf. tit., Anastasio grammatico Pictaviorum. His ambition must have been frustrated, since Ausonius says that he lived ibi et tenuem / victum habitumque colens having lost the gloriolam exilem / et patriae et cathedrae , vv. 49-53.

He was active at Bordeaux probably very early in s.IV and in any event not later than s. IV 1/3; see s.v. Concordius, no. 35. His name suggests that he was a Christian or at least born of Christian parents.

+ 12. ANATOLIUS. Gramm. Alexandria. s.VI med.

RE 1.2073 (Cohn).

Gramm. who enhanced his reputation () at Alexandria by applying a line of Homer, Il. 18.392, to Hephaestus, praefectus Augustal. 546-51: Olympiodorus Comm. in Alc. 1 2.80ff. Westerink; for the date of Hephaestus's prefecture, see Stein, Histoire 2.754 n. 1; for a comparably literary play on the name of the same Hephaestus, see Ioannes Lydus (q.v., no. 92) De mag. 3.30. A. is very likely the gramm. Anatolius at whose request Cosmas Indicopleustes composed the seventh book of the Christ. topogr. not long after 547: 7.97.12f., ; cf. Westerink, Anonymous Prolegomena xiv; Alan Cameron, "Last Days" 11f.; Wolska, ed., Christ. topogr. vol. 3 p. 167 n. 2; for the date, cf. Wolska, ed., Christ. topogr. vol. 1 p. 16. In view of the subscription and of the highly polemical character of Christ. topogr. 7, A. must have been a Christian.

13. ANAXAGORAS. Gramm. s.V 1/3.

PLRE II s.v., p. 86.

Addressee of Nil. Ancyr. Ep. 1.195 (), 196. The second letter purports to answer a question concerning the interpretation of Proverbs 1.9, which is quoted in the first letter.

ANTIOCHUS: see no. 184.

^* 14. APOLLINARIUS. Gramm. and presbyter. . Born not after 290, probably before; dead probably before 362.

RE 1.2842 (Jülicher); Leitzmann, Apollinaris 1ff., 43ff.; cf. Barnes, "More Missing Names" 140.

Father of Apollinarius the heresiarch: born in Alexandria (Soc. HE 2.46) probably ca. 280, certainly no later than 290. The birth of the son, who died 383/92, is to be dated ca. 310; cf. below.

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A gramm.: Soc. ibid., , and 3.16; Soz. HE 6.25.9 (cf. Jer. De vir. ill. 104, on the younger A., magis grammaticis in adulescentia operam dedit , perhaps confusing him with his father). He taught at Berytus and then at Laodicea: Soc. HE 2.46. At Laodicea he married, had a son (Soc. ibid.), and served as presbyter in the church (Jer. ibid.; Soc. ibid.; Soz. HE 6.25.11). His son taught rhetoric (Soc. ibid. and 3.16) and was early on reader (Soc. HE 2.46; Soz. ibid.) and later bishop of the church at Laodicea.

Under the bishop Theodotus, the two Apollinarii associated with the pagan sophist Epiphanius (= PLRE I s.v. no. 1, pp. 280f.), teacher of the younger A. at the time: , Soz. HE 6.25.9; Sozomen's chronology is consistent with a date of birth for the younger A. of ca. 310, since Theodotus is known to have been bishop at least 325-30. The association led to their temporary excommunication: so Soz. HE 6.25.12; according to Soc. HE 2.46, the break did not come until later (see below). But their association continued under the bishop George, who may have excommunicated them a second time—that is, Soc. and Soz. differ: according to Soz., there were two excommunications, under Theodotus (ended by the repentance of father and son), and under George (for which only the younger A. is mentioned); according to Soc., the warnings of Theodotus were ignored, and the excommunication did not occur until the time of George, when both Apollinarii were affected.

According to Soc. (HE 3.16) both Apollinarii turned to the task of adapting Scripture to use in the schools after Julian's school law of 362; according to Soz. (HE 5.18), only the younger A. was involved in this venture. Sozomen is probably correct; the elder A. would have been near eighty at the time, if indeed he was still alive. Neither A. had anything to do with the hexameter paraphrase of the Psalter that survives under the name of Apollinarius; cf. Golega, Homerische Psalter 5ff.

15. APOLLONIUS. Gramm. Athens. 260/68.

PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 85.

Participant in a memorial celebration of Plato hosted by Longinus and attended by, int. al. , Porphyrius, Nicagoras the sophist (omitted from PLRE I; but cf. s.v. Nicagoras 1, p. 627), Demetrius the (= PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 247), Prosenes the Peripatetic (= PLRE I s.v., p. 751), and Callietes the Stoic (= PLRE I s.v., p. 173): Euseb. Praep. ev. 10.3, from Porphyr. . 1. He is represented as speaking at length on the subject of plagiarism in various authors—Ephorus, Theopompus, Menander, et al.

ELIUS APRILICUS: see no. 185.

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AQUILA: see no. 186.

16. ARCADIUS. Gramm. Antioch. Aet. incert. : s.II ex. / s.VI 1/2.

RE 2.1153-56 (Cohn); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1077f.; Hunger 2.13, 15, 19; PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 130.

Called in the Suda , A.3948; included in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, under the heading . The notice in the Suda attributes to him the following works: . The is cited in the epitome of Steph. Byz. s.v. "Aktion ; the other citations of A. in the probably derive from the same source (see below). The citations of A. in Choerobosc. Schol. in Theodos. (GG 4:1.196.33, 205.28f.) derive from the , if one can judge from their content and from the section of the scholia in which the citations occur. A. is not the author of the epitome of Herodian's Kaqpros . (ed. M. Schmidt [Jena, 1860]) attributed to him in two late Paris mss; cf. Lentz, GG 3:1, cxxx-cxxxv; Egenolff, Orthoepischen Stücke 5f.; Galland, De Arcadii qui fertur libro 12ff.; Cohn, RE 2.1154.4ff.; see also s.vv. Aristodemus, Theodosius, nos. 188, 152.

Evidence for precise dating is absent, but a date sometime in the period s.II ex./s.VI 1/2 seems secure. Although A. is not the author of the epitome of Herodian, the titles of the works attributed to him suggest that he was an epigonus of Herodian and of Herodian's father, Apollonius Dyscolus. (Kröhnert, Canones 46, placed A. before Herodian; for what reasons it is not clear.) A. is cited several times in the epitome of Steph. Byz.: in addition to the citation s.v. "Aktion , see also s.vv. . If these are not interpolations—and it seems unlikely that they all are: see esp. s.vv. —they would provide a likely term. a. q. of s.V ex./s. VI 1/2; for the date, see s.v. Stephanus, no. 144. I suspect but cannot prove that A. lived closer to the end than to the beginning of the period defined by those termini : he is cited in the company of Orus (q.v., no. 111) at both places in Choeroboscus, and with Eudaemon (presumably of Pelusium, q.v., no. 55) in the second; he is cited again with Eudaemon at Steph. Byz. s.v. .

^* ARETHUSIUS: see no. 187.

^* ARISTODEMUS: see no. 188.

17. ASCLEPIADES. Gramm. or philosopher, or both. Alexandria. s.V 2/3-3/4.

Cf. RE 2.1631 no. 35 (Freudenthal); PLRE II s.v. 2, pp. 158f.

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Son of the gramm. Horapollon, father of the gramm. and philosopher Fl. Horapollon (qq.v., nos. 77, 78), he is said by the latter to have taught all his life at Alexandria (PCairMasp. 3.67295.i.15) and to have been linked with his brother by the "Muse of philosophy" (ibid. i.18f.). As son and father of these two Horapollones, he should have his floruit placed ca. s.V 2/3-3/4; he was dead at least by the time (early in the reign of Anastasius) that the document represented by PCairMasp. 3.67295 was drafted; cf. i.15. On the suggestion that he was dead by 485, see below.

His brother was perhaps the philosopher Heraiscus; see further s.v. Fl. Horapollon. A. himself is perhaps to be identified with the Asclepiades referred to by Damascius as a philosopher and as the author of several works on the pharaonic religion and on Egyptian history; cf. V. Isid. epit. Phot. 93-94, frgs. 161, 164, 165, 174 Zintzen; Dub. et solut. 125 quater , 1.324.2ff. Ruelle. But note, in addition to the remarks s.v. Fl. Horapollon, that Maspéro ("Horapollon" 180) concluded that A. must have been dead by 485/87 since he is not found among the philosophers at Alexandria named in the account of Zach. Schol. Vie de Sévère pp. 14ff., though Heraiscus and Fl. Horapollon are mentioned there. If Maspéro is correct, A. cannot be the egyptianizing philosopher Asclepiades, who is known to have survived Heraiscus (Damasc. V. Isid. frg. 174).

18. ASCLEPIUS. Gramm. s. V 1/3.

PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 163.

Addressee of Nil. Ancyr. Ep. 3.24, , on the folly of . The letter presents as its central questions ;—cf. Isaiah 33.18, ; (and cf. Isaiah 19.11f.). It is among those letters of Nilus whose inscr. may have been derived from their contents; on this problem, cf. Alan Cameron, "Authenticity" 185f.; cf. also s.v. Alexander, no. 5. Of course, Nilus's variation on Isaiah may have been motivated by A.'s profession.

19. ASMONIUS. Gramm.? s.IV 2/4-2/3.

RE 2.1702f. (Goetz); Sch.-Hos. 4:1.142; PLRE I s.v., p. 117.

Author of an ars dedicated to Constantius: Prisc. GL 2.516.6, Asmonius in arte, quam ad Constantium imperatorem scribit. The quotation concerns a question of verbal morphology; thus, the work was either a general ars grammatica or an ars de verbo. He also wrote on meter (Prisc. De metr. Terent., GL 3.420.1), drawing on Iuba; cf. Goetz, RE 2.1702f. Although Prisc. does not call A. grammaticus (vel sim. ), the composition of an ars , esp. one dedicated to a person outside his own family (contrast s.v. Fl.

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Sosipater Charisius, no. 200), makes it likely that A. was a gramm. by profession.

ASTYAGIUS: see no. 189.

AUDAX: see no. 190.

20. AUR. AUGUSTINUS. . . 13 Nov. 354 - 28 Aug. 430.

RE 2.2363-67 (Jülicher); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.398-470; PLRE II s.v. 2, pp. 186ff.

Born 13 November 354: Beat. vit. 1.6, with Possid. V. Aug. 31; Prosper Chron. 1304, Chron. min. 1.473. Son of Monica and Patricius, a curialis of Thagaste (Numidia) of modest means: Conf. 2.3.5; Possid. V. Aug. 1. In his education and early secular career he enjoyed the patronage of Romanianus of Thagaste; cf. esp. C. Acad. 2.2.3; and, most recently, Gabillon, "Romanianus." Educated by his "first teacher" at Thagaste (Conf. 1.9.14ff.) and then at Madaurus (Conf. 2.3.5) in grammar and rhetoric; his teacher of grammar was perhaps Maximus (q.v., no. 96). After his studies had been interrupted for lack of funds in his sixteenth year (Conf. ibid.), his rhetorical training was continued at Carthage (Conf. 3.1.1ff.).

A. dates his activity as teacher and Manichee from his nineteenth year (= 372/73; Conf. 4.1.1). He taught first at Thagaste (Conf. 4.4.7); his general statement at Conf. 4.2.2, docebam in illis annis artem rhetoricam , could suggest that he taught rhetoric at Thagaste; but Possidius says grammar: V. Aug. 1, nam et grammaticam prius in sua civitate et rhetoricam in Africae capite Carthagine postea docuit. Possidius's assertion is confirmed by Paulin. Nol. Ep. 7.3 and 8.1, to Romanianus and Licentius, respectively. A. was the first teacher of Licentius; see Kaster, "Notes" 333.

Soon after beginning his career at Thagaste, A. went to Carthage, where he taught rhetoric: Conf. 4.7.12ff.; cf. Conf. 5.7.1;3; C. Acad. 2.2.3. He apparently had a municipal appointment there: Conf. 6.7.11, publica schola uterer. In 383 he went to teach in Rome (Conf. 5.8.14, 5.12.22), and in 384 Symmachus recommended him for the post of public rhetorician in Milan: Conf. 5.13.23; cf. below. He was converted to Christianity in August of 386 and resigned his teaching post in the autumn of the same year; he was baptized on Easter 387: Conf. 8.6.13ff.; cf. also s.vv. Nebridius (no. 104); Verecundus (no. 159); Anonymus 5 (no. 171), 6 (no. 172).

Early in his teaching career he formed a liaison with a concubine who bore him a son, Adeodatus (Conf. 4.2.2, 9.6.14); Adeodatus was with A. in Milan (Beat. vit 1.6) and was baptized with him (Conf. 9.6.14ff.). While

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A. was at Milan, he was joined by his mother (Conf. 6.1.1), at whose urging he contracted an honorable marriage (Conf. 6.13.23). He sent away his concubine, the mother of Adeodatus, because she was regarded as an impedimentum to his marriage (Conf. 6.15.25); but since the girl to whom he was betrothed was still two years under marriageable age (Conf. 6.13.23), A. took another concubine for the interim (Conf. 6.15.25). The marriage was never realized.

Besides Licentius, his pupils included Alypius (at both Thagaste and Carthage: Conf. 6.7.11) and his fellow civis Trygetius (Beat. vit. 1.6). To the period before his conversion belongs the lost De pulchro et apto , written during his tenure at Carthage and dedicated to Hierius, Romanae urbis orator (Conf. 4.14.20f.; cf. PLRE I s.v. Hierius 5, p. 431); while at Carthage he also won a literary contest (Conf. 4.3.5; cf. 4.1.1). During his tenure at Milan he delivered panegyrics of Valentinian II (Conf. 6.6.9) and the consul Bauto (1 Jan. 385; C. litt. Petil. 3.25.30) and entertained hopes of a provincial governorship (Conf. 6.11.19). Among the works written at Milan while A. was awaiting baptism (cf. Retract. 1.1-6) was a treatise on grammar, which A. later lost (ibid. 1.6). The gramm. treatises now extant under his name (GL 5.494ff.) are supposititious.

He became presbyter of Hippo in 391 and bishop in 395; he died 28 August 430 (Possid. V. Aug. 31; Prosper Chron. 1304, Chron. min. 1.473). For further details, see esp. H.-I. Marrou, Saint Augustin ; Brown, Augustine.

21. DECIMUS MAGNUS AUSONIUS. . Ital.. . Ca. 310 - ca. 394; dead not before 393.

RE 2.2562-80 (Marx); Sch.-Hos. 4:1.21-43; Jouai, Magistraat ; Stroheker, Senatorische Adel 150ff. no. 51; Hopkins, "Social Mobility"; Étienne, Bordeaux 335ff.; Booth, "Academic Career"; PLRE I s.v. Ausonius 7, pp. 140f.

Decimus Magnus Ausonius: Decimi Magni Ausonii , inscr. of Mosella and some mss of the Caesares ; cf. Decii Magni Ausonii , inscr. of the Ordo urb. nob. The only evidence for "Decimius" is his son's name, Decimius Hilarianus Hesperius: cf. Green, "Prosopographical Notes" 26 n. 32.

Born at Bordeaux (Praef. 1.7 et saep. ) ca. 310 (hardly before); son of the physician Iulius Ausonius and Aemilia Aeonia: cf. esp. Par. 1, 2; Epiced. in patrem. A. was educated first at Bordeaux (Prof. 10.11ff., 8.9-12, 3.1f.), then at Toulouse in the school of his uncle (and soon imperial tutor) Aemilius Magnus Arborius: cf. esp. Prof. 16 and Par. 3.7-14. He is sometimes thought to have been taught at Bordeaux by Ti. Victor Minervius (cf. Prof. 1.9-11, 25f.), but Minervius was perhaps rather a patron than a

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teacher; cf. Booth, "Notes" 247 n. 37. After completing his education he perhaps tried, but failed, to gain the chair of rhetoric vacated by his uncle at Toulouse ca. 330(?: see Booth, "Academic Career" 330ff.).

When A. began to teach as gramm. at Bordeaux, he managed also, if less earnestly, to appear as an advocate in the courts; cf. Praef. 1.17-18, nec fora non celebrata mihi sed cura docendi / cultior. Despite PLRE I, p. 140, it is. not certain that he practiced at the bar before turning to teaching; nec . . . non celebrata . . . sed . . . cultior suggests two concurrent activities, with the second more zealously pursued (cultior ). This would probably have been ca. 336/37; see below concerning his tuition of Gratian. His marriage, to Attusia Lucana Sabina of Bordeaux (Par. 8.1; Par. 9), probably belongs to this same period.

As gramm. he first taught the elements to the youngest pupils but soon advanced to the upper level of grammatical instruction: Epist. 22.67-72 (on the distinction, see Appendix 4; for a different reconstruction of this stage of A.'s career at Bordeaux, see Booth, "Academic Career" 332ff.). After some time, A. advanced to the teaching of rhetoric (Epist. 22.73-76; Prof. 24.5-6); he was succeeded as grammaticus by Acilius Glabrio (q.v., no. 64).

His tenure at Bordeaux lasted thirty years (Praef. 1.23-24), during which his pupils included his nephew Herculanus (also a gramm.; cf. s.v., no. 70), the teacher Tetradius (q.v., no. 263), and Paulinus of Nola (Paulin. Nol. Carm. 10.93ff.).

He was then summoned to the imperial court to be Gratian's tutor, first in grammar, then in rhetoric (Praef. 1.24-27). The summons is often dated ca. 365 (summary: Jouai, Magistraat 47 and n. 4), when Gratian (b. 18 April 359) would have been six. A more likely date is 366, when Gratian was seven (see Booth, "Academic Career" 332 n. 12), or 367, when Valentinian's court was installed at Trier (see Étienne, Bordeaux 342f.; Matthews, Aristocracies 51).

Subsequently he was made comes and QSP , 375-76: comes et quaestor, Praef. 1.35. That he became quaestor while Valentinian was still alive, therefore before 17 November 375, is stated in Grat. act. 2.11 and Epist. 22.90; that he was still quaestor in 376 is shown by Symm. Ep. 1.13 (cf. also Epist. 13 tit., and see s.v. Harmonius, no. 65). In 377-79 he was PPO Galliarum and PPO Galliarum, Italiae et Africae ; the latter post he held jointly with his son Hesperius: cf. Epist. 22.91, praefectura duplex ; see also Grat. act. 2.11, cum teneamus duo. He was consul prior in 379: prior, Praef. 1.27-28; cf. Epist. 22.93. For details, see Jouai, Magistraat 146ff.; PLRE I s.vv. Iulius Ausonius 5, Decimius Magnus Ausonius 7, Decimius Hilarianus Hesperius 2 (with Green, "Prosopographical Notes" 24); Matthews, Aristocracies 51ff., 69ff.

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It is unclear whether he was involved in the education of Valentinian II (b. 371), as is sometimes assumed: A. himself is silent; and it is perhaps the natural inference from Dom. 1 praef., de palatio post multos annos honoratissimus, quippe iam consul , that soon after his consulship he returned to the villula inherited from his father near Bordeaux. He was again at Trier under Maximus in 383: Epist. 20 tit. Of his correspondence with Symmachus, no piece can be dated later than the consulship. His correspondence with Paulinus, Epist. 23-31, shows him alive in 393.

For a stemma of the family, see Jouai, Magistraat at end; Étienne, Bordeaux 365; PLRE I stemma 8, pp. 1134-35 (with Étienne, "Démographie"; cf. Bordeaux 362ff.). On the property of Ausonius and his family, see Hopkins, "Social Mobility" 240ff.; Étienne, Bordeaux 362ff.; with Chap. 3 pp. 102-3.

AUXILIUS: see no. 191.

^* BABYLAS: see no. 192.

^* 22. BONIFATIUS. Gramm. Rome. s.IV ex. / s.V init.

Bonifatius sc [holasticus ?] grammaticus: CIL 6.9446 = 33808 = ILCV 726 = ICVR , n.s., 1.1549. With the restoration suggested by Henzen at lines If., BONIFATIO SC [HOLASTICO ] GRAMMATICO , compare the styles and cited s.v. Philagrius, no. 117. B. taught at the forum Traiani at Rome in the late fourth or early fifth century: lines 6-7, Traiani qu<a>eren atria m [--- / tota Roma flebit et ipse [--- (cf. Marrou, "Vie intellectuelle" 97ff., revised and reprinted in Patristique 70ff.). The epitaph was set up by B.'s wife, Aeliana. B. was a Christian.

^* CABRIAS: see no. 193.

23. CALBULUS. Gramm. Africa? s.V ex. / s.VI init.?

Sch.-Hos. 4:2.72f.; Szövérffy, Weltliche Dichtungen 1.178, 187; PLRE II s.v., p. 250; Prosop. chrét. I s.v., p. 182.

Calbulus grammaticus (Anth. Lat. 1:1.378 inscr.), author of two poems in the codex Salmasianus, one (no. 379) on the Holy Cross, the other (no. 378) on the sacrament of baptism (vv. 1-10) and the baptistery itself, which C. had evidently donated: vv. 11-13, marmoris oblati speciem, nova munera, supplex / Calbulus exhibuit. fontis memor, unde renatus, / per formam cervi gremium perduxit aquarum. For comparable donations, cf. s.vv. Clamosus, nos. 29, 30.

The headings that set off the verses of Anth. Lat. 1:1.378 suggest that the lines were originally found on the four sides and the circumference

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of the baptistery, which was evidently designed for immersion baptism and so must have been a considerable structure: a parte episcopi , vv. 1-4; descensio fontis , 5-6; ascensio fontis , 7-8; econtra episcopum , 9-10; et in circuitu fontis , 11-13. C. was therefore a Christian, presumably active at an episcopal see. The inclusion of the verses in the cod. Salmas. suggests that he lived in Africa not later than s.VI init.; but see the caution of Clover, "Carthage" 20f., and see Averil Cameron, "Byzantine Africa" 43 n. 132; C. is firmly dated to the reign of Hilderic (523-30), as a contemporary of Luxurius, by Szövérffy, Weltliche Dichtungen 178 and 187, though for what reason is not clear.

For C.'s provenance, cf. the name "Cambulus" in a Christian inscr. from Carthage(?), CIL 8.1167; this perhaps derives from "Calbulus," being an example of regressive dissimilation of the type (see Schopf, Konsonantischen Fernwirkungen 96) and the assimilation .

24. CALCIDIUS. Gramm. Africa. s.V 2/2 / s.VI.

Sch.-Hos. 4:2.199, 202; PLRE II s.v. Chalcidius, pp. 282f.

Calcidius grammaticus , dedicatee of the Expositio sermonum antiquorum of Fulgentius the mythographer (i.e., Fabius Planciades Fulgentius or Fabius Claudius Gordianus Fulgentius) according to the inscr. in the majority of the mss: see esp. Wessner, ed., "Fabii Planciadis Fulgentii expositio" 130ff.; Pizzani, ed., Fabio 18ff. C. is also found incorrectly in the inscr. of one ms of Fulgentius's Expositio Vergilianae continentiae. (According to Pen-nisi, Poeti 287-90, C. is a phantom generated by the corruption of Catus presbyter to Calcidius grammaticus. ) He is addressed as domine in the prefatory epistle to the Exp. serm. antiq. (p. 111.1 Helm).

He should presumably be placed with Fulgentius in Africa (cf. Fulg. De aet. mund. et hom. 131.5ff. Helm), not before s.V 2/2 (cf. the citation of Martianus Capella in Exp. serm. ant. 45, p. 123.4ff. Helm), regardless of the question concerning the identity of the two Fulgentii, the mythographer and the bishop of Ruspe (467-532). C. did not know Greek, unless a convention of the genre motivates the scruple of Exp. serm. ant. 16 (p. 116.14ff. Helm), unde et Demostenes pro Philippo ait—sed ne quid te Graecum turbet exemplum, ego pro hoc tibi Latinum feram—ait enim . . . ; cf. Terent. Maur. GL 6.389, vv. 2127f., plurimus hoc pollet Siculae telluris alumnus: / ne Graecum immittam versum, mutabo Latinum.

25. CALLIOPIUS. . epist. . Born not later than ca. 340; still alive in 390.

Seeck, Briefe 102; Bouchery, Themistius 272ff.; Wolf, Schulwesen 34, 69-70; Petit, Étudiants 85-86; PLRE I s.v. 3, p. 175.

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Recipient of Lib. Ep. 18 (an. 388); subject of Ep. 625, 678 (both an. 361), 951 (an. 390).

An Antiochene of distinguished, presumably curial, family: Ep. 18.2, . His father was a teacher; see below and s.v. Anonymus 3, no. 169. C. was a brother-in-law of Seleucus (cf. s.v., no. 253) and so brother of Alexandra: Ep. 625.4, 678.2. If Seleucus has been correctly identified, C. will have been the uncle of John Chrysostom's protégée Olympias; see PLRE I stemma 6, p. 1132, and s.vv. Olympias 2, Alexandra, Seleucus 1.

At one time a student of the sophist Zenobius; cf. Ep. 625.4, ; with Ep. 18.2, . The latter does not mean that he was a fellow pupil of Libanius (C. was probably younger), only that C., like Libanius, was a student of Zenobius. He is therefore unlikely to have been born later than ca. 340, since Zenobius died in 355; cf. below.

He served as a teacher in Libanius's school (Ep. 625.4, ) and with his father taught Libanius's son, Cimon (Arabius): Ep. 625.6, 678.2. Since Cimon is unlikely to have been more than seven years old in 361, Calliopius and his father must have been lower teachers in Libanius's school, of the type Libanius elsewhere calls (= ; cf. Appendix 2, and note the reading , probably a scribal inference from the context, found in one of the mss at Ep. 625.4; cf. also Wolf, Schulwesen 34).

C. subsequently, ut vid. , practiced as an advocate; cf. Ep. 18.2, . N.B. : looking back from the year 388—and from the eminence of C.'s position in the bureaucracy—Libanius passes over C.'s more humble teaching thirty years earlier and chooses the semi-public activity of the advocate to mark the start of his career (cf. below). Compare the references to C.'s oratorical ability,. , at the end of Ep. 18.

C. was mag. epist. in 388: Ep. 18.2, . C. is represented as being responsible for mediating between Libanius and Tatianus (PPO Or. , an. 388), possibly with the help of Themistius, in 388: see Ep. 18, though the text is not clear; cf. Boucher, Themistius 272ff. He was in Constantinople in 390; cf. Ep. 951.

C. was one of the Eastern opponents of Latinity and esp. of the attraction of Eastern students to Rome: Ep. 951.1. The opening conceit of Ep. 18, , suggests that C. was a pagan, as was his brother-in-law, Seleucus.

Note that the reconstruction above depends upon Seeck's identification of the Calliopius of Ep. 625 and 678 with the Calliopius of Ep. 18 and 951 (Briefe 102). But the appearance of the lowly of 361

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as the man of affairs and mag. epist. of 388 has not unreasonably caused the identification to be questioned; cf. Wolf, Schulwesen 70. Three points are worth making.

First, if the Calliopius of Ep. 18 and 951 is to be found among the other Calliopii of Libanius's correspondence, the teacher of Ep. 625 and 678 is the most likely candidate. Seeck's Calliopius III is absolutely ruled out; Calliopius IV, virtually so. Calliopius I and II (= PLRE I s.v., nos. 1, 2) are possible but unlikely; their careers were already in full bloom in the late 350s and early 360s, and the men were probably too old, if not dead, by 388. C., however, need not have been more than twenty-one in 361, and would have been in his prime in the 380s; cf. above.

Second, the references to the school of Zenobius in the letters from both periods provide a direct link; and the earlier letters' mention of the marriage connection with Seleucus, a man of substance and standing, indirectly confirms the praise of the social standing of C.'s family found in the later Ep. 18, .

Third, the fact that Libanius emphasizes C.'s advocacy as the beginning of his career (see above) might well mean that C. did not teach long: unlike Ausonius, who preferred the classroom to the bar (see s.v., no. 21), C. may have taught only until the opportunity arose to turn his rhetorical education to forensic use. Ausonius's career also provides another comparison: one would not have predicted the QSP of the mid-370s from the grammaticus of the late 330s.

CALLIOPIUS: see no. 194.

+ CARMINIUS: see no. 195.

^* 26. CASSIANUS. Schoolmaster and martyr. Forum Cornelii. s.IV init.

Cassianus: Prudent. Perist. 9 tit., vv. 6, 94, 106. Schoolmaster: cf. Perist. 9.21-24, praefuerat studiis puerilibus et grege multo / saeptus magister litterarum sederat, / verba notis brevibus conprendere cuncta peritus / raptimque punctis dicta praepetibus sequi; 35-36, agmen tenerum ac puerile gubernat / fictis notare verba signis inbuens. Since vv. 23-24 and 35-36 clearly refer to shorthand, and since magister litterarum by itself never means "teacher of shorthand," we should probably conclude that C. taught both regular letters and shorthand in his school. Compare the Christian Protogenes, who opened a school at Antinoopolis in which he taught both shorthand and : Theodoret. HE 4.18.

C. was martyred at Forum Cornelii (mod. Imola), evidently during the Great Persecution; cf. vv. 29-30, ecce fidem quatiens tempestas saeva premebat / plebem dicatam Christianae gloriae. After refusing to sacrifice (v. 32), C. was handed over to his students, who stabbed him to death with their stili :

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vv. 13ff., 37ff. For the instrument, cf. Evag. HE 3.10 (PG 86:2.2613f.), Theoph. Chron. p. 128.17ff. de Boor, on the death of Stephanus of Antioch; Greg. Naz. C. Iulian. 4.89, on the death of Marcus Arethusius; and see s.v. Felix, no. 216.

The passio first appears in Prudentius (Perist 9), who visited C.'s martyrium (vv. 5ff.); a passio based on Perist. 9 and composed before Bede's time is found at Mombritius, Sanctuarium^[2] 1.280. There was a basilica Cassiani at Imola by s.V med. according to Agnellus, Lib. pontif. eccl. Ravennae 52 (MGH SS. rer. langob., p. 314).

On the medieval tradition concerning C., cf. LThK 3.969 (Sparber); Bibliotheca Sanctorum 3.911 (Gordini); Delehaye, Passions^[2] 288ff.

CATO: see no. 196.

ARRUNTIUS CELSUS: see no. 197.

^* CHABRIAS: see no. 198.

CHALCIDIUS: see no. 24.

+ IOANNES CHARAX: see no. 199.

FL. SOSIPATER CHARISIUS: see no. 200.

+ GEORGIUS CHOEROBOSCUS: see no. 201.

27. CHRESTUS. Gramm. . 358.

RE 3.2449 (Seeck); PLRE I s.v., p. 202.

Latin gramm. brought from Africa to Constantinople to fill the place of Evanthius (q.v., no. 54) on the latter's death: Jer. Chron. s.a. 358. Otherwise unknown.

With three exceptions, all the mss of Jer. ad loc. , including the codex Bodleianus (s.V.), give the man's name as C (h )restus (Chretus L); of the exceptions, two omit the name entirely, one (B, written sometime between 627 and 699) reads Charistus. On the basis of the last, Usener emended the name to "Charisius" (see s.v., no. 200). This conjecture is not impossible, given what little we know of Charisius's life; but uter in alterum abiturus erat ? "Charistus" looks very much like the idiosyncratic result of a scribal error or a botched interlinear correction, with the name "Charisius" failing in the attempt to drive out the unknown "Chrestus"; the reverse corruption is more difficult to imagine. Usener's conjecture should be rejected.

28. CITARIUS. Gr. gramm. and poet. . s.IV 2/3.

PLRE I s.v., p. 205.

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Citarius: Auson. Prof. 13 tit., v. 1. A Greek gramm.: Prof. 13 tit., Grammatico Burdigalensi Graeco ; cf. vv. 1f., dignus / grammaticos inter qui celebrere bonos , a comparison with Aristarchus and Zenodotus; cf. also s.v. Harmonius, no. 65. From Sicily: v. 7, urbe satus Sicula ; the tit. specifies Syracusano. He came to Bordeaux a peregrinus.

As an amicus of Ausonius (v. 12; cf. v. 1), C. must have been active at Bordeaux during Ausonius's own tenure, ca. 336-67. He was also a poet; Ausonius compares his carmina favorably with the poetry of Simonides (vv. 5-6).

C. married well soon after his arrival in Bordeaux: v. 9, coniugium nanctus cito nobilis et locupletis. He died before becoming a father (v. 10).

On the grounds of C.'s poetic talents, PLRE I suggested identification with the Citherius rhetor who composed an epitaph preserved in Anth. Lat. 1:2^[2] 484b. But, apart from the fact that the name and titulatur are against the identification, one would expect a poet compared with Simonides to have written in Greek; note above that he is compared qua Greek gramm. with Aristarchus and Zenodotus.

^* 29. CLAMOSUS. Schoolmaster. Parentium (Histria). s.IV 3/4 / s.V init.

Clamosus, magister puerorum , commemorated with his wife, Successa, in a mosaic of the basilica primitiva at Parentium, in Histria, for donating 100 feet of pavement: ILCV 719 = Inscr. Ital. 10:2.58, [Lu ]picinus et Pascasia p (edes ) CCCC f (ecerunt ). Clamosus mag (ister ) puer (orum ) et Successa p (edes ) C. Felicissimus cum suis p (edes ) C ; photograph in Inscr. Ital. 10:2, p. 27; Molajoli, Basilica^[2] 16, fig. 9.

That C. was a schoolmaster is shown by the analogous style of Philumenus (q.v., no. 120), viz., ; likewise by Martial 5.84.1f., puer . . . clamoso revocatur a magistro. From the latter, Diehl (at ILCV 719) concluded that "Clamosus" was not C.'s "verum et proprium nomen" but a suprenomen , or name assumed from his profession; cf. SEG 13.472 (s.II, Ostia), the epitaph of the sophist P. Aelius Samius Isocrates, with the comments of J. and L. Robert, Bull. ép. 1949, 233; cf. also Bull. ép. 1970, 422 no. 63, a sophist Menecrates ; and cf. s.v. Arethusius, no. 187. The name indicates that C., and so presumably his instruction, had some contact with the classical tradition.

A term. p. q. is provided by a coin of Valens found under the mosaic; a term. a. q. is provided by another mosaic, Inscr. Ital. 10:2.62, bearing the names of Lupicinus and Pascasia (cf. above) found in the annex added to the basilica primitiva probably in s.V init.; cf. Degrassi, Instr. Ital. 10:2, p. 26; Molajoli, Basilica^[2] 11ff. If the mosaic is to be dated to s.IV 3/4 / s.V init., then C. must be the father of, not identical with, the Clamosus (q.v., no. 30) commemorated in a similar mosaic of the basilica praeeuphrasiana (s.V med.).

For the donation, cf. s.v. Calbulus, no. 23.

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^* 30. CLAMOSUS. Schoolmaster. Parentium(Histria). s.V med.

Clamosus, magister puerorum , commemorated with his wife, Victorina, in a mosaic of the basilica praeeuphrasiana at Parentium, in Histria, for donating 111 feet of pavement: Inscr. Ital. 10:2.74, [C ]lamosus magister puerorum et Victorina f (ecerunt ) p (edes ) CXI ; photograph in Inscr. Ital. 10:2, p. 35; Molajoli, Basilica^[2] 22, fig. 24. The construction of the basilica should be dated to s.V med. or not long after; cf. Degrassi, Inscr. Ital. 10:2, p. 31; Molajoli, Basilica^[2] 17ff. The name of C.'s wife, Victorina, and the date suggest that C. is the son of, not identical with, the Clamosus (q.v., no. 29), husband of Successa, commemorated in a similar mosaic of the basilica primitiva (s.IV 3/4 / s.V init.). On C.'s name and the style magister puerorum , cf. s.v. Clamosus; cf. also Appendix 1.1c.

ARRUNTIUS CLAUDIUS: see no. 202.

31. CLEDONIUS (ROMANUS ?). Gramm. and senator. Constantinople. s.V med. - 2/2?

RE 4.10 (Goetz); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.207-8; PLRE II s.v. 2, p. 302.

Cledonius, styled Romanus senator, Constantinopolitanus grammaticus , inscr. cod. Bern. 380. It is possible, however, that the inscr. should be punctuated Cledonius Romanus', senator Constantinopolitanus, grammaticus ; cf. CIL 9.1654 = ILS 6497: M. Rutilius Aelianus, decurio Beneventanus, grammaticus. That C. taught is suggested by a lesson his Ars introduces with an anecdote from the classroom: GL 5.14.3ff., et quia praetermittendum mihi non visum est quod eventus admonuit, quodam tempore, dum ars in Capitolio die competenti tractaretur, unus e florentibus discipulis Iohannes a grammatico venia postulata intendens in alterum sciscitatus est, qua differentia dici debeat . . . . But given the state of the text (see below), the episode may be an interpolation; note esp. the shift from first person, mihi , to third person, a grammatico venia postulata. His location can be deduced from his style, Constantinopolitanus. If the anecdote cited above is genuine, the Capitolium referred to will be that of Constantinople; cf. CTh 14.9.3 (an. 425); Ioann. Lyd. De mag. 3.29.

C. must be dated after s.IV med., since he comments on Donatus (q.v., no. 52), and in fact after s.V 1/4, since he appears to have used the commentary of Servius (q.v., no. 136) on Donatus: cf. Holtz, "À l'école de Donat" 526; a date after 425 is also consistent with the reference to the Capitolium as the site of instruction (see above, with CTh 14.9.3). Since C. styles himself senator , and since the title senator had come to be reserved for illustres by 530 at the very latest, and possibly as early as the reign of Zeno or even of Leo (Jones, LRE 529), we should conclude either that C. was an illustris or—far more likely—that he cannot be dated later than s.V 2/2. In any case, he must be dated earlier than cod.

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Bern. 380 (s.VI - s.VII, CLA 7.864); the state of the text therein (see below) suggests that C. composed the work considerably before this copy was made.

C. composed a commentary on the two artes of Donatus (GL 5.9-79; also ed. H. Bertsch, "Cledonii ars grammatica," diss. Heidelberg, 1884). The work as now preserved is defective at beginning and end, with lacunae throughout; the relation between the lemmata of Donatus and the text of C. is often confused, and there are obvious interpolations. The work was written at the prompting of, and was dedicated to, a certain man of learning whose name is lost with the beginning of the preface, GL 5.9; a later hand added the phrase ad Fidum to the inscr. in cod. Bern. 380, a guess based on the phrase o fide omnibus et in omnibus fide in the preface, GL 5.9.6.

32. CLEOBULUS. Gramm. . Born not after 300; dead not before 360.

RE 11.672 (Seeck); Bouchery, Themistius 128ff., 135, 154ff.; Wolf, Schulwesen 34f., 71-73; Petit, Étudiants 85, 86; PLRE I s.v. 1, pp. 215f.

Mentioned in or subject of Lib. Ep. 361 (an. 358), 52, 67-69, 82, 90, 91 (all an. 359), 155 (an. 359/60?), 231 (an. 360).

C. had come from Egypt to Antioch: Ep. 361.2; cf. 361.4, his sister's son in Egypt seeking a position on the staff of the praef. Aegypt. Parnasius. He was a poet (Ep. 361.2, ) and teacher (, Ep. 361.2, 52.3, 91.1, 231.1; cf. 82.2, ). As a teacher, C. took on few pupils because of his physical frailty (Ep. 361.2), but had had Libanius as a student (Ep. 68.1; cf. Ep. 361.2, and esp. the conceit that opens Ep. 82.1-2, to Libanius's former pupil Ambrosius: teachers are pleased to ask former pupils for favors, and pupils are glad to help; Cleobulus asks me for help; I ask you), as a result of which Libanius regarded him as a child does his father (Ep. 361.2; cf. 231.1, the same feeling imputed to Bassianus). C. had also been the teacher of Bassianus (Phoenix to the latter's Achilles, Ep. 155.2; cf. 231.1) before Bassianus studied rhetoric with Libanius, and Bassianus owed his very knowledge of to C. (Ep. 155.3)—i.e., C. had taught Bassianus Homer. C. therefore was a gramm. (see also s.vv. Didymus and Anonymus 2, nos. 46, 168; for the analogy with Phoenix, cf. s.v. Nicocles, no. 106). By the late 350s C. was perhaps one of the gramm. teaching in Libanius's school; cf. Ep. 69.2 ; Ep. 155.2; Petit, Étudiants 84. The evidence, however, is not decisive.

As Libanius's teacher, C. must have been active at Antioch in the early to mid-320s and so is unlikely to have been born much later than 300; a slightly later date would be possible, however, if C. is identical

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with Anonymus 2: his instruction of Libanius would then date to the early 330s. He was still active in the period 358-60 and was by then old enough to have a nephew seeking a position on the staff of the praef. Aegypt (see above); note, however, that Libanius does not mention extreme old age as an added cause of sympathy when requesting assistance for C. in his lawsuit (see below). He is therefore perhaps unlikely to have been born much before 300.

C. is said to have had means sufficient to avoid base () employment but insufficient "to bear unjust penalties": Ep. 52.3; on the latter part of this statement, see below. He is also said to have had enough influence to protect his rights: Ep. 52.4, . He was a of Themistius: Ep. 68.1, 91.4; cf. 68.3, ; for Themistius as his , see 68.5. He was also known to Aristophanes (Ep. 361.3; on the latter's career in this period, see PLRE I s.v., pp. 106f.) and was patronized by Libanius.

All ten letters involving C. find Libanius interceding with one person or another in C.'s interest or his family's. Two letters concern his kin: Ep. 361 intercedes with Parnasius, praef. Aegypt. , in behalf of C.'s nephew, who was seeking a post on Parnasius's staff; Ep. 82 seeks favor with Libanius's former pupil Ambrosius (holding an of uncertain description) for C.'s relative () Antiphilus, who is described as , i.e., already a member of the officium of Ambrosius. It is not known whether the nephew of Ep. 361 is the Antiphilus of Ep. 82. The remaining letters concern C. himself and should be treated together: thus Bouchery, Themistius 156.

One group (Ep. 52, 67-69, 90, 91), all of 359 and all, ut vid. , addressed to Constantinople, concern a suit being brought against C. by one Severus, who is described in Ep. 52.1 as long a thorn in Libanius's side; he cannot easily be identified with any other Severus in the correspondence. In Ep. 52.2 and 91.2 Severus is said to be acting in collusion with Alexander (= Alexander 9 PLRE I, p. 41); an otherwise unknown pair, Antipater and Parmenio, are said in Ep. 52.3 to promise trouble in the future. Against Severus, Libanius attempts to enlist the aid of Clearchus (Ep. 52, 67, 90), evidently an official—his exact post is unknown, but it was such that Libanius could ask him to threaten Severus with prison in Ep. 52.2—and of Themistius, then procos. Const. (Ep. 67, 91; in Ep. 69 the physician Hygi(ei)nus is asked to use his influence with Themistius), to save C. from having to pay insupportable fines (Ep. 52.3, and above).

The nature of the suit is unknown, but it may have involved an inheritance; cf. the reference to in Ep. 52.2. Libanius says that the matter had had a promising beginning from C.'s point of view but had deteriorated (Ep. 67.3). As the correspondence drags on through 359 Clearchus and Themistius are evidently unresponsive, and Libanius

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becomes increasingly impatient in his pleas; see esp. the letters to Clearchus. Although the disposition of the suit is not stated, the course of the correspondence and the absence of any concluding letters to Clearchus and Themistius thanking them for assistance (contrast the case of Bassianus, below) suggest that the suit went against C.

Further, Libanius writes not long thereafter to his relative and fellow Antiochene Bassianus, asking him to help his former teacher C.: Ep. 155, late 359 or early 360; the last letters to Clearchus and Themistius belong to autumn 359. The nature of the favor sought is not stated, but from the letter thanking Bassianus for his aid (Ep. 231, early autumn 360), it appears to have been a subvention of money: Ep. 231.1, [=Bassiana] ; cf. at ibid. 3 a reference to . Bassianus thus saved C. from ruin: Ep. 231.2, . We can surmise that C. needed the money to pay the fines Libanius had feared.

+ 33. COLUTHUS. Gramm. Egypt? s.VI init.?

RE 1.1177f., s.v. Akoluthos (Crusius).

Recipient of a poem in cod. Barb. 310 (olim 246), PLG^[4] 3.362ff., where the inscr. runs . Weil, "Vers," realized that the gramm. (cf. v. 13, ) in whose honor this poem was composed (cf. vv. 41f., , and passim ) must be named : cf. esp. vv. 15-16, ; v. 71, Kypris called . The poem was thus written for 3 December, the tenth day of the festival of the Brumalia.

Bergk incorrectly printed the poem as an adespoton in PLG^[4] ; it follows without break or distinction the other anacreontic pieces of Georgius the gramm. (q.v., no. 63) in cod. Barb. (cf. Matranga, "Praefatio" xxxiii-xxxiv) and should be attributed to that author; cf. Nissen, Byzantinische Anakreonten 13, 16; Anastasi, "Giorgio" 211f. The authorship provides a probable date of s.VI init. (see s.v. Georgius), and C.'s name points to Egypt. From the latter fact flowed Weil's suggestion ("Vers") that C. is the epic poet Col(l)uthus of Lycopolis; but given that no name is more common in Egypt (cf. Crum, "Colluthus") and that the poet is nowhere called , the identification must remain uncertain. At vv. 27-30 C. is called the pride or honor () of Homer, a compliment that would be as suitable for a , i.e., a learned (v. 29, ) expositor of Homer, as for an epic poet. The identification has been accepted most recently by Anastasi, "Giorgio" 214f.

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^* 34. COMINIANUS. Gramm. s.IV init.

RE 4.606 (Goetz); Sch.-Hos. 4:1.141-42, with an important misprint corrected at p. 177 n. 5.

C. is known by name only from Charisius (q.v., no. 200), who cites him nine times (see below); in the Middle Ages Charisius himself is frequently cited under the name of Cominianus; cf. s.v. Iulius Romanus, no. 249, and see Hagen, Anecd. Helv. = GL 8, clv-clvi. In his first four citations Charisius calls him Cominianus grammaticus or Cominianus disertissimus grammaticus (GL 1.147.18 = 187.8 Barwick, 175.29-30 = 225.23B., 180.11 = 232.9B., 181.15 = 233.24-25B.), which might suggest that grammaticus was part of the titulatur of his work; contrast the case of Iulius Romanus, of whom Charisius uses only the vague title disertissimus artis scriptor at GL 1.232.7 (= 301.17B.), and that only once. His work, a brief and spare treatment of the basics (see below), was probably meant for the schools; cf. the judgments of Keil, GL 1, xlviii; Tolkiehn, Cominianus 169f.; Barwick, Remmius 16. Tolkiehn, Cominianus 2 and n. 3, suggested that Charisius refers to C. as magister noster at GL 1.159.9-10 (= 245.8-9B.), but the conjecture has little to recommend it.

A term. a. q. is provided by Charisius (s.IV med.); C. perhaps knew the work of Sacerdos (q.v., no. 132; on Dosith. GL 7.393.12 = Exc. Bob., GL 1.534.34 = Diom. GL 1.318.7, and likewise on Dosith. GL 7.407.18 with Charis. GL 1.253.26 = 332.8-9B. = Diom. GL 1.399.12, see Tolkiehn, Cominianus 107f., 157). He should probably be placed toward the beginning of s.IV.

From the excerpts of Charisius it is evident that C.'s work was a basic handbook, treating the parts of speech (GL 1.147.18ff. = 187.8-185.10B., on the ablative, i.e., the noun; 175.29ff. = 225.23-226.7B., on the conjugations, i.e., the verb; 180.11ff. = 232.9-30B., on the participle; 180.27ff. = 233.2-25B., on the adverb; 224.24ff. = 289.19-290.11B., on the conjunction; 230.4ff. = 298.2-299.13B., on the preposition; 238.19ff. = 311.4-9B., on the interjection) and the vitia orationis (GL 1.265.2ff. = 349.18-350.23B. "De barbarismo"; 266.15ff. = 351.13-352.31B. "De soloecismo").

35. CONCORDIUS. Gramm. . s.IV 1/3.

PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 219.

Concordius (Auson. Prof. 10.18), a grammaticus Latinus (ibid. tit.) qui profugus patria / mutasti sterilem / urbe alia cathedram (ibid. 19-21). Despite the reserve of PLRE —"whether from or to Bordeaux is not dear"; cf. also Étienne, Bordeaux 252—this almost certainly means that Concordius left his unprofitable chair at Bordeaux. If instead C. came to Bordeaux, it

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would be strange for this to be signaled by so offhand a reference as the perfunctory urbe alia —at very least, nostra , or some metrically compatible equivalent, would seem to be called for; cf. Prof. 13.7, of Citarius (q.v., no. 28). Further, at Prof. 20.1-2, Ausonius states that it has been his lex thus far (i.e., Prof. 1-19) to celebrate only tires, whether they taught at home or abroad; here cives means those who have a communis patria with Ausonius: so Prof. 19.3, addressing the rhetorician Sedatus, a native of Bordeaux who went to teach at Toulouse. One may point to Citarius (above), Patera, and his father, Phoebicius (Prof. 4 and 10.22ff.), who shared that patria , and were cives , by virtue of their move to Bordeaux (note that the number of such transplants is strikingly small; the number of natives who appear from the Prof. to have gone away to teach is twice as large, even if C. is not counted); nonetheless, in the fifteen other places in the Prof. where patria is used, including twice more in Prof. 10, the word, with or without a modifier, can only refer to Bordeaux: cf. praef. 2; 1.4, 6; 6.4, 22; 10.34, 52; 16.4, 17; 17.16; 18.4; 19.3, 8; 25.2; and esp. 23.6-10, where profugus and patria are also used in close proximity, of a teacher who went from Bordeaux to Spain. There must, then, be a strong presumption that patria at 10.19 also refers to Bordeaux. C. therefore was probably a native of Bordeaux who went elsewhere to teach; accordingly, he is possibly identical with the L. Terentius Iulianus signo Concordius, a v.p., magister studiorum, grammaticus Latinus who died at Trier (see s.v., no. 87).

All the gramm. of Prof. 10 likely belong to a period well before Ausonius's tenure at Bordeaux, i.e., before ca. 336/37. Macrinus and Phoebicius, the only two of the six who can be dated, certainly belong to that period. (The former was Ausonius's first teacher; the latter was Attius Patera's father; see s.vv., nos. 93, 122.) Further, none of the six is spoken of as an amicus —in contrast, e.g., with the grammaticus Graecus Citarius (q.v., no. 28), who appears to have been Ausonius's contemporary at Bordeaux; cf. also Iucundus in Prof. 9 and s.v., no. 86—and the tone of the poem as a whole is impersonal: Ausonius emphasizes his officium in recalling these teachers out of loyalty to Bordeaux; cf. vv. 1-10, 32-34. One senses that Ausonius is using Prof. 10 to dispose of a group of teachers from before his time, whom he did not know well if at all. It may be significant that there is not even the qualifying phrase nostro . . . in aevo , which is found in poems about teachers who belonged to the Bordeaux of Ausonius's earliest years; cf. Prof. 8.7, 12.7.

CONSENTIUS: see no. 203.

36. CORINTHUS. Gr. gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV 1/4.

PLRE I s.v., p. 229.

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Corinthus (Auson. Prof. 8.1), grammaticus Graecus at Bordeaux (ibid. tit.); cf. vv. 1-4, Corinthi / . . . / Atticas musas . . . / grammatic [i ]. With Spercheus (q.v., no. 139), C. was one of Ausonius's teachers primis . . . in annis ; cf. vv. 1-4 with 9-10, and see s.v. Romulus, no. 250. Therefore he was active at least in the second decade of s.IV.

With Spercheus (q.v.) and Menestheus (q.v., no. 99), the other two Greek gramm. celebrated in this poem, C. is said to have possessed sedulum . . . studium docendi, / fructus exilis tenuisque sermo (vv. 5-6). Ausonius's tardior sensus and puerilis aevi / noxius error (vv. 13-16) prevented him from fully appreciating and profiting from their efforts.

See further s.v. Romulus.

+ 37. FL. CRESCONIUS CORIPPUS. Gramm. and . . s.VI init. - 3/4; dead not before 566/67.

RE 4.1236-46 (Skutsch); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.78ff.; Averil Cameron, "Byzantine Africa" 36ff.

Fl. Cresconius Corippus: the first two names are known only from the lost codex Budensis, reported by J. Cuspinianus; cf. Partsch, ed., MGH AA 3:2, xlvii n. 2. Poet and gramm. from Africa: cod. Matrit. Caion. 14 Num. 22, incipit liber primus Corippi Africani grammatici ; cf. Laud. Anast. 36ff. and the typically African name "Cresconius." C. claimed to have his origins in the back country: Iohan. praef. 25f., quid <<quod ego> ignarus, quondam per rura locutus, / urbis per populos carmina mitto palam? (cf. vv. 28, 37). He presented the first book (praef. 39) of his poem on the victories of the mag. mil. Ioannes Troglita, Iohannidos seu de bellis Libycis libri VIII (ed. Diggle and Goodyear [Cambridge, 1970]), at Carthage (praef. 35) not long after 548. He migrated sometime later to Constantinople, where in 566/67 he composed the panegyric of Justin II, In laudem Iustini Augusti minoris (ed. Averil Cameron; also ed. Stache). Perhaps shortly before, in 565/66, he wrote a brief panegyric (now standing as part of the introduction of the Laud. Iust. ) on Anastasius, QSP (Laud. Anast. 17, 31, 41) and magister (sc. officiorum , ibid. 26, 44; cf. 31f.).

On the date: Anastasius's tenure as mag. off. must be dated to 565/66; cf. Averil Cameron, ed., Laud. Iust. p. 123. Consequently, if the Laud. Anast. is to be regarded as contemporary with the Laud. Iust. (as usually), we must assume that the references to Anastasius as magister are retrospective, since Theodorus was already mag. off. on the occasion of the poem on Justin (see below). Alternatively, since C. stresses Anastasius's tenure of a double office (v. 32, gemino . . . honore ) and addresses him indifferently as both quaestor and magister (see Laud. Anast. 17, 31, 41; 26, 44), we may conclude that Anastasius was holding both offices at the time of the poem and that the panegyric of Anastasius was originally

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composed slightly earlier than the Laud. Iust. ; cf. Averil Cameron, ed., Laud. Iust. p. 123. The second alternative seems more likely; see further below.

C. appears to have been commended to Anastasius by an imperial letter (sacri apices ) during a time of personal difficulty and to have held a palatine office under him; cf. Laud. Anast. 36-48:

On vv. 42-48, an awkward and obscure passage on any reading, I align myself with the interpretation presented by Averil Cameron, ed., Laud. Iust. pp. 125f. (and, in part, by Stache, ed., Laud. Iust. pp. 2f., on v. 48, principis officium ), although I believe that sacri apices (v. 44) must refer to a letter of Justin, not of Justinian (see now Averil Cameron, "Career" 536ff.). An alternative interpretation, which would equate both sacri apices and principis officium with the panegyric of Justin itself, and which consequently would deny an office to C. (see Baldwin, "Career"; and, on sacri apices , see Stache, ed., Laud. Iust. pp. 61f.), has been refuted by Averil Cameron, "Career" 536ff. Note also that if the remarks above concerning the date of the Laud. Anast. are correct, any argument that sacri apices , etc., refer to the Laud. Iust. would be weakened significantly, since the two poems would not be contemporary. Since C. claimed to be an old man at the time (Laud. Iust. praef. 37; Laud. Anast. 48), his birth should be placed toward the beginning of s.VI.

In addition to Anastasius (Laud. Iust. 1.15-17) C. names, as those who have urged him to compose the panegyric on Justin, Thomas (PPO Afr. ; ibid. 18-21), Magnus (CSL ; ibid. 22-24), Theodorus (mag. off. ; ibid. 25-26), and Demetrius (a secretis ? ibid. 26; cf. Averil Cameron, ed., and Stache, ed., ad loc. ). He speaks vaguely of some personal misfortune, which he begs Justin to relieve at Laud. Iust. praef. 41ff.; Stein, Histoire 2.693, connected C.'s plea with the woes caused in Africa by the revolt

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of the sons of Coutsina in 563. The panegyric of Anastasius includes a plea for patronage at vv. 36ff.; see above.

C. was a Christian; cf. RLAC 3.425 (Krestan).

CORONATLIS: see no. 204.

38. CRESCONIUS. Gramm. and Donatist. Africa. s.V init.

PLRE II s.v. 1, p. 329; Prosop. chrét. I s.v. 4, pp. 230ff.; cf. Weissengruber, "Augustins Wertung."

Cresconius, a grammaticus , the object of Augustine's tract Contra Cresconium grammaticum et Donatistam ; for the name and style, cf. also Retract. 2.52.1. C. Cresc. is probably to be dated ca. 405/7, and in any case not before 405; cf. Retract. ibid., hos autem quattuor libros quando scripsi, iam contra Donatistas dederat leges Honorius imperator. At C. Cresc. 3.47.51 the laws are called recentissimae ; at C. Cresc. 1.1 Augustine says that C.'s rebuttal of the C. litt. Petil. (see below) had taken some time to reach him.

A layman, C. had responded to Augustine's attack on Petilianus, the Donatist bishop of Cirta. Some of his arguments, to the extent that they can be reconstructed from the C. Cresc. , bore the stamp of his profession; cf. Weissengruber, "Augustins Wertung" esp. 104ff.

The Cresconius mentioned in a catalogue from the library of Lorsch as the author of several poems of Christian content—In Evangel., De diis gentium, De principio mundi vel de die iudicii et resurrectione carnis —was identified with C. by Manitius, Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie 314; but the Christian Cresconii of North Africa in this period are legion.

39. CRISPINIANUS. Gramm. Rome. Born not after ca. 336; dead not before 372.

AE 1969-70, 71 (p. 22) = Ferrua, "Nuove iscrizioni" 187 no. 4 = Inscr.; Martindale, "Prosopography" 247.

Crispinianus (Inscr. 3), a grammaticus (Inscr. 4), according to the funerary inscription of his daughter, Crispina. The inscription is dated 372 (Inscr. 5, Modesto et Harintheo coss. ), when the girl was nearly sixteen: Inscr. 2-3, quae vixit annos XV menses VIII dies XII. C. cannot therefore have been born much later than ca. 336. He was a Christian: the inscription was found in the catacombs of St. Felicitas and has a Christian monogram and chrismon. He was probably a widower: the mother of Crispina is not mentioned, and Inscr. 4 shows pater . . . curavit , not, e.g., parentes curaverunt.

40. CRISPUS. Gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV med.

PLRE I s.v. 3, p. 232.

Crispus: Auson. Prof. 21 tit. and vv. 1, 13. A gramm. who taught both Greek and Latin: ibid. tit., Crispus et Urbicus grammatici Latini et Graeci.

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Evidently he taught at Bordeaux: the locality is not stated; but since Staphylius is noted as the single exception to Ausonius's lex commemorandi in the Prof. (cf. Prof. 20.1-4 and s.vv. Concordius, Staphylius, nos. 35, 140), and since C. and Urbicus are not specifically said to have been Burdigalenses teaching elsewhere, they must be understood to have taught at Bordeaux.

No clear indication of C.'s date is given. Since Ausonius is very well informed about C. (contrast s.v. Thalassus, no. 148) but gives no sign that C. was of the generation of his own teachers (cf. s.vv. Corinthus, Macrinus, Spercheus, nos. 36, 93, 139), he was presumably active after Ausonius's school days and contemporary with Ausonius's tenure at Bordeaux, ca. 336-67.

C. taught primaevos fandique rudes the elementorum prima . . . signa novorum (vv. 4-6), presumably in both languages. He was therefore a gramm. who gave the youngest students their elementary lessons in letters; cf. Appendix 4 and s.vv. Ammonius, Ausonius, nos. 9, 21. He was also a poet, thought to fortify himself with wine to produce passages rivaling Vergil and Horace: vv. 7-9 (reading locis in v. 8 with V and Evelyn-White, against iocis , Heinsius's conjecture printed by Schenkl and Peiper).

With his colleague Urbicus (q.v., no. 165; cf. vv. 25, 27, ambo , and see below), C. is credited with fluency in speech (loqui faciles ) and learning in omnia carmina and in mython plasmata et historiam (vv. 25-26)—i.e., all the appurtenances of the grammarian's craft—and is said to have been of libertine birth (v. 27, liberti ambo genus ). It is, however, almost certainly incorrect to say with PLRE I that C. "declaimed in prose and verse." The statement is evidently based on vv. 13-15, concerning Urbicus: nam tu Crispo coniuncte tuo / prosa solebas et versa loqui / impete eodem. (On the exercise involved, see s.v. Urbicus.) But Crispo coniuncte tuo probably means no more than "when you were the colleague of your friend Crispus"; and making C. a partner in these performances destroys the clearly articulated structure of the poem, whereby the individual qualities of each man are first celebrated separately—vv. 1-9 for Crispus, including his tipsy excellence as a Latin poet; vv. 10-24 for Urbicus, including his inferiority in Latin and his special excellence in Greek—before the two are finally brought together, with a change of meter and the emphatic triple ambo , for the enumeration of their shared qualities in vv. 25-25. Thus vv. 10-12, et tibi . . . carmen sic, clearly mark the part of the poem set aside for Urbicus—in fact, his part is called a carmen in itself—and the statement that Urbicus was Grais celebris (v. 11) is continued and expanded by nam (v. 13), which introduces the lines that explain Urbicus's special glory. C. should not be allowed to steal his thunder.

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+ 41. AUR.? CYRUS. Gramm. (and poet?); decurion? Antaeopolis? s.VI 1/2; probably dead by 539?

PCairMasp. 2.67134 (= Pap. 1), 2.67135 (= Pap. 2), 2.67139 (= Pap. 3), 3.67326 (= Pap. 4), 3.67327 (= Pap. 5).

Aur. Cyrus: Pap. 2.1; elsewhere Cyrus; on the identification on which the authenticity of the name "Aurelius" depends, see below. Mentioned as "of blessed memory" in a receipt his heirs issued to Apollos of Aphrodito (Antaeopolite nome), father of the poet Dioscorus of Aphrodito, for rent on land at Piase in the territory of the village Phthla (Pap. 4). He is likely to be identical with Aur. Cyrus, decurion () of Antaeopolis, known from similar receipts he or his heirs issued to the same Apollos or to his heirs for rent on land in the same place (Pap. 1, 2, 5; cf. also Pap. 3, vi^v 4, another receipt); but apart from the difference in style, , note that a Christodorus acts as agent in Pap. 4, whereas the comparable party in Pap. 1, 2, and 5 is a different man, the Victor.

C. is perhaps the poet Cyrus of Antaeopolis, whose works—an iambic encomium of the dux Mauricius (for the type, cf. Heitsch, Griechische Dichterfragmente XLII.9 [Dioscorus]), other , and letters—were known to Photius, Bibl. cod. 279 (8.188 Henry). The identification would, however, be ruled out if the dux Mauricius turned out to be Fl. Mauricius, v.c., comes et dux in the Thebaid in 367/75 (= PLRE I s.v. 2, p. 570), as suggested by Baldwin, "Some Addenda " (1982) 104f.

C. was dead before 547: in Pap. 4, C. is already dead, and Apollos is still alive; but Apollos was dead in 547 (Bell, "Egyptian Village" 26). C. was dead by 539, the probable date of Pap. 5, if he is identical with Cyrus the decurion. If Maspéro's restoration of the name "Flavius" for Apollos at Pap. 2.2 is correct, Cyrus the decurion would still have been alive after 536: Apollos still bore the name "Aurelius" in 536 (PFlor. 3.283.4), and the name "Flavius" is otherwise attested for him only in 541 (PCairMasp. 3.67126.3); on the change, cf. Bell, "Egyptian Village" 26; Keenan, "Names" (1974) 298f. But Maspéro's restoration is very doubtful.

+ 42. DAMOCHARIS. Gramm. and poet; procos. Asiae ? (very unlikely). . s.VI 2/3.

RE 4.2067 (Reitzenstein); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.980; cf. RE Suppl. 14.110 (Eck).

The author of several epigrams (Anth. Gr. 6.63, 7.206; 9.633, 16.310) from the Cycle of Agathias; he was a contemporary of the latter and of

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Paul the Silentiary, who composed an epigram on his death (7.588). He was dead, therefore, before ca. 568: for the date, see Cameron and Cameron, "Cycle "; differently Baldwin, "Four Problems" 298ff., "Date" 334ff.

A of or from Cos: thus the lemma of 7.588, ; the corrector of the codex Palatinus added (viz., ) to the lemma of 7.206 (the addition was omitted by Planudes). But note that since Agathias is not otherwise known to have taught, it is not evident in what respect D. would have been his pupil; all other details in the lemma of 7.588 are derived from the poem itself. (On such descriptions of teacher-pupil connections, see also s.vv. Romanus, Timotheus, nos. 129, 156.) appears in the lemmata of 7.206 and 9.633; the name only is found at 6.63 and 16.310. D.'s acquaintance with Agathias and Paul is probably evidence of a move from Cos to Constantinople.

D. is almost certainly not to be identified with the homonymous proconsul of Asia known from an inscription on a reused base from Ephesus (: see Miltner, "Bericht" 84ff. = id., "Vorläufiger Bericht" 347 = Inschr. Eph. 4 [IGSK 14] 1302, with the remarks of J. and L. Robert, Bull. ép. 1959, 382, and 1960, 347; since the base was originally set up for the proconsul of Asia L. Artorius Plus Maximus [= PIR² A.1187; PLRE I s.v. Maximus 43, p. 589], it can hardly have been reused before s.IV 2/2) or with the benefactor of Smyrna known from Anth. Gr. 16.43, (the second epithet suggests that he too was a governor; cf. Robert, Hellenica 4.62f.), who was honored for his efforts in rebuilding Smyrna after an earthquake. Damocharis the proconsul and Damocharis the benefactor were considered identical by Malcus, "Proconsuln" 132f., and more tentatively by Eck, RE Suppl. 14.110 (cf. also Bull. ép. 1959, 382); they were identified with D. by Cameron and Cameron, "Cycle " 11, and by Merkelbach, "Ephesische Parerga," who adduces Inschr. Eph. 4.1303, [---, as the beginning of a fourth epigram concerning D. Note, however, that it is at least slightly curious that Paul should make no mention of this distinction of his friend in Anth. Gr. 7.588. Further, pace Cameron and Cameron—"There would be nothing at all strange in a poet and grammarian serving as a provincial governor" ("Cycle " 11, citing Alan Cameron, "Wandering Poets" 497f.)—the examples of gramm. flourishing in the imperial service are not plentiful: there is only one example of a gramm. tout court serving as a provincial governor during the period covered by this prosopography; cf. s.v. Fl. Simplicius, no. 137, and Chap. 3 p. 131. Last, the style of the draping of the pallium on the statue of the

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proconsul Damocharis that surmounts the inscription at Ephesus suggests a date not later than s.V; see McCail, "Cycle " 89. A date for the proconsul "bis spätestens um 400" was suggested by Malcus, "Proconsuln" 133.

43. DANAUS. Gramm. Oriens (probably: province uncertain; see below and s.v. Diphilus, no. 49). Born not after ca. 348; dead not before 390.

PLRE I s.v., p. 242.

Father of the gramm. Diphilus (q.v.); mentioned in Lib. Or. 54.55 (an. 359), Ep. 969 (an. 390). Danaus: Or. 54.55; Ep. 969.1, 4. A gramm.: Or. 54.55, . Since his son is said to be (Or. 54.55; cf. Ep. 969.1), with the further specification (Ep. 969.1), both father and son must have been gramm.; and in Or. 54.55 must mean , as it usually does in Libanius; cf. Appendix 2. Since his son was professionally active at least by 388, and almost certainly earlier, D. cannot have been born much later than ca. 348; he was still alive, and apparently was still active, in 390 (Ep. 969; see further s.v. Diphilus).

His son was a native of the province governed by Heraclianus in 390 (Ep. 969.4), probably in Oriens; on the difficulty of identifying the province, see s.v. Diphilus. D. would therefore have been active in that province at the time of his son's birth. There is no evidence that he moved; the statement in PLRE I that D. was teaching in Palestine is an error. Rather, his son is said to be teaching in Palestine (Ep. 969.4, Or. 54.55; cf. ibid. 57); but that was not the province of his birth, and there is no indication that the father followed the son, who was obviously very mobile (see s.v.). The evidence associates D. only with the province of his son's origin.

D. had taught many pupils (Or. 54.55) and evidently was of some renown: the opening sentence of Ep. 969 suggests that Heraclianus was expected to know of D. and his teaching; and see ibid. 4. He is perhaps identical with Danaus the dedicatee of an epitome of Herodian's made by Aristodemus (q.v., no. 188): Suda A.3915, .

+ FABIUS? DEMETRIUS: see no. 205.

44. DEUTERIUS. Gramm., rhetorician, poet, vir spectabilis. Milan. 503-6(-12?).

RE Suppl. 3.334 (Kroll); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.142f., 145; Sundwall, Abhandlungen 72ff. (for the dates of the documents noted below), 115; PLRE II s.v. 3, pp. 356f.

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Gramm. (Ennod. Carm. 1.2 tit., MGH AA 7.170; and see below) and poet (Ennod. Epist. 1.19.3, p. 26) who also taught rhetoric (see below). Styled vir spectabilis : Ennod. Carm. 1.2 tit., p. 170, Deuterio v.s. grammatico ; cf. Dict. 8 tit., p. 78, Deuterio v.s. (I. Sirmond: Deutericium cod. Bruxell., om. cett.). He taught at Milan when Ennodius was deacon there, ca. 496-513. The compositions that certainly or probably refer to him or that he received all date from spring 503 through the middle of 506; Dict. 13, which may also allude to him (see below), dates from early 512. Besides being mentioned in connection with the education of various wards of Ennodius (see below and Riché Education 25), he received Epist. 1.19 (p. 26; spring 503) from Ennodius and suggested that the latter compose a declamation on the cuckolded Diomedes: Dict. 24, pp. 167f., Dictio ex tempore quam ipse Deuterius iniunxit ; cf. Carm. 2.90.7-8, p. 168, exactam . . . vocem, / extortis . . . dictis (both spring 506). He is also mentioned in connection with Carm. 1.2, an encomium of and appeal to Eugenes (or Eugenetes), QSP (p. 170; spring 506), Dictio data Deuterio v.s. grammatico nomine ipsius Eugeneti v.i. mittenda , and he is the subject of Carm. 2.104 (pp. 182f.; mid-506).

D. appears as the teacher in Ennodius's declamation Dict. 9 (pp. 112ff.), Praefatio quando Arator auditorium ingressus est , composed when Arator, ward of Ennodius, began his rhetorical studies. D. is named at 9.11, and so he must be the venerabilis magister addressed at 9.5; on the nature of the studies, see below. D. is also named as the teacher in the tit. of Dict. 8, composed for Ennodius's nephew Lupicinus on a similar occasion, Praefatio dicta Lupicino quando in auditorio traditus est Deuterio v.s. ; the quando clause is found only in the oldest ms, cod. Bruxell. (s.IX), where D.'s name and style appear as Deutericium (see above). D. is addressed or referred to as doctissime hominum (8.5), doctor optimus (8.12), venerabilis magister (8.13); cf. doctor optime in Epist. 1.19.2 (p. 26), to D. He is therefore probably the doctorum optime, optime magister , and sire. addressed in the following contemporary declamations of Ennodius on similar themes: Dict. 7 (pp. 6ff.), Dictio . . . in dedicatione auditorii quando ad forum translatio facta est; Dict. 10 (pp. 118ff.), on Ennodius's nephew Parthenius, Gratiarum actio grammatico quando Partenius bene recitavit (cf. 10.4, a reference to another declamation, not preserved, on Parthenius's entry into school); Dict. 11 (pp. 132f.), on Ennodius's ward the son of Eusebius, Dictio quae dicta est quando Eusebii filius traditus est ad studia ; and perhaps also the later Dict. 13 (pp. 309f.; early 512), on Paterius and Severus.

It would appear from these declamations that D. taught both gramm. and rhetoric. The latter is clearly involved in Dict. 7-9; cf. Dict. 7.8, where D. is praevius eloquentiae morumque doctor , and 7.4, on the student who one day citaturus reum causidicus inter atria iam probata dictionem metuendus incipiet. In Dict. 8 and 9, Lupicinus and Arator are no longer pueri but adulescentes (cf. 8.4, 10, 12; 9.9, 10, 20), i.e., of an age for the school of

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rhetoric; and Dict. 9.6 refers to D.'s school as a palestra , a metaphor usually associated with oratory (but cf. Sidon. Apoll. Carm. 23.212). But a stage of education earlier than rhetoric—viz., grammar—must be supposed in Dict. 10, 11, and 13: note Dict. 10 tit., Gratiarum actio grammatico ; and cf. 10.4, where Parthenius is said to have only recently crossed the liberalium disciplinarum limen. Similarly, in Dict. 11 and 13 the students are in the very early stages of their liberal education: cf. Dict. 11.6, [Eusebii filius ] cui saporem vitae labris primoribus contingenti gustum deprecor libertatis infundi ; 11.7, [idem ] cuius prosapiem splendidam tempus postulat scientiae te radiis adornare ; 13.4, Paterius et Severus . . . eruditionem originariam in ipsis vitae praestulantur exordiis.

It also appears that D. taught both subjects concurrently: the works that allude to rhetorical instruction, Dict. 7-9 (spring 503, early 504, and after Easter 504, respectively; D. is named in Dict. 8 and 9), belong to much the same period as two of the works that allude to grammatical instruction, namely, Dict. 10 (after Easter 504; later than Dict. 9, but not much, since Parthenius is said in 10.4 to have begun his studies only recently—i.e., probably in autumn 503) and Dict. 11 (505); Carm. 1.2 tit., in which D. is styled grammaticus , belongs to spring 506. It does not seem likely that D. would have descended from a chair of rhetoric to a chair of grammar. The combination is also suggested by Carm. 2.104 (pp. 182f.), a satirical poem of mid-506 that backhandedly attests D.'s involvement with both grammar and rhetoric (vv. 5-10). Cf. also s.vv. Iulianus Pomerius, Staphylius, nos. 124, 140.

Since D. was already of an age to be bald (Carm. 2.104.10) and plagued with bad eyesight (Epist. 1.19.2ff.) in the first years of s.VI, he probably is not the Deuterius scholasticus mentioned as a discipulus of the Roman rhetorician Securus Melior Felix in the subscription to Martianus Capella, whether that subscr. is dated to 534 (cf. Jahn, "Subscriptionen" 352-54) or to 498, as is more likely correct (see Alan Cameron, "Martianus").

45. DEUTERIUS. Gramm. Rome. s.IV 2/2 / s.VI.

PLRE II s.v. 5, p. 357.

Teacher of poetry and so presumably a gramm.: ILCV 729 = Anth. Lat. 2:3.1964.1, priscorum interpres vatum doctorq [ue - x]. A Christian (ibid.). Not identical with Deuterius (q.v., no. 44) the gramm. and friend of Ennodius, D. is conceivably the Deuterius scholasticus mentioned as a discipulus of the Roman rhetorician Securus Melior Felix in the subscription to Martianus Capella (an. 498); see the preceding entry ad fin.

46. DIDYMUS. Gramm. . Born not later than ca. 300; dead by 357.

Seeck, Briefe 251; Wolf, Schulwesen 32; PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 252.

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The father of Libanius's pupil Rhetorius: Ep. 317, 318 (an. 357); cf. Ep. 404 (an. 355).

Didymus (Ep. 318.2), a teacher (Ep. 318.2, ). At Ep. 317.1 Libanius says that D. had taught him as Libanius had taught Rhetorius ; D. was therefore a grammarian. Cf. Wolf, Schulwesen 32; and s.vv. Cleobulus, Anonymus 2, nos. 32, 168.

As Libanius's teacher, D. must have been active by the early to mid-320s and so is unlikely to have been born much later than ca. 300; a slightly later date is possible, however, if D. is identical with Anonymus 2: his instruction of Libanius would then date to the early 330s. His son, a student of Libanius at Nicomedia (Ep. 317.1), i.e., in 343/48, was probably born ca. 328/33. D. was dead, evidently recently, in 357 (Ep. 317, 318; see below) but not, apparently, before spring 355 (cf. Ep. 404).

A native of Egypt, where he had retained a small parcel of land (Ep. 317.2, 318.3, and below), D. was teaching at Antioch probably by the 320s (see above) but subsequently taught at Constantinople; cf. Ep. 318.2, . In context "the great city" is presumably Constantinople (cf., e.g., Ep. 454); it is certainly neither Antioch nor Alexandria. There is no firm evidence for when the move to Constantinople took place; if D. is Anonymus 2 (q.v.), then not before 334. The move may have occurred even later in his career: at Ep. 404.2, Libanius says that Rhetorius, who was at the time probably in Constantinople, used to make frequent trips to Antioch when Libanius himself was not there; this refers presumably to the period after Rhetorius's schooldays and before Libanius's return to Antioch, i.e., to any time between the mid- to late 340s and 354. The trips were perhaps visits to his father.

Two letters, Ep. 317, to Clematius governor of Palestine, and 318, to Sebastianus dux Aegypti , were given to Rhetorius when he was traveling to Egypt to claim his patrimony; they were intended, respectively, to ease his journey and to facilitate his mission. It should be noted that although the estate is said to be small (Ep. 317.2, 318.3), a mere "solace for a poor man" (Ep. 318.3; cf. ibid., Rhetorius one of ), Rhetorius had been able to receive a full literary education; cf. esp. Ep. 318.2.

^* DIOCLES: see no. 206.

DIOGENES: see no. 207.

47. DIOMEDES. Gramm. s.IV 2/2 / s.V.

RE 8.827-29 (Goetz); Sch.-Hos. 4:1.169-72; PLRE I s.v., p. 257.

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Diomedes: GL 1.299.1, Diomedes Athanasio salutem dicit ; "Diomedes" in Rufinus, Priscian, Cassiodorus (see below). Not called a gramm., but his activity as a teacher is suggested by the arrangement of the material in his Ars (see below).

The dating of D. depends on one's view of his sources. The direct use of Charisius and Donatus (qq.v., nos. 200, 52) that has been detected would produce a term. p. q. of s.IV med.; cf. Sch.-Hos. 4:1.169-72; Goetz, RE 5.827-29. But D. appears to have used Donatus's main source, not Donatus himself (see esp. Barwick, Remmius 10f.); and though Barwick's arguments that D. drew directly on Charisius, not on the main source of the "Charisius-group," have had considerable influence (see Barwick, Remmius 8f.; id., "Zur Geschichte" 335f.; and cf. Holtz, Donat 81, 85; De Nonno, Grammatica xvii), the matter should be regarded as still sub iudice (see esp. I. Mariotti, ed., Mar. Vict. pp. 60f.; Ballaira, "Sulla trattazione" 183ff.).

D. certainly wrote before s.V med. or s.VI, when he is cited by Rufinus (q.v., no. 130), GL 6.555.5-10 = 1.515.3-8, 6.568.12-18 = 1.469.3-8; cf. 6.565.4, 573.26. (He is also cited five times by Priscian—GL 2.470.13, 485.20, 499.19, 515.16, 535.12—each time in company with Charisius, and once by Cassiodorus, Inst . 1.30.2.) Note also the abstract form of address or "Ehrenprädikat," excellens facundia tua , that occurs in the preface to his work: GL 1.299.4, hanc [sc. artem ] cun cognovissem excellentem facundiam tuam plurimi facere ; cf. Symm. Ep . 1.79, eruditio tua , addressing Ausonius's son Hesperius; Aug. Ep . 187.3, 229.2, eruditio tua , addressing in the latter the vir inlustris Darius (an. 429/30); Prisc. GL 3.405.14f., sapiens eloquentia vestra , addressing his dedicatee, Symmachus. Such phrasing points to a date in the second half of s.IV rather than in the first half (if not in s.V): see also the datable examples of the Greek counterparts, e.g., , below; and cf. O'Brien, Titles 44, 162, on eruditio ; Zilliacus, Untersuchungen 46, 51ff.; id., "Anredeformen" 167ff.

Author of an ars grammatica in three books, D. describes his efforts as a matter of arranging and setting out what humanae sollertiae claritas expolivit, GL 1.299.2ff. (cf. Charisius GL 1.1.4f., artem . . . sollertia doctissimorum virorum politam et a me digestam ; D.'s method of compilation is, however, much less straightforward than Charisius's). The work is divided into three books according to the age of the audience: GL 1.299.10, secundum trina aetatis gradatim legentium spatia . Therefore it was composed with an eye to the schools. The material of Book 1, described (GL 1.420.2f.) as sermonis universi membra, quae prima legentibus artis grammaticae studia praecipua esse videbantur , includes the parts of speech, the case system with exercises, and the verbal system; Book 2 presents basic definitions de voce , etc., which are thus placed out of the order normal in such artes , and the vitia et virtutes orationis ; Book 3 considers meter.

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The Ars is dedicated to one Athanasius; the abstract form of address, excellens facundia tua , may indicate that he was a member of a learned profession—esp. a rhetorician or advocate—or belonged to a branch of the imperial service that recruited heavily from the learned professions, e.g., assessors to provincial governors: cf. or in Greg. Naz. Ep. 148 and Basil Ep . 77, letters to the assessors Asterius and Helpidius; Isid. Pel. Ep . 5.125 and Nil. Ancyr. Ep . 3.153, letters to ; SB 12.11084 (s.V 2/2), a letter sent by one advocate or rhetorician to another, with Maehler, "Menander" 306. Compare also the use of applied especially to advocates in the papyri, e.g., "your brotherly brilliant learnedhess," POxy . 8.1165.2, ; see Preisigke, WB Abschn. 9, p. 198 s.v.; and add POxy . 16.1883.7, a and ; 1884.10, 14, an ; 1886.12, the same; PSI 8.872.3, the same; Fest. Berl. ägypt. Mus . 459, a : none of these documents is earlier than s.V. The locutions need not be tied to a specific profession, however: cf. for Basil Ep . 1 and 7, the philosopher Eustathius and Gregory Nazianzen; for , PSI 4.297.1, a physician.

48. DIOSCORIUS. , PPO (?)(Or . ?), cons .(?), patricius (?) . s.V 2/4-2/2.

PLRE II s.v. Dioscorus 5, pp. 367f.

Dioscorius: SudaD .1208 (cf. 2.732.25f. Adler); Const. Porph. De cer . 1.87, below. Also Dioscorides (in the genitive, , presumably an error for ): Suda N.395. A from Myra in Lycia (SudaD .1208, N.395), said to have been the brother of the rhetorician Nicolaus of Myra (N.395) and to have taught the daughters of Leo I (Ariadne and Leontia) in Constantinople (D .1208).

According to the Suda , he was PVC and PPO (D .1208, ) or "prefect, consul, and patricius" (N.395, ). It is uncertain which of these titles is authentic.

D. is probably the, , who delivered an encomium of Leo and Anthemius at Constantinople on the occasion of the latter's accession in 467 (Const. Porph. De cer . 1.87, p. 395.15f. Reiske). The style, "ex-prefect of the city," allows for the possibility that the prefecture was honorary. In fact, it may have been not only honorary but a reward precisely for his tuition of Leo's daughters, which must have occupied D. in the years just preceding 467; D. probably would not have become tutor of Ariadne and Leontia before the early or mid-460s, since Leontia was not born until after Leo's accession in 457: Ariadne married in 466/67; Leontia, for the first time, in 470/71. For another ex-teacher at Leo's court in this same period, see s.v. Isocasius, no. 85.

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If D. received the consulship, it must have been honorary, since no Dioscorius is known to the consular fasti . D. cannot be Fl. Dioscorus, cons. ord . (West) in 442 (= PLRE II s.v. 6, p. 368), although he may have been confused with him; cf. below. If honorary, the consulship could not have been received before the reign of Zeno and would possibly have been purchased; cf. Jones, LRE 533.

If the name "Dioscorius" is correct, D. presumably cannot be the bearer (or bearers) of the name "Dioscorus" who was (or were) PPO Or . under Leo and Zeno; cf. Seeck, Regesten 418-19; RE 5.1086.36ff. Attribution of the praetorian prefecture to D. in the Suda may be the result of a confusion with Dioscorus; for the error compare Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1075 n. 3, where D. is called "Dioskoros" and is said to have been a poet, evidently out of confusion with the poet Dioscorus of Aphrodito (s.VI 2/3-3/4; there is no evidence D. was a poet). PLRE II s.v. Dioscorus 5, pp. 367f., assumes that the correct form of D.'s name was "Dioscorus" and identifies him with the PPO Dioscorus.

49. DIPHILUS. Gramm. and poet. ; also Cilicia and Antioch (origin uncertain and movements varied; see below). Born not after ca. 368; dead not before 390.

PLRE I s.v., p. 261.

Diphilus, son of the gramm. Danaus (q.v., no. 43): Lib. Or . 54.55, Ep . 969.1, . Gramm.: see the texts quoted s.v. Danaus. Poet: Or . 54.55-57, Ep . 969.1, 3.

D. was a native of the province governed by Heraclianus in 390; see s.v. Danaus and below. Since D. was professionally active by 388 at the latest (see below), he cannot have been born later than ca. 368.

Our glimpses of D.'s career are limited to 388 and the summer of 390, and are provided by Lib. Or . 54.55-57, composed not long after March or April 389, and Ep . 969, respectively. The reconstruction below differs from Seeck, .Briefe 171, which was followed by Festugière, Antioche 105 n. 7, and by PLRE I s.vv. Danaus, Diphilus, Heraclianus 3. For full discussion, see Kaster, "'Wandering Poet.'"

Already established as a gramm. in one of the provinces of Palestine, D. embarked on a tour of the cities of Cilicia, where Eustathius, cons. Syriae , had promised to arrange "audiences and the income from them" for D.'s poetry; but Eustathius did not keep his promise. The tour was a failure, and D. returned from Cilicia in despair (Or . 54.55).

Shortly before the Olympic Games, in July or August of 388, D. was in Antioch or its environs. Eustathius again promised to help D. by making a place for him as a poet in the games and again broke his promise (Or . 54.56-57).

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In the summer of 390, D. was still teaching in Palestine and was still trying to promote his career as a poet. Libanius commended him as an encomiast to one Heraclianus, the governor of D.'s native province (Ep . 969); we do not know that D. was now successful. The province governed by Heraclianus in 390 is also unknown; it was certainly not one of the Palestines, nor was it Syria or Phoenice. If it was in Oriens, as seems most likely, then it was perhaps Arabia or Cilicia; but the question must remain open. See Kaster, "'Wandering Poet'" 156f.

50. DOMITIUS. Gramm. Clermont-Ferrand. s.V 3/4.

Sch.-Hos. 4:2.268; PLRE II s.v. 2, p. 371.

Friend of Sidonius Apollinaris: cf. sodalis and amici in Carm . 24.3, 9. Taught in Clermont-Ferrand (see below) in the 460s: Ep . 2.2 belongs to the period of Sidonius's retirement, 461-67 (ca. 465, according to Loyen, ed., Sidoine vol. 2 p. 246); Carm . 24, to 469 (cf. Loyen, ed., Sidoine vol. 1 p. xxx). D. taught Terence (Ep . 2.2.2) and therefore was presumably a gramm.

The place of his instruction is not specified but is almost certainly Clermont. Sidonius, writing from his estate, Avitacum, in the Auvergne, refers to D.'s discomfort in the anhelantes angustiae civitatis , which in context should refer to the civitas Arvernorum , i.e., Clermont; cf. Fournier, "Noms" 553ff. This is all the more likely if Avitacum is Aydat, some 19 km SW of the city; cf. Stevens, Sidonius 185ff. Further, Sidonius's Carmina make their first stop at D.'s home (Carm . 24.10f.), after which they are imagined as following a southerly route from Brionde (Carm . 24.16), ca. 58 km SSE of Clermont, to Narbo (Carm . 24.90ff.); cf. Loyen, Sidoine . . . et l'esprit 64 n. 2.

D. was invited by Sidonius to escape the heat of late spring in the city where he was teaching (Ep . 2.2.1) and join him at Avitacum: ibid. 3, contubernio nostro aventer insertus . He received the collected poems of Sidonius (Carm . 24.10ff.); he is described as a demanding critic (vv. 12-15). Possibly he had been the teacher of Sidonius's brother-in-law Ecdicius; cf. Loyen, Sidoine . . . et l'esprit 65. It is not dear whether he was a public or private teacher; for argument that D. had a municipally funded chair, see Riché, "Survivance" 421ff.

51. DONATIANUS. Gramm. Aet incert. ; perhaps not before s.IV 2/2.

Cf. RE 5.1532 (Goetz); Sch.-Hos. 4:1.169; PLRE I s.v. Donatianus 6, p. 268.

Scholar to whom the Donatiani fragmentum is attributed (GL 6.275.10-277.15); according to the fragment, he was a teacher: GL 6.275.11, ars grammatica accepta ex auditorio Donatiani. The heading also suggests that

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the fragment is from an treatise; as such, it is the only identifiable representative of the type in Latin (for the type in Greek, cf. s.vv. Ioannes Charax, Georgius Choeroboscus, nos. 199, 201). The fragment bears a marked resemblance to sections of Charisius: cf. GL 6.275.16-276.8 with 1.116.30-117.5 (= Iulius Romanus); GL 6.276.10-277.9 with 1.52.6-53.6; GL 6.277.9-15 with 1.53.30-54.5. If it depends on Charisius (q.v., no. 200) and not on Charisius's sources, then it must not be dated before s.IV 2/2.

D. is perhaps, though not very probably, Ti. Claudius Maximus Donatianus (q.v., no. 208).

TI. CLAUDIUS MAXIMUS DONATIANUS: see no. 208.

52. AELIUS DONATUS. v. c., orator (unlikely). . s.IV med.

RE 5.1545-47 (Wessner); Sch.-Hos. 4:1.161-65; PLRE I s.v. 3, p. 268; Holtz, Donat 15ff.

Aelius Donatus: Comm. Terent . cod. Dresden. Reg. Dc132 fol. 1^r , 4^r ; likewise in the subscr. to the commentary on Phorm . in cod. Cors. 43 E 28 fol. 294^r (cf. Warren, "On Five New Manuscripts" 32) and in the codex Cuiacianus reported by J. Gronovius, on which see now Reeve, "Textual Tradition" 324ff.; cf. also APLI [< AELI ?] DONATI in the subscr. to the commentary on And ., cod. Paris. lat. 7920 fol. 51^r , and AFRI DONATI in the subscr. ad loc . found in cod. Vat. lat. 2905 fol. 76^v ; FL . [<? EL . = AEL .] DONATVS in the salutation of the prefatory epistle to the Vergilian commentary. Claudius Donatus (in confusion with Ti. Claudius Donatus): tit. in cod. Oxon. Lincoln. 45. Elsewhere simply Donatus. Note that the name "Aelius" is thus not unequivocally attested before s.XV, though it probably lurks beneath the form APLI DONATI found in cod. Paris. lat. 7920, of s.XI; and apart from the form FL ., which has been assumed to be a corruption of AEL (IVS ), in the Comm. Verg . epist. praef. (above), the only evidence for "Aelius" is found in the same mss of the Comm. Terent . that carry the very suspect style v.c., orator , on which see below.

Styled grammaticus urbis Romae in numerous codd. of the Ars (see Holtz, Donat 354ff.); grammaticus at Jer. Chron . s.a. 354, Victorinus rhetor et Donatus grammaticus, praeceptor meus, Romae insignes habentur , and praeceptor meus also at Jer. C. Rufin . 1.16, Comm. Eccles . 1; grammaticus excellentissimus or clarissimus grammaticus or honoratissimus grammaticus or grammaticus in some codd. of the Comm. Terent . (see Wessner, ed., 1, x-xxiv). Also styled v.c., orator urbis Romae in cod. Paris. lat. 7920 fol. 51^r (subscr. to the commentary on And .), cod. Cors. 43 E 28 fol. 294^r , and cod. Cuiacian. according to Gronovius (the latter two in subscr. to the commentary on Phorm .); orator Urbis in cod. Vat. lat. 2905 fol. 76^v (subscr. to the commentary on

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And .). Also Donatus V.C.D . at "Sergius" Explan., GL 4.486.8; the meaning is obscure (see below).

Active at Rome at least in the mid- to late 350s and doubtless in the early 360s: see Jer. Chron . s.a. 354, C. Rufin . 1.16, Comm. Eccles . 1; cf. Booth, "Date." The name "Donatus" suggests that D. may have been of African origin; see Syme, "'Donatus'" 589ff. = Roman Papers 3.1106ff.; cf. Holtz, Donat 19f. If he did pursue a career as a rhetorician, which is unlikely despite the titulatur (see below), he did not do so before 366, when Jerome's schooldays at Rome ended. Jerome clearly knew D. only as a grammarian.

Author of an ars grammatica , in the form of an Ars minor on the parts of speech, in one book per interrogationem et responsionem , and an Ars maior , in three books: GL 4.355-402; Holtz, Donat 585-674. The work was the subject of numerous commentaries, including those by Servius, GL 4.405-48 (with "Sergius" GL 4.486-562); by Cledonius, GL 5.9-79; and by Pompeius, GL 5.95-312 (qq.v., nos. 136, 255, 31, 125). Cf. also Schindel, Figurenlehren ; with Holtz, "À l'école de Donat."

D. also compiled a variorum commentary on the works of Vergil, from which only the prefatory epistle dedicating the work to a certain L. Munatius, the V. Verg ., and the preface to the Buc . survive independently; the commentary was an important source for Servius, Macrobius, and others. It is now generally agreed that considerable fragments of the commentary are embedded in the interpolated version of Servius discovered by P. Daniel; see s.v. Servius and Chap. 5 n. 2. D. also wrote a commentary on Terence; cf. Priscian GL 3.281.14f., 320.13. For the commentaries on Terence and Vergil, see Jer. C. Rufin . 1.16; "Sergius" GL 4.486.8f. The Terentian commentary that now passes under Donatus's name issues from a later process of abridgement and reconstitution; cf. Sabbadini, "Commento" 4ff.; Wessner, ed., 1, xliv-xlvii. On the transmission of the Comm. Terent ., see now Reeve and Rouse, "New Light"; Reeve, "Aelius." For the suggestion that Donatus wrote works on rhetoric now lost, see Sabbadini, "Scolii" 339f.; contra , Keil GL 4, xxxvi-xxxvii; Holtz, Donat 251 n. 34, correctly.

The different styles in D.'s titulatur should properly denote two different periods of his teaching career: as a gramm. (grammaticus urbis Romae ); and, presumably later, as a rhetorician, when he would also apparently have been honored with the clarissimate (v.c., orator urbis Romae ). For orator or rhetor urbis Romae , cf. PLRE I s.vv. Hierius 5 (p. 431), Magnus 10 (p. 535); Marius Victorinus, Expos. in Rhet. Cic . tit.; the rhetor Felix in the subscriptions to Martianus Capella and Horace edited by Jahn, "Subscriptionen" 351ff. (Note that the heading v.c., grammaticus in PLRE I is misleading, since the evidence for D.'s possession of the clarissimate is—except for the puzzle in "Sergius"—connected only with his

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supposed status as orator .) Since the style grammaticus urbis Romae is associated with the mss of the Ars , whereas v.c., orator urbis Romae appears only in certain mss of the Terentian commentary—including the oldest, cod. Paris. lat. 7920, of s.XI—the natural inference was drawn by Sabbadini, "Scolii" 337ff., who dated the Ars to the time of Donatus's activity as a gramm., and the Terentian commentary to a subsequent period, when D. would have been v.c., orator urbis Romae .

The evidence of Jerome, however, tells decisively against that inference. First, Jerome preserves a comment D. made while teaching Terence in the classroom as a gramm.: Comm. Eccl . 1, on Eun . prol. 41, nihil est dictum, quod non sit dictum prius: unde praeceptor meus Donatus, cure istum versiculum exponeret, "pereant" inquit "qui ante nos nostra dixerunt. " Given the fortunes of the commentary, the absence of the witticism from the surviving text does not prove that Jerome is reporting a viva voce remark, but Jerome's tenses and the nature of the remark—more risqué and personal than the ordinary fare of a commentary—make it likely that Jerome is recalling a piece of oral instruction that had stuck in his mind. Moreover, Jerome also makes it plain that the commentaries on Vergil and Terence were both already in circulation when he was a puer ; cf. C. Rufin . 1.16, puto quod puer legeris Aspri in Vergilium et Sallustium commentarios, Volcatii in orationes Ciceronis, Victorini in dialogos eius, et in Terentii comoedias praeceptoris mei Donati, aeque in Vergilium, et aliorum in alios . The puer here of course is Rufinus, but since he and Jerome were nearly exact contemporaries, the remark will apply to Jerome's own pueritia as well—that is, to the very time when, as puer , Jerome was a student of D. the grammaticus ; cf. Chron . s.a. 354, and, for Jerome's use of puer to denote the time of his own grammatical studies at Rome, In Abacuc . 2.3.14 and Comm. Galat . prol. Plainly, then, D. both lectured on Terence and published his commentary when still a gramm., not as a rhetorician; and this is only what we should expect, since Terence was traditionally associated with the grammarian's school, not the rhetorician's.

Consequently, either the style v.c., orator urbis Romae is genuine and was somehow preserved apart from the original Comm. Terent ., which it could not have adorned, ultimately to find its way anachronistically into one branch of the commentary's tradition; or else the title represents a later misunderstanding or invention. No mechanism for the first alternative immediately suggests itself, but later fictions concerning D.'s life are not unknown; cf. the V. Donati edited by Hagen, Anecd. Helv . = GL 8, cclx-cclxi. The mysterious V.C.D . in "Sergius" GL 4.486.8f., hic enim Donatus V.C.D. Vergilianum carmen vel [et Ribbeck] Terenti comoedias mirifice commentavit , may be part of this same problem if V.C.D . has its origin in v.c.o . or v.c. or ., i.e., v (ir ) c (larissimus ) o (rator ); cf. the style in the tit. of the Exempla elocutionu ; of Arusianus Messius, v (iri ) c (larissimi ) or (atoris ). But

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V.C.D. may be a fusion or confusion of v (ir ) c (larissimus ) and v (ir ) d (isertissimus ); cf. s.v. Rufinus, no. 130. Note also the reference of "Sergius" to D.'s commentary on Vergilianum carmen , not carmina , implying that D. commented on only one of Vergil's compositions; the reference might further suggest that "Sergius" is not a well-informed witness for D.'s life and work. The question of D.'s correct titulatur does not permit an unequivocal solution; that D. became an orator and gained the clarissimate must, however, be regarded as at best unlikely.

TI. CLAUDIUS DONATUS: see no. 209.

53. DOSITHEUS. Gramm. (magister ). s.IV, perhaps 2/2.

RE 5.1606-7 (Goetz); Sch.-Hos. 4:1.177-79; PLRE I s.v., p. 271.

Dositheus magister (Ars tit., GL 7.376.2), usually taken to be the man responsible for both the composition of the Latin Ars and its translation into Greek. The dependence of the Ars on the common source of the "Charisius-group" (cf. Barwick, Remmius 4ff.) suggests that it was not composed much before s.IV med. It is possible but less likely that D. also drew directly on Cominianus (q.v., no. 34); cf. Tolkiehn, Cominianus 79ff. The name "Sacerdos" (q.v., no. 132) is used in examples in a way that might refer to a contemporary; cf. esp. GL 7.407.18f., bene apud Sacerdotem studetur . But these examples were probably already found in D.'s source; note GL 7.393.12f. = Exc. Bob., GL 1.534.34 = Diom. GL 1.318.7. If the citation of Donatus's Ars at GL 7.424.9ff. (= 4.391.27ff. = 652.6-13H.) belongs to the treatise as originally written, then a term. p. q . of s.IV med. would be established (cf. Tolkiehn, "Apex"); but the citation could be a later addition. A sure term. a. q . is lacking. D.'s origin and place of activity are unknown; there is some slight reason to think that he was a Greek-speaker from Asia Minor; cf. Tolkiehn, ed., Dosithei ars xii.

D. composed an Ars grammatica in Latin, originally with word-for-word (interlinear?) translation in Greek. The work was presumably intended for speakers of Greek who were learning Latin.

He was possibly a Christian; cf. Tolkiehn, Cominianus 96. The suggestion of Baldwin, "Some addenda " (1976) 119, that D. was an acquaintance of the emperor Julian and was the recipient of Iul. Ep . 68 Wright (= 200 Bidez) would have little to recommend it even if the letter were not of doubtful authenticity. The suggestion of Tolkiehn, ed., Dosithei ars xii, that D. is to be identified with the homonymous ecclesiastical writer of Cilicia does not have much more chance of being correct.

54. EVANTHIUS. Lat. gramm. Constantinople. s.IV 1/2; died 358.

RE 6.847 (Wessner); Sch.-Hos. 4:1.179-80; PLRE I s.v. 2, p. 287; cf. Cupaiuolo, "Antiche edizioni" 42f.

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Evanthius, eruditissimus grammaticorum : Jer. Chron . s.a. 358; cf. Rufin. GL 6.554.4, 565.5. Died at Constantinople in 358 (Jer. ibid.); succeeded by Chrestus (q.v., no. 27).

Rufinus, GL 6.554.4ff., cites Evanthius in commentario Terentii de fabula , quoting two brief passages that now stand in the introduction to the Terentian commentary that has come down under the name of Donatus: GL 6.554.5-6 = Comm. Terent . ed. Wessner 1.17.16-18; 6.554.6-9 = 19.6-9. It is clear, then, that Evanthius wrote a commentary on Terence that included or was introduced by a general discussion of the genre, but it is uncertain how Evanthius's work is related to the original commentary of Donatus (q.v., no. 52) or to the abridged and reconstituted version that survives.

55. EUDAEMON. Gramm. (or sophist?); poet; advocate. . Born not after ca. 337, probably well before; dead not before 392.

RE 6.885 (Cohn); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1075 n. 3, 1077, 1081 n. 3; Seeck, Briefe 131; Wolf, Schulwesen 37, 39; Hunger 2.13, 18; PLRE I s.v. 3, pp. 289f.

The recipient or subject of Lib. Ep . 315 (an. 357 not later than summer), 108 (an. 359/60), 132 (an. 360 init.), 164, 167 (both an. 360 spring), 255 (an. 360/161), 632, 633 (both an. 361 summer), 826 (an. 363), 1057 (an. 392); cf. Suda E.3407.

From Egypt (Ep . 132.1, 255.3), specifically, from Pelusium (Ep . 108.2; Suda E.3407); of good birth but modest estate (Ep . 108.2; sim. 164.1). Since he was an advocate by 357 (see below), he will not have been born much after 337. In fact, he was probably not too far from Libanius's age, since the latter speaks of him as "better than a brother in his behavior toward me" (Ep . 164.2); were E. much younger, we would expect Libanius to have chosen "son" as the appropriate image of familial piety: cf. Ep . 1428.2 and s.v. Eudaemon (no. 210) ad fin . If so, he was perhaps born ca. 314/24; this rough date would be consistent with his father's old age in 359/60 (Ep . 108.2). E. cannot have been much older than Libanius (314-93), since he was alive in 392 (Ep . 1057). He was active as a poet before he arrived at Elusa (Ep . 132.1-2, quoted below) and still at the time of our latest notice of him: Ep . 1057; cf. also Ep . 108.4, ; 255.9ff. (an obscure passage); 632.4; 633; 826.4; Suda E.3407, .

His teaching career and movements are problematic; as attested by Libanius, they can be presented tentatively in the following stages.

E. received his education in poetry, i.e., his grammatical education, in Egypt but did not receive his rhetorical education until he went to Elusa:

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Ep . 132.1-2, [i.e., in Egypt] . The letter is addressed to Eutocius, a principalis of a city that is not named, doubtless Elusa; cf. Seeck, Briefe 151; and below.

By 357 he was active with his cousin Eunomus as an advocate () in Elusa; cf. Ep . 315.5, commending to the governor Clematius . Cf. also at Ep . 132.1, 164.2, the latter again involving Eunomus. Note that if the suggestions above concerning E.'s chronology are valid, we must assume either that he had first come to Elusa sometime before 357, or that a fair amount of time had intervened between his grammatical studies in Egypt and his rhetorical education in Palestine, or some combination of the two; for he would have been of quite mature age by 357.

His activity as advocate at Elusa can be traced through the spring of 360; cf. Ep . 164.2, commending him to Cyrillus the governor of Palaestina Salutaris. Ep . 167, addressed to E., presumably at Elusa, on a private matter unrelated to his profession, belongs to the same period. By that time he had also gained a teaching position there; cf. Ep . 108.1 (late 359 or early 360), . (Since E. was still in Elusa in spring 360, Seeck, Briefe 214 and 362, must be wrong in saying that this letter, which introduces E. to the comes Or . Modestus and requests his favor for E.'s family, was received by Modestus at Pelusium. The letter, like Ep . 100, 101 and 105, was probably sent to Modestus when the latter was still in Palestine; it anticipates his trip to Egypt.) E.'s post at Elusa carried an imperial salad: in Ep . 132.3 (an. 360 init.) he is a , and Libanius enlists the aid of Eutocius in winning E. the privilege of converting his salary in kind () to cash.

E. cannot have stayed at Elusa much beyond spring 360, for by the time we next hear of him (Ep . 255; late 360 or early 361) he has had time to go to Egypt, return to Antioch to respond to a suit, become an intimate of Libanius, advising him on numerous questions, do some teaching at Antioch, and leave again, probably for Constantinople. For the summons from Egypt and the suit, see Ep . 255.3; for his friendship with Libanius and his advice, ibid. passim . For his teaching at Antioch, see ibid. 4, ; and cf. ibid. 6, , , referring to the participation of the teachers of Antioch in the ceremonial adventus of the governors; cf. Liebeschuetz, Antioch 208f. Regarding his departure from Antioch, Seeck, Briefe 375, assumed that E. received Ep . 255 at

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Elusa; but since we know that E. soon visited Constantinople, and since Ep . 251-53 are also addressed to recipients there, to assume that E. went to the capital directly from Antioch and there received Ep . 255 seems better than to add one more trip—in the opposite direction—to an already crowded itinerary; see immediately below.

Sometime toward the end of 360 or the beginning of 361 E. traveled to Constantinople, only to return to Egypt by the summer of 361; cf. Ep . 632, 633, Libanius commending E.'s poetic talents to the praef. Aegypt . Gerontius and urging E. to exploit the connection. For the sojourn at Constantinople, see Ep . 633.2.

His whereabouts and activity thereafter cannot be traced, although he is referred to again, as poet only, in 363 (Fp . 826) and 392 (Ep . 1057).

Here is clearly a duster of difficult questions, an answer to any one of which different from that proposed above would materially alter the reconstruction. Most noteworthy is the flurry of activity that took E. within a year from Elusa to Egypt to Antioch to Constantinople and back to Egypt, a sequence especially disconcerting since it means that E. could only have taught in Antioch for a few months; this is the necessary conclusion from Ep . 255. It should be remembered, however, that Libanius had a similarly brief tenure at Nicaea (implied by Lib. Or . 1.46-48). The alternative date for Ep . 255, an. 357/58 (Foerster), might avoid some of the difficulty but in fact raises more problems than it solves. The most difficult question, however, derives from data that are indisputable. E. certainly taught at Elusa and Antioch; cf. the texts cited above. But was he a gramm., or a teacher of rhetoric?

Libanius offers no sure indication, but his emphasis on E.'s activity as a (meaning "advocate" everywhere in these letters) might suggest that he taught rhetoric. The Suda , however, terms E. a —though this description is by no means decisive, given the source. More compellingly, the Suda states that he wrote a and an . Note that these works, esp. the latter, concern the very topics on which Libanius consulted E. while the two were together in Antioch: Ep . 255.6-7; see esp. ibid. 7, where Libanius praises at some length E.'s judgment concerning the proper vocative forms of .

Answers to the question of E.'s metier accordingly differ depending on whether one prefers to draw one's conclusions from Libanius—so, apparently, PLRE I, which states that he was a sophist at Elusa; similarly, e.g., Liebeschuetz, Antioch 155 n. 6—or from the Suda : thus Cohn, RE 6.885; Chr.-Sch.-St., 2:2.1075 n. 3, 1077; Wolf, Schulwesen 37, 39. Seeck, Briefe 131, calls him a gramm., referring to the Suda and to Ep . 132, 255, 1057, although Ep . 132 and 1057 offer nothing useful, and Ep . 255 is inconclusive. I am inclined to think that E. taught gramm. at Elusa and Antioch,

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although I would not be surprised to learn that he taught rhetoric. One should also bear in mind that our detailed evidence, such as it is, for E.'s activity covers only four years, 357-61, in the middle of what would seem to have been a long and busy life, during which E. could have appeared in a number of different professional guises.

The significantly influenced later gramm.; for details, see RE 6.885. E. is probably the Eudaemon included in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7; cf. ibid. 38ff. That he composed a completely unattested work is a modern conjecture.

EUDAEMON: see no. 210.

56. EUGENIUS. Gramm. and poet. Augustopolis . s.V 212 / s.VI init.

RE 6.987-88 (Cohn); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1075f.; PLRE II s.v. 2, p. 416.

Eugenius son of Trophimus: Suda E.3394. From Augustopolis in Phrygia (Salutaris): Suda ibid. and praef. Taught as a gramm. in Constantinople in the reign of Anastasius when already elderly: Suda E.3394; cf. Stephanus (q.v., no. 144) of Byzantium s.v. . He is credited in the Suda (E.3394) with works metrical, ; orthographical [cf. s.v. Horapollon, no. 77], ; lexicographical, (cf. Suda praef.; this is probably the cited by Stephanus s.v. ); and poetical . Named as a source in the preface to the Suda , but the authenticity of the preface is doubtful; see Adler RE , 2. Reihe, 4.681.7ff.

FL. EUGENIUS: see no. 211.

EUSEBIUS: see no. 212.

^* EUTROPIUS: see no. 213.

^* EUTYCHES: see no. 214.

57. EUTYCHES. Lat. gramm. Constantinople(?). s.VI l/2.

RE 6.1529 (Goetz); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.238-40; PLRE II s.v. 2, pp. 445f.

Eutyches: in genitive, Eutychis, Euticis , or sim. in some early mss of the Are and in mss of Cassiodorus De orth . at GL 7.147.12, 199.4 (the form Euticis is presumably the starting point for the nominative Eutex in the commentary of Sedulius, Anecd. Helv . = GL 8.2.1ff.); Euticii in most early

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mss of the Ars (see Jeudy, "Manuscrits"), hence Eutitii duo (sc. libri ) in the catalogue of gramm. in cod. Bern. 243, Anecd. Helv . = GL 8, cxlix; cf. also GL 8.1.13ff.

Called grammaticus in some mss of the Ars . More reliable evidence of the profession is E.'s dedication of the Ars to a pupil, Craterus: GL 5.447.9, meorum dilectissime discipulorum Cratere ; cf. also ibid. 1ff., cum semper novas quaestiones doctoribus auditorum acutiora commovere solent ingenia . . . , inexcusabilis quodam modo respondendi necessitas praeceptoribus iure videtur inponi . It is tempting, incidentally, to see in E.'s dedicatee a member of the family of Craterus (= PLRE II s.v., p. 328) and his son Phocas (PPO Or . 532, = Phocas 5 PLRE II, pp. 881-82), the former possibly the rhetorician and advocate who is the subject of Anth. Gr . 7.561-62, 9.661 (cf. McCail, "Cycle " 88), the latter known as a patron of Latin studies (cf. s.v. Speciosus, no. 138). E.'s pupil could not, however, have been Phocas's father, whose schooldays must on any reckoning have fallen before E.'s time. Perhaps he was a son of Phocas?

E. was a pupil of Priscian, presumably at Constantinople: GL 5.456.29ff., Romanae lumen facundiae, meus, immo communis omnium hominum praeceptor . . . grammaticus Priscianus . it is likely that E. taught there as well. As a pupil of Priscian, E. should be dated to s.VI l/2-med. Cassiodorus is clearly mistaken in placing him among the orthographi antiqui he names at Inst . 1.30.2; cf. Cassiod. De orth . praef., GL 7.147.12, where E. is implicitly distinguished from Priscian, the modernus auctor .

Author of an Ars de verbo or de discernendis coniugationibus in two books (GL 5.447-88). Book 1 is entitled "De coniugationibus verborum"; Book 2, "De finalitatibus." There is an extant commentary by Remigius of Auxerre; and one by Sedulius Scottus, Anecd. Helv . = GL 8.1-38 (cf. ibid. lxxiii-lxxix), with a new edition by B. Löfstedt, CC CM 40C, pars 3.2 (Turnhout, 1977). A lost work De aspiratione was excerpted by Cassiodorus, De orth., GL 7.199-202.

Cf. also s.v. Ter(r)entius, no. 262.

EUTYCHIANUS: see no. 215.

FABIUS: see s.v. Flavius, no. 61.

58. FAUSTUS. Gramm. (and poet?). Africa, perhaps Carthage. s.VI init. - 1/2.

PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 451.

Friend of the poet Luxurius (q.v., no. 235) and a gramm.: Anth. Lat . 1:1.287 (= 1 Rosenblum), 4, tantus grammaticae magister artis . At F.'s urging Luxurius undertook the publication of his liber epigrammaton (ibid. 1ff., 19f.), and Luxurius sent him the poems to review and approve before

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their wider circulation (ibid. 10ff.; and see s.v. Luxurius). Connection with Luxurius (cf. s.v.) suggests F.'s place and date, but note that although Luxurius was probably a man of Carthage, it need not follow that F. should be placed there as well. It is conceivable that he was the teacher of Luxurius, but, pace Riché (Education 38), Anth. Lat . 1:1.287.5, [versus ] quos olim puer in foro paravi , does not have that meaning; and Luxurius seems to address F. rather as a friend and peer than as an older man and onetime teacher: cf. ibid. 1, amice ; 3, nostro Fauste animo probate conpar .

F. is possibly the Faustus whose poetry is quoted in a glossary of s.XII (cf. Rosenblum, Luxorius 44 n. 44; Happ, "Zur Lisorius-Frage" 200), although he is by no means the only possible candidate from this period; cf. Ennod. Carm . 2.3 (MGH AA 7.80).

59. FELICIANUS. Gramm. Carthage. s.V 2/2.

Sch.-Hos. 4:2.58f., 66; Szövérffy, Weltliche Dichtungen 1.178f.; PLRE II s.v., p. 458.

Teacher of the poet Dracontius, who praises F., no doubt with a touch of encomiastic exaggeration, as the man responsible for recalling Latin letters from their exile under the Vandals: Rom . 1.13f., qui fugatas Africanae reddis urbi litteras, / barbaris qui Romulidas iungis auditorio . When still his pupil, ut vid ., Dracontius addresses him in Rom . 1 (tit., Praefatio Dracontii discipuli ad grammaticum Felicianum ) and Rom . 3 (tit., incipit praefatio ad Felicianum grammaticum, cuius supra in auditorio ; cf. ibid. 14-20). These are the coveting or dedicatory pieces for Rom . 2, Fabula Hylae , and 4, Verba Herculis . (For classroom compositions of the sort implied by the tit. of Rom . 1 and 3, where note esp. Dracontii discipuli and in auditorio , see s.v. Ioannes of Gaza, no. 83.) As products of the time when Dracontius was still a schoolboy, Rom . 1-4 must antedate by some years Rom . 7, written by Dracontius in prison ca. 490, when he was already of a mature age.

Cf. Kuijper, "Varia" 7ff.; Díaz de Bustamente, Draconcio 37ff.

+ FELIX: see no. 216.

60. IUNIUS FILARGIRIUS. Gramm. Milan. Not active before s.V 1/4?

RE 10.1077-79 (Tolkiehn); Sch.-Hos. 2.108f.; PLRE II s.v. Iunius Philargyrius, p. 874.

Iunius Filargirius: I. Filargirius, subscr. Explan. 1 in Buc . codd. NP, subscr. Explan. 2 in Buc . cod. P; I. Filagirius, subscr. Explan. 2 codd. P^[2] NL; I. Filargius in Manitius, Handschriften 267; Iunilius or Iunilius Flagrius, Scholia Bernensia ; cited as "Iunilius" in a commentary on Orosius: cf. Lehmann, "Reste" 200. For the name "Philargyr(i)us," cf. Thilo, "Bei-

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träge" 135; Ferrua, "Nuova regione" 178; and Pape and Benseler, Wöirterbuch ; Preisigke, Namenbuch ; Foraboschi, Onomasticon s.v. The form "Filagrius" was urged by Heraeus, "Drei Fragmente" 391 n. 1.

A gramm. (grammaticus , subscr. Explan. 1 and 2 ) at Milan: Iunilii Flagrii Mediolanenses [sic], subscr. to Buc . in Schol. Bern . (printed as inscr. to Georg . by Hagen; see below); cf. Iunilius Flagrius Valentiano Mediolani , inscr. of Georg . in Schol. Bern . Author of a commentary on the Bucolica and Georgica of Vergil, dedicated to a certain Valentinianus: so subscr. to the Buc . in Explan. 2; Valentiano , inscr. of Georg . in Schol. Bern ., above. Note that even if the form "Valentinianus" is correct, the absence of appropriate ornament in the dedication makes it unlikely that one of the three emperors of that name is meant, as has sometimes been supposed. The commentary is preserved in two different recensions: recension a, ed. H. Hagen, in Thilo and Hagen, eds., Servii . . . commentarii 3:2, contains Explan. 1 and 2 on the Buc ., and the Brevis expositio (transmitted without attribution) on the Georg. ; recension b is the Scholia Bernensia ad Vergili Bucolica atque Georgica , ed. H. Hagen, Jahrbuch für classischen Philologie Suppl. 4.5 (Leipzig, 1867); cf. Barwick, "De Iunio"; Funaioli, Esegesi .

F.'s use of the variorum commentary of Donatus (cf. Funaioli, Esegesi 233ff.) provides a term. p. q . of s.IV med.; his apparent use of Servius, a term. p. q . of s.V 1/4. Funaioli believed F. to be ignorant of Servius; but as C. E. Murgia has emphasized to me, Funaioli's treatment of the evidence was often arbitrary: note esp. that Servius's introduction to the Georg . (ed. Thilo and Hagen, Servii . . . commentarii 3.128-29.16) is repeated almost verbatim in both recensions and is attributed to "Iunilius" in recension b; so Schol. Bern . p. 841.3, hucusque Iunilius . For an attempt at more exact dating, see Funaioli, Esegesi 399f. A reliable term. a. q . is lacking; on the identification of the Adamnanus mentioned in Explan. 1 (Ecl . 3.90) with the homonymous abbot of Iona (679-704), cf. Lehmann, "Reste" 197f., and Wessner's review of Funaioli, PhW 51 (1931), 209.

Cf. also s.vv. Titus Gallus, Gaudentius, nos. 222, 223.

+FILOCALUS: see no. 217.

FIRMIANUS: see no. 218.

FLAVIANUS: see no. 219.

61. FLAVIUS? (FABIUS?). Lat. gramm. . s.III ex. / s.IV init.

PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 349.

Flavius: "Flavius" and "Fabius" appear in the mss of Jer. De vir. ill ., as does "Flavus"; cf. "Flavum" in the mss of Jer. C. Iovin. ; and Barnes,

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"More Missing Names" 144. Latin gramm. invited by Diocletian to teach at Nicomedia: Jer. De vir. ill . 80. Since he is said to have been summoned with Lactantius, he was presumably from Africa.

F. wrote a treatise De medicinalibus in hexameter verse: Jer. De vir. ill . 80; C. Iovin . 2.6.

Perhaps a Christian; cf. Jer. C. Iovin . 2.6, noster . But since F. here is named fourth in a list that begins with three Greeks—Aristotle, Theophrastus, Marcellus of Side—noster may instead mark him as a Latin writer.

^* FLAVIUS: see no. 220.

ATILIUS FORTUNATIANUS: see no. 221.

^* 62. FL. FORTUNATUS. Schoolmaster. Aquileia. s.IV 212 / s.VI.

Fl. Fortun[atus], called [magiste ]r litterar [um ] on a Christian epitaph from Aquileia; see Brusin, "Nuove epigrafi" 40f. = AE 1968, 191-98 n. (p. 72). His religion and the name "Flavius" suggest a date not before s.IV 2/2. His use of the Flaviate is noteworthy as evidence of incomplete social differentiation between magistri litterarum and grammatici , and might suggest a date of s.V or VI; cf. Chap. 3 pp. 109-11.

TITUS GALLUS: see no. 222.

GAUDENTIUS: see no. 223.

+ 63. GEORGIUS. Gramm. Egypt? Palestine (Gaza)? (very uncertain). s.VI 1/2?

Nissen, Byzantinische Anakreonten 13ff.; Anastasi, "Giorgio" 209ff.; Hunger 2.93f.

A , author of nine surviving anacreontic poems, PLG^[4] 3.363ff.: 1-6, exercises in ethopoeia on the theme of the rose, for the Rosalia; 7-8, epithalamia; plus the poem in honor of the Brumalia of the gramm. Coluthus, on the attribution of which cf. s.v. Coluthus, no. 33. Two other poems listed in the index of cod. Barb. 310 (olim 246) have not survived; cf. Nissen, Byzantinische Anakreonten 13; Anastasi, "Giorgio" 207ff. An Italian translation of the poems, with brief, largely textual notes, is given by Anastasi, "Giorgio" 234ff.

G. appears to have been at one time a pupil of the gramm. Coluthus (q.v.); cf. PLG^[4] 3.364, vv. 65-68. The place of G.'s activity cannot be identified with certainty; for some evidence that he might be claimed by Egypt or Gaza, see Nissen, Byzantinische Anakreonten 19; Anastasi, "Giorgio" 215ff., and cf. ibid. p. 227, where G. has become a representative of the "Egyptian School." He is probably to be dated roughly contemporary with Ioannes (q.v., no. 83) of Gaza, with whom he shares in

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the anacreontic pieces certain features distinct from the earlier technique of Gregory Nazianzen and Synesius; cf. Nissen, Byzantinische Anakreonten 19ff.; Anastasi, "Giorgio" 217ff. That dating would be established more firmly if the gramm. Coluthus were certainly the poet of Lycopolis; on the identification, see s.v.

It does not seem possible to determine whether G. is the same man as Georgius , author of two unpublished encomia of St. Barbara (BHG 218a-b). G. cannot be Georgius Choeroboscus (q.v., no. 201); cf. Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1079 n. 10.

GEORGIUS CHOEROBOSCUS: see s.v. CHOEROBOSCUS, no. 201.

64. ACILIUS GLABRIO. Gramm. and advocate. Bordeaux. s.IV 1/2.

RE 7.1372 (Seeck); PLRE I s.v. 2, p. 397.

Acilius Glabrio: Auson. Prof . 24 tit.; Glabrio^†Aquilini , ibid. 4 Schenkl (Aquilini V: Acilini Heinsius, Advers . lib. 4, cap. 5, p. 601, followed by most edd.). The quantity of the second syllable of Aquilini is incorrect; Acilini as the genitive of his father's name ("Glabrio, son of Acilinus," Evelyn-White in his Loeb translation) is difficult, since if the iun (iori ) of the tit. is correct, G. was possibly the son of an homonymous father, and the name Acilin (i )us does not in any event seem to be otherwise attested. Pastorino (Opere 196) conjectured that an imagined Trojan ancestor of the family, Acilinus, was meant; but the family traced its origin back to Anchises and Aphrodite, i.e., through Aeneas (see below).

A grammaticus (ibid. tit., v. 6) and advocate (ibid. 7, inque foro tutela reis ) at Bordeaux (ibid. tit.); coeval with and a fellow student of Ausonius, therefore born ca. 310: ibid. 5, tu quondam puero conpar mihi, discipulo mox (discipulo Scaliger: discipulos V: discipulus Corpet, edd.). The reading adopted by modern editors, discipulus , would on its most natural and usual interpretation make G. a pupil of Ausonius—although that would have G. still or again studying grammar well into his twenties, the earliest time at which he could have had Ausonius as his teacher, since Ausonius began teaching ca. 336/37. This is not impossible—cf. Libanius aged twenty reading Aristophanes with a gramm., Or . 1.9—but it would certainly have been unusual. Scaliger's discipulo is much to be preferred: note that the line is articulated naturally by the caesura and diaeresis around conpar mihi , which should thus be construed in common with both the preceding and the following phrase. Pastorino seems to have recognized the chronological problem but solved it by reading discipulus and punctuating tu quondam puero conpar mihi discipulus; mox / meque dehinc facto rhetore grammaticus , where the strong punctuation after discipulus and before mox/meque dehinc is plainly intolerable; he also ignores his own text when he calls G. "one of [Ausonius's] own first pupils," Opere 19.

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G. became grammaticus when Ausonius was made rhetor (ibid. 6), i.e., sometime after ca. 336 and before ca. 367; see following. He died when both his parents were still living (ibid. 13). It is not likely that both parents would still have been alive later than ca. 360 if G. was born ca. 310; and G. almost certainly died well before 360, not long after becoming a gramm., since his premature death receives special emphasis: ibid. 11f., mox dolor . . . / . . . funere praereptus ; cf. v. 1, doctrinae vitaeque pari brevitate caducum .

He claimed descent from the Acilii Glabriones: ibid. 3-4, stemmate nobilium deductum nomen avorum / . . . Dardana progenies . For the alleged Trojan origin of the family from Anchises and Aphrodite, cf. Herodian 2.3.4, with PIR² A.69, PLRE I s.v. Glabrio 1, p. 396. He was a landowner: ibid. 7, cultor in agris . Ausonius praises him for his character, good counsel and discretion (ibid. 9-10). He left a wife and children (ibid. 13).

^* GORGON(I)US: see no. 224.

GRILLIUS: see no. 225.

65. HARMONIUS. Gr. and Lat. gramm. Trier. 376.

RE 7.2389 (Seeck); PLRE I s.v. 2, p. 408.

Harmonius (Auson. Epist . 13.26, 27), colleague (ibid. 26) of the gramm. Ursulus (ibid. tit.; cf. s.v. Ursulus, no. 166), said to rival the great gramm. of Rome (Claranus, Scaurus, Asper, Varro: ibid. 27-28; cf. s.v. Nepotianus, no. 105) and of Greece (Crates, Zenodotus, Aristarchus: ibid. 28-30). He taught both Greek and Latin poetry: ibid. 30-31, Cecropiae commune decus Latiaeque camenae, / solus qui Chium miscet et Ammineum . The reference to Chian wine, like the comparison with Zenodotus and Aristarchus, presumably means that he taught Homer; if Ammineum involves a specific reference, presumably Vergil is meant: see Georg . 2.97-98, where the wine of Chios (rex ipse Phanaeus ) is said to rise in deference to the Aminneae riles .

H. was at Trier (Auson. Epist . 13 tit.) when Ausonius was QSP (ibid. tit., with v. 3), probably not long after 1 January 376: Ausonius was certainly quaestor in January 376; and since Epist . 13 seems to allude to only one Augustus (cf. ibid. tit., with v. 2), Valentinian (d. 17 Nov. 375) was probably already dead at the time it was written.

66. HARPOCRAS. Gramm. Egypt, probably Alexandria. s.V 3/3.

PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 528.

Egyptian gramm. in the reign of Zeno: Suda A.4010 = Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 313 Zintzen. Since he was an intimate of Ammonius Hermiou (ibid.), and since he associated with Isidore, Heraiscus, and Fl. Horapollon (q.v., no. 78; see below), he was presumably active at Alexandria.

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He escaped arrest during the persecution of the philosophers under Zeno; Heraiscus and Horapollon were tortured in an attempt to make them disclose the whereabouts of H. and Isidore: Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 313, 314 Zintzen.

HARPOCRATION: see no. 226.

HELLADIUS: see no. 227.

67. HELLADIUS. . ord. pr . . s.IV 3/4-s.V 1/4.

RE 8.102-3 no. 3 (Gudeman), 103-4 no. 8 (Seeck; cf. Briefe 167); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1075, 1080; PLRE I s.v. 4, p. 412; cf. ibid. II s.v. 2, p. 534.

A gramm. in Alexandria at the time the pagan temples were desecrated, in 391, when he killed nine men with his own hands: Soc. HE 5.16 = Nic. Call. HE 12.25; Suda E.732 (). He fled with Ammonius (q.v., no. 10) from Alexandria to Constantinople, where the two later had the historian Socrates among their pupils: Soc. ibid. = Phot. Bibl . cod. 28 (1.16 Henry). He is usually identified with the Greek gramm. Helladius who taught in Constantinople and received the comitiva ordinis primi and the rank of ex-vicar on 15 March 425; cf. CTh 6.21.1. The law (ad fin . = CJ 12.15.1) establishes that the same honors are to be given thereafter to other teachers who will have satisfied certain conditions, including twenty years' tenure. It is not evident, however, that the last condition is applicable to, and therefore useful in dating the service of, the teachers honored in 6.21.1; cf. s.vv. Syrianus, Theofilus, nos. 147, 154.

H. was active in Alexandria by 391, when he was still young and sturdy enough to work the mayhem noted above; he was possibly of an age to retire by 425. The Suda , E.732 and praef., dates him to the reign of Theodosius II, referring to the latter part of his career.

Author of an alphabetical lexicon known to Photius in seven volumes, concerned mostly with the diction of prose: Phot. Bibl . cod. 145 (2.110 Henry); cf. Suda praef., E.732. The preface to the Suda names him as a source, but the authenticity of the notice is doubtful; see s.v. Eugenius, no. 56. H. also produced an , a , an , and an encomium of Theodosius (presumably Theodosius II).

H. was a pagan, priest of Zeus-Ammon at Alexandria: Soc. HE 5.16; cf. s.v. Ammonius, no. 10.

^* 68. FL. HER... Gramm.(?) Hermopolis. s.V 2/2.

Fl. Her..., son of ...philos, gramm.(?), the first of three witnesses to a lease at Hermopolis dated 452, 467, 482, or 497; see BGU 12.2152 with p. 36 n. 1 for the date. At line 17,

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, the editor suggests the restoration , "wie in Z. 19," i.e., as the papyrus shows for Fl. Pythiodorus (q.v., no. 128), another witness to the lease. If the restoration is correct in line 17, this is the only documented case of more than one gramm. at the same time in the same place in Egypt outside Alexandria. The signature of the third witness, a presbyter, is preceded by a Christian monogram; the signatures of the two gramm. are not.

H. is conceivably the Hermias of Hermopolis who wrote in iambics, Phot. Bibl . cod. 279 (8.187 Henry); but note also that the gramm. Heraclammon (q.v., no. 69) is also a candidate, since he seems to have been at Hermopolis at some indefinite time after 391; and cf. s.vv. Hermias, Anonymus 7, nos. 71, 173.

^* 69. HERACLAMMON. Gramm. Hermopolis. s.IV ex. / s.V; after 391.

Heraclammon , registered as the recipient of 20 artabae of wheat () in an account of six months' payments in kind, (i.e., ), made to various persons, mostly trades-men: PRossGeorg . 5.60. The term. p. q . and probable place are indicated by the recto of the papyrus, which contains fragmentary records of the exactor of the Hermopolite nome, the first of them carrying the date 391. The payment is among the largest recorded in the account—e.g., five times larger than the payment to the veterinarian Isidorus, line 4; twice as large as the payment to the physician Heraclammon, line 3—and is exceeded only by a payment of 22 artabae to an . The account does not specify the services for which the payments are made, nor is it dear whether the payments come from a private or from a public source. For payments in kind made to teachers from public resources, see s.v. Lollianus, no. 90; for such payments by private individuals, see PGiss . 80 (s.II; Hermopolite nome?), POsl . 3.156 (s.II; the Fayûm), and perhaps POxy . 24.2421 (payment to the Sarapion, on which see s.v., no. 133). For payments to teachers in six-month installments, cf. Cassiod. Var . 9.21.6.

He is conceivably the gramm.(?) Fl. Her... (q.v., no. 68) at Hermopolis, s.V 2/2.

70. POMPONIUS MAXIMUS HERCULANUS. Gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV 2/4.

RE 8.549 (Seeck); PLRE I s.v. Herculanus 3, p. 420.

Pomponius Maximus Herculanus: Auson. Par . 17 tit.; Maximus, Par . 17.11; Herculanus, Prof . 11 tit., v. 1. Son of Pomponius Maximus, an important curialis of Bordeaux (Par . 15), and his wife, a sister of Ausonius who must be Iulia Dryadia (Par . 12). He was first a pupil of Ausonius (Prof . 11.1), in whose school he later taught as a gramm. (Prof . 11.3,

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particeps scholae ; tit., grammaticus ). Had he lived long enough, H. would have succeeded to Ausonius's chair of grammar (Prof . 11.3; on the implications see Appendix 4); but because of H.'s early death the chair instead went to Acilius Glabrio (q.v., no. 64).

He died very young, in tempore puberis aevi (Par . 17.9), evidently as the result of a youthful indiscretion: Prof . 11.4-5, lubricae nisi te iuventae praecipitem flexus dare / Pythagorei non tenentem tramitis rectam viam . Whatever this was, it apparently involved some disgrace: Par . 17.6-7, verum memorare magis quam / functum laudare decebit ; cf. s.v. Marcellus, no. 94. His birth, education, brief career, and death are all probably to be assigned to the second quarter of s.IV.

71. HERMIAS. Gramm. s.IV ex. / s.V 1/3.

PLRE II s.v. Hermeias 2, p. 547.

Hermias , recipient of Isid. Pel. Ep . 3.350 (, on the deceit of poets. H. is possibly Hermias of Hermopolis, whose of Hermopolis and other poems in iambics were known to Photius in a volume containing the works of several poets of s.IV / s.VI, Bibl . cod. 279 (8.187 Henry). Note, however, that Photius does not style this poet as he does Serenus and Horapollon (qq.v., nos. 134, 77). Cf. also s.v. Fl. Her..., no. 68.

+ 72. HERMOLAUS. Gramm. Constantinople. s.VI 2/37

RE 8.891 (Gudeman); cf. RE , 2. Reihe, 3.2374.59ff. (Honigmann); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1084; Hunger 2.37.

According to the Suda , E.3048, a gramm. of Constantinople who produced an epitome—not certainly the extant epitome—of the of Stephanus (q.v., no. 144) of Byzantium and dedicated it to the emperor Justinian. The last piece of information has often been doubted on the grounds that it would be strange for an epitome to be produced so soon after the original work. But if the epitome is placed ex hypothesi toward the end of Justinian's reign, it could be separated by one generation or more from the work of Stephanus, which is itself difficult to date; cf. s.v.

The dedication has also been doubted because it would be strange for a gramm. to dedicate to the emperor an epitome of another man's work. But if one could dedicate an anthology to an empress (cf. s.v. Orion, no. 110), one could presumably dedicate an epitome to an emperor; for the dedication of epitomes or extracts of grammatical works, cf. s.vv. Aristodemus, Ioannes Charax, Theodoretus, nos. 188, 199, 265. It has also been suggested that the reference to Justinian is an error for Justin or should be understood to mean Justinian II (both notions refuted by Müller, "Zu Stephanos" 347f.), or that the dedication to Justinian was Stephanus's own, mindlessly copied by H. into his epitome and then

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falsely attributed to H. himself; cf. Honigmann, RE , 2: Reihe, 3.2375.10ff. But even if the latter, unlikely, series of events took place, we still have a probable date for H.'s epitome no later than the reign of Justinian, since the notice in the Suda is likely to have been drawn from the of Hesychius Illustrius, who was active under Justinian and was possibly H.'s contemporary. It is best to accept the notice as it stands.

^*AUR . HERODES: see no. 228.

HESPERIUS: see no. 229.

73. HESYCHIUS. Gramm. Alexandria. s.V /s. VI.

RE 8.1317-22 (Schultz); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1083; Latte, ed., 1, vii-li; Hunger 2.35f.; PLRE II s.v. 15, p. 555.

Compiler of the lexicon surviving in abridged and interpolated form in cod. Marc. gr. 622 (s.XV). H. styles himself in the salutation of the prefatory epistle, addressed to one Eulogius. H. is probably to be dated to the fifth or sixth century: cf. Latte, ed., 1, vii-viii, expressing a slight preference for the former date and rejecting identification of the dedicatee with Eulogius Scholasticus, whose date (s.V 2/2 at the earliest) can in any event only be determined very approximately; cf. Reitzenstein, Geschichte 358. Both H.'s religion (see following) and, e.g., the abstract form of address in the epistle, (1.2.46f. Latte), urge against a significantly earlier date.

Although the biblical glosses found in the lexicon are interpolated, H. was certainly a Christian; cf. his name and the closing formula of the epistle, (1.2.48f.).

74. HIERAX. Schoolmaster. Alexandria. s.V init.

PLRE II s.v. 2, p. 556.

According to Soc. HE 7.13.7ff., a schoolmaster: , "teacher of common [or: "vulgar"] letters." The phrase means , i.e., litterae communes or viles , as opposed to liberal studies, for which see Socrates' usual phrasing, or , at, e.g., 2.46, 5.25.1, 7.17.2; cf. LSJ s.v. II.3 and Kaster, "Notes" 326 n. 9. The phrase does not mean "teacher of prose," as if meant , i.e., sermo pedestris : since the teacher of poetry was the gramm., we would expect the teacher of prose—according to the traditional distinction of skills—to be the rhetorician. But from Socrates it is clear that H. was not anything so grand as a teacher of rhetoric, and the phrase is in any case not so used elsewhere.

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The leader of a claque for Cyril, bishop of Alexandria, H. was set upon by Jews in the theater and tortured there by the praef. Aug . Orestes not long after Cyril became bishop (an. 412).

75. HIERIUS. Lat. gramm. . s.V 4/4 / s.VI 1/4.

PLRE II s.v. 8, p. 559.

The recipient of Procop. Gaz. Ep . 13 jointly with Alypius and Stephanus (qq.v., nos. 7, 141): (sc. ). H. taught Latin at Gaza: Ep . 145.1, . Later, apparently, he taught at Antioch (Daphne), where he had gone with the Greek gramm. Stephanus and Alypius: Ep . 13; cf. s.vv. Alypius and esp. Stephanus.

He was commended in Ep . 145 by Procopius to Eudaemon, a provincial governor (so PLRE II s.v. 5, p. 407, correctly). Eudaemon has otherwise been identified as a teacher of law (Garzya and Loenertz,. eds., Procopii . . . epistolae 104) or an advocate (Seitz, "Schule" 15). But the description of Eudaemon as one who administers justice for a fortunate people () and ensures the rejuvenation of a formerly withered rather conforms to the conventional praise of a governor; cf. Ep . 145.5ff., with Robert, Hellenica 4.62ff., 99ff.; and esp. Ševcenko, "Late Antique Epigram" 30f. The commendation to Eudaemon might indicate that H. combined legal or forensic expertise with his knowledge of Latin.

^* HIEROCLES: see no. 230.

+ 76. HIEROCLES. Gramm.(?) s.VI 1/3(?); possibly s.V med.

RE 8.1487-89 (Kiessling); Hunger 1.531, 2.399.

Hierocles, compiler of the , a list of provinces and cities of the eastern empire perhaps drawn up early in the reign of Justinian, ca. 527/28; cf. Honigmann, ed., 1f.: only one of Justinian's foundations is recorded, and his reorganization of the provinces is ignored. Note, however, that the list in its present form is dependent on a register drawn up in the reign of Theodosius II. Accordingly, it is possible that H. himself composed the latter register, to which additions were made unsystematically by a later hand; see Jones, CERP^[2] 514ff.

H. is styled by Constantine Porphyrogenitus (De them . 1, p. 85.36; 4, p. 89.6f. Pertusi), who can be shown to have known a different (longer) version of H.'s work than is now preserved; see Jones, CERP^[2] 514; cf. Kiessling, RE 8.1488.39ff. The style is not otherwise attested.

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HIERONYMUS: see no. 231.

^* HIERONYMUS: see no. 232.

HOËN(1)US: see no. 233.

77. HORAPOLLON. Gramm. Phenebythis . s.IV ex. / s.V 1/3.

Maspéro, "Horapollon" (fundamental^[*] ); PLRE I s.v., p. 442; ibid. II s.v. 1, p. 569; cf. RE 8.2313-14 (Roeder).

From Phenebythis, a village of the Panopolite nome: SudaW .159; cf. s.v. Fl. Horapollon, no. 78. He taught as a gramm. in Alexandria—"in Alexandria and in Egypt," Suda ibid.—and then in Constantinople under Theodosius (Suda ibid.: this was probably Theodosius II; see below). Credited by the Suda with a , of uncertain character but probably on the morphology of temple names: cf. Suda E.3394 = Eugenius (q.v., no. 56), with Reitzenstein, Geschichte 313 n. 1. The Suda also mentions H.'s commentaries on Sophocles, Alcaeus, and Homer; if he is the Horapollon mentioned by Photius at Bibl . cod. 279 (8.187 Henry), he wrote and a of Alexandria in verse. The latter genre points to a date early in the Byzantine era; this may, however, be the work of Fl. Horapollon or of a third man of the same name.

H. is probably not Horapollon Neiloios, author of the Hieroglyphica . It has been suggested that H. was the Egyptian known for his poetic talents at Constantinople in 377 (Them. Or . 29.347A; cf. PLRE I s.vv. Horapollon, Andronicus 5; and Alan Cameron, "Wandering Poets" 487f.); but if H. was the grandfather of Fl. Horapollon (see below and s.v.), that date is almost certainly too early for him to have been active at Constantinople even as a . The identification is questioned in PLRE II s.v.

Said to have been and comparable to the most brilliant gramm. of old (SudaW .159), H. is probably the Horapollon of the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7. His , even if concerned only with morphology, and his probable family relations suggest that he was a pagan.

In all likelihood the father of Asclepiades (q.v., no. 17) and another son (Heraiscus?), and the grandfather of the gramm. and philosopher Fl. Horapollon active under Zeno and Anastasius (see following and s.v. Fl. Horapollon). His floruit therefore should probably be placed in s.V 1/3. Accordingly, he will have taught at Constantinople under Theodosius II (see above). Note esp. that, in the legal petition he drafted in the reign of Anastasius, Fl. Horapollon says he has spent his career in Alexandria (see s.v.); he therefore cannot be identified with H., who taught in Alexandria and then under Theodosius in Constantinople.

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Confusion of the two Horapollones goes back at least as far as the Suda , W .159, where excerpts from Damasc. V.. Isid . concerning Fl. Horapollon (3.615.6-18 Adler) are appended to the notice of H. drawn from the of Hesychius Illustrius (3.615.1-6 Adler). The two Horapollones are treated as one man by Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1076f., following Reitzenstein, Geschichte 312; similarly FGrH IIIc 630; Alpers, Attizistische Lexikon 93 n. 41, 96 n. 52; and, ut vid ., Hunger 2.18.

78. FL. HORAPOLLON. Gramm. and philosopher; v.c . Phenebythis and Alexandria. s.V 3/3.

PLRE II s.v. 2, pp. 569f.

Fl. Horapollon: PCairMasp . 3.67295 (= Pap.) ii.24; elsewhere Horapollon. Son of Asclepiades (q.v., no. 17): Pap. i.1, 15, 26; and see below. He styles himself v.c .: Pap. i.1, . It is not clear how H. would have gained the rank, but the context in which it appears, a legal petition, shows that it must be intended as a formal designation of his status. He taught as a distinguished gramm. at Alexandria: Zach. Schol. Vie de Sévère pp. 14.2, 15.4-10. He associated there with a number of Neoplatonist scholars: ibid. pp. 15.10ff., 16.10-12, 22.14f., 23.6f.; Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 314, 317 Zintzen (see further below). His pupils perhaps included Timotheus (q.v., no. 156) of Gaza; for the evidence, see s.v. Timotheus. He calls himself , Pap. i.1 (cf. ibid. ii.24), and says [i.e., Alexandria] , Pap. i.13-14; cf. , Steph. Byz. s.v. . The evidence is not contradictory, pace Maspéro, "Horapollon" 178 n. 1. We may conclude that "philosopher" and "philosophical" are used in a broad, nontechnical sense not uncommon in the period (cf., e.g., Ioannes Lydus's characterization of his cousin, the exceptor Ammianus, as at De mag . 3.28; cf. also s.vv. Isocasius, Nicocles, Manippus, nos. 85, 106, 236), so that H. would be a gramm. as a matter of profession, but a philosopher—i.e., a lover of wisdom and learning—in his general interests and personal associations; cf. esp. Zach. Schol. and Damasc. as cited above (and see below). For such associations, see s.v. Asclepiades, no. 17; and for a gramm.-philosopher(?), cf. s.v. Ioannes Philoponus, no. 118. Or else we may conclude that H. taught gramm. in the 480s but later came to teach philosophy. For the dates, see below.

An Egyptian (SudaW .159, 3.615.6 Adler); he owned inherited property in Phenebythis in the Panopolite nome (Pap. i.1 and passim ) and taught at Alexandria (Zach. Schol.; Pap. i.13, 16, 29). He was teaching by ca. 485; Zach. Schol. Vie de Séoère pp. 14-39 sets the struggle for the soul of H.'s pupil Paralius of Aphrodisias during the episcopacy of Peter Mongus

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(482-90) and shortly after the arrival of Zach. and Severus in Alexandria (ibid. p. 14.1), therefore in 485/86; cf. SudaW .159, . H. was still active under Anastasius; cf. Pap. ii.17, with i.29. Maspéro was probably correct in suggesting that the original document was composed closer to the beginning than to the end of Anastasius's reign, but his attempt at more precise dating (491/93: "Horapollon" 190) is not compelling.

Suspected of trafficking with demons and magic (Zach. Schol. Vie de Sévère p. 15.10f.), H., along with the Neoplatonist philosophers Asclepiodotus, Heraiscus, Ammonius Hermiou, and Isidore, was mocked by his pupil Paralius, who was then beaten by H.'s other students. The affair came before the prefect, a crypro-pagan, through whose collusion H. and the others escaped (ibid. pp. 22-27). At Easter 486(?) the Christian population of Alexandria cursed H., calling him "Soul Destroyer," , and rioted (ibid. p. 37). For the date of the episode, cf. above.

H. is said to have been tortured during the persecution of the pagans under Zeno: Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 314 Zintzen, in connection with Heraiscus, Isidore, and Harpocras (q.v., no. 66). Nonetheless, he was not thought to be a true philosoper. Heraiscus (his uncle and father-in-law? see below) foretold that H. would "desert to the others and abandon the ancestral ways"—i.e., he would become a Christian—and this proved correct (ibid. frg. 317). The prophecy, if of the type found, e.g., at Eunap. V. phil . 6.9.17, may have been confirmed after Heraiscus's death; H.'s conversion could then be dated after 487/91 and sometime before 526. Regarding the lower limit, 487/91, note that Heraiscus was still alive when Zach. and Severus were in Alexandria (485-87) but died while Zeno was still emperor; cf. Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 334 Zintzen. For the upper limit, note that Damascius can have written the V. Isid . no later than, and perhaps well before, 526; V. Isid . epit. Phot. 64 refers to Theoderic, .

H. was very possibly a Christian by the time he drafted the document represented by Pap.: cf. the Christian formula in i.15, , though is obviously uncertain; cf. also the monogrammatic cross at the end of i.30, though since the document as preserved is a later copy the monogram may not be original; and cf. an oath in ii.15f. (not decisive). If he was Christian, we have in Pap. an example of the flexible, subjective use of the term noted above; for after conversion H. would have ceased to be a philosopher in the sense recognized by, e.g., Damascius.

H.'s chronology, his ancestral property in Phenebythis, his claim in Pap. i.14f. that his vocation to teach was received , and the name "Horapollon" itself make it virtually certain that H.

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was a descendant of the gramm. Horapollon (q.v., no. 77), probably his grandson; see Maspéro, "Horapollon" 176ff. His father, Asclepiades (q.v., no. 17), had been a teacher all his life (Pap. i.15, when he is already dead), linked with his brother (H.'s uncle and father-in-law) by the "Muse of philosophy." The brother was perhaps Heraiscus; cf. Maspéro, "Horapollon" 179ff. The identification of Heraiscus is not certain: for Asclepiades and Heraiscus, cf. Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 160-65,174 Zintzen, with Asmus, Leben 60.10ff., and Zintzen, ed., Damascii . . . reliquiae p. 135. But frg. 160, the crucial link, might refer instead to Ammonius and Heliodorus, the sons of Hermias; cf. Tannery, Mémoires 1.114ff.; Präichter, RE 8.422.36ff.; and s.v. Asclepiades. For a stemma, see PCairMasp . 3, p. 48 = PLRE II, p. 1326, where a change should be made to indicate the possibility that Asclepiades and his brother were born of the same father but different mothers; cf. Pap. i.18.

H. married his cousin (Pap. i.18), who abandoned him and attempted at law and through other means to acquire some of his property (Pap. i.20ff.).

H. is not certainly known to have left any writings. He is perhaps the Horapollon of Phot. Bibl . cod. 279 (8.187 Henry), author of and a of Alexandria in verse; or he may be Horapollon Neiloios, author of the Hieroglyphica . Both identifications are uncertain. For an attempt to identify both of the latter with H. and to place the works in the egyptianizing milieu of s.V, see esp. Maspéro, "Horapollon" 181ff., whose assertions and argument are to be treated with some caution; sim. Rémondon, "Égypte" 63ff.

See also s.v. Horapollon.

79. HYPERECHIUS. Gramm. ? s.V 3/4.

RE 9.281 (Funaioli); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1073; PLRE II s.v., p. 581.

Gramm. of or from Alexandria in the reign of Marcian according to Suda Y.273; he was still active in the reign of Leo, by whom he was banished: Suda A.267, 3.248.27f. Adler = ?Malch. frg. 2a, FHG 4.114. His banishment by Leo may mean that he was active at Constantinople, in which case in Suda Y.273 will indicate his origin and possibly the site of his earlier activity. The statement of Ioannes Tzetzes, Chil . 10.48ff. (pp. 388f. Leone), that H. was the teacher of "Eudocia, daughter of the great Leo," is likely a garbled invention; see s.v. Orion, no. 110.

Grammatical work of several kinds is attributed to him in the Suda (Y.273): . A trace of his doctrine may be preserved in Choerobosc. Schol. in Theodos., GG 4:1.292.6ff.: , (NC) vs. (V).

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80. IOANNES. Gramm. (or rhetorician?). The Auvergne? Ca. 476/80.

RE 9.1747 (Seeck); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.269; PLRE II s.v. 30, p. 601.

A teacher, recipient of Sidon. Apoll. Ep . 8.2, ca. 476/80, in which he is praised (8.2.1) as the [litterarum ] quodammodo Jam sepultarum suscitator, fautor, assertor , who has postponed the obliteration of the literary culture under the barbarians; for the date, see Loyen, ed., Sidoine vol. 3 p. 216. Sidonius's assertion that I. should be honored as "a second Demosthenes, a second Cicero" may mean that he was a rhetorician. The comparison may, however, be inspired primarily by l.'s status as a figure of resistance rather than by his specific metier; and Sidonius's reference to a competens lectorum turba issuing from his school (8.2.3) may suggest that the aims of his instruction were modest. It is also possible in this period that I. taught both gramm. and rhetoric (cf. s.v. Deuterius, no. 44) or that, in the reduced circumstances Sidonius sketches, the traditional distinction between the stages of gramm. and rhetoric was somewhat effaced.

With the praise of I., compare Dracontius's praise of the gramm. Felicianus (q.v., no. 59).

81. IOANNES. . Antiochenae parochiae . s.V 4/4.

RE 9.1806 (Jülicher); PLRE II s.v. 36, p. 603.

Ioannes: Gennad. De vir. ill . 94 = Marcellin. Chron . s.a. 486, Chron. min . 2.93.14-16 (the first sentence of Gennadius, through confitentes naturas ). Presbyter and former gramm. (ex grammatico presbyter ) in the district under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Antioch (Antiochenae parochiae ): Gennad. ibid. He wrote against Monophysitism and against certain anti-Nestorian pronouncements of Cyril of Alexandria that were providing aid and comfort to the Theodosiani.

Placed by Marcellinus s.a. 486; according to Gennadius, he was still alive at the time of the composition of the De vir. ill .—i.e., before ca. 480?

Not to be confused with the Neo-Chalcedonian Ioannes (q.v., no. 82), the gramm. of Caesarea.

82. IOANNES. . Caesarea (Palestine?). s.VI 1/4.

PLRE II s.v. 74, pp. 611f.

: Ephraem. Ant. PG 86:2.2109B = loan. Damasc. Parall. Rupef., PG 96.481C; Eustath. mon. Epist. de duabus naturis, PG 86:1.912A, 913B, 933A; also in two excerpts in the Catena on the Gospel of John (see below). Also : Severus of Antioch passim in the C. impium grammaticum (cf. Leont. Byz. C. monophys., PG 86:2.1841B-1845D, 1848A); John of Beith-Aphthonia, Vie de Sévère, PO 2.248ff.;

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Ephraem. Ant. in Conc. Constant . III, Actio X , Mansi 11.436A (for the same work of Ephraem, see above; is here incorrectly identified with Ioannes Philoponus [q.v., no. 118] in Mansi; cf. Helmer, Neuchalkedonismus 162 n. 334); Eustath. mon. Epist. de duabus naturis, PG 86:1.908A, 912D. Also in the , tit.; in the , tit.; and , titt. of the two homilies against the Manichaeans.

From Caesarea: , Anast. Sinait. Viae dux 6, PG 89.101D; cf. 104A, 105D; cf. also Leont. Byz. C. monophys., PG 86:2.1845C. Also , vel sim ., an apparent confusion with Ioannes Khozibites, in Leont. Byz. C. monophys., PG 86:2.1848D; cf. Conc. Lateran., Secretarius V , Mansi 10.1116D. It is not known which Caesarea is meant; cf. Moeller, "Représentant" 103 n. 1, suggesting Caesarea of Cappadocia; Helmet, Neuchalkedonismus 160, Caesarea of Palestine. The latter is more likely.

Not long before 518, I. wrote a defense of the Council of Chalcedon, for which Severus, Monophysite bishop of Antioch, made him the object of the C. impium grammatium ca. 520. On the date of the apologia, cf. Lebon, Monophysisme 137ff. On the circumstances of its composition, see Richard, ed., pp. vi-xii; contra , Halleux, "Synode." The Syriac version of Severus's polemic is published with Latin translation by Lebon, CSCO Scr. Syr., 4th set., vols. 4-6. Lebon's Latin translations of extracts from I.'s apologia as quoted by Severus and some fragments preserved in Greek are published by Richard, ed., 6ff., along with the following works attributable to I. with varying degrees of certainty: two Christological tracts, (cf. Helmet, Neuchalkedonismus 172ff., 255f.) and (cf. above); two comments on the Gospel of John from a Catena in cod. Valicallan. E 40; and four works of anti-Manichaean polemic, viz., two homilies attributed to I. by Richard, ed., p. xli, on the basis of the titt. (cf. above), a (on the attribution, compare Richard, ed., pp. xlv-liv, with Aubineau ap . Richard, ed., pp. 112ff.), and .

Not to be confused with the anti-Monophysite writer Ioannes ex grammatico presbyter of the Antiochena parochia or with Ioannes Philoponus (qq.v, nos. 87, 118).

+ 83. IOANNES. Gramm. and poet. Gaza. s.VI 1/2?

RE 9.1747-48 (Thiele); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.977; Downey, "John of Gaza"; Hunger 2.93f., 110.

Gramm. of Gaza: inscr. and subscr. of the and inscr. of the anacreontic pieces; , lemma of Anth. Gr .

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15.1. Poet: six brief poems in anacreontic meter are extant, PLG^[4] 3.342ff. (a seventh, listed in the index of cod. Barb. 310, olim 246, is lost), as well as the , a verse description in two books of a painting of the cosmos in the Winter Baths of Gaza; the is preserved only in the codex Palatinus between Books 14 and 15 of the Anthology (cf. Anth. Gr . 15.1), ed. P. Friedländer, Johannes 135ff. The baths and painting in question were located in Gaza, according to the inscr. and subscr. of the and a marginal note at the beginning of the poem; a note added to the subscr. says , apparently referring to the representation of the cosmos that has been discovered at Antioch, on which see Downey, "John of Gaza" 205ff. Since the work at Antioch is a mosaic (s. IV 1/2, on archaeological grounds), whereas I. appears to have described a painting (cf. P. Friedländer, Johannes 220ff.), and since l.'s description differs in several respects from the Antiochene piece, the two must have been different works; the mosaic at Antioch was perhaps the model for the painting at Gaza.

Beyond the title , the lemmata of two of the anacreontic pieces show that I. was a teacher; see Nissen, Byzantinische Anakreonten 13ff. These ascribe the poems to the spring festival Rosalia——and place the poems in the context of I.'s school: no. 5, (cf. the address to the vv. 37ff.); no. 4, , apparently referring to the students' recitation of display pieces of the type (also in anacreontics) found in Pack^[2] 1945 = PLaur . 2.49 Hermopolis (s.V). For students' compositions, cf. the titt. of Dracont. Rom . 1, 3; and cf. s.v. Felicianus, no. 59. For school festivals or holidays at Gaza, cf. Choric. Apol. mim . 104 (p. 368.8ff. Foerster-Richtsteig).

The evidence does not allow us to date I. precisely. A term. p. q . of 526/36 for the has been deduced from certain passages in Choricius; cf. Seitz, "Schule" 33f.; P. Friedländer, Johannes 111. But this is by no means certain: the baths, with the paintings, may well have been older, and it is not necessary to tie l.'s poem to their construction or dedication; cf. Downey, "John of Gaza" 211 n. 25. The influence of Nonnus found in the , however (cf. P. Friedländer, Johannes 112ff.; Wifstrand, Von Kallimachos zu Nonnos 19, 24, 62, 73), suggests a date ca. s.V ex. / s.VI 1/2, and the metrical technique of the anacreontic pieces may point in the same direction; see Nissen, Byzantinische Anakreonten 19ff.; and cf. s.v. Georgius, no. 63.

If the latter dating is correct, I. would have been a contemporary of Choricius (cf. above) and could be the unnamed encomiastic poet referred to at Choric. Laud. Summ . 2 (p. 70.6ff.); cf. ibid. 21 (p. 75.14f.). Two of the anacreontic pieces apparently derive from comparable occasions, when I. produced poems for prominent men: cf. the lemma of no. 2,

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; and the lemma of no. 3, . Identification with the gramm. Ioannes, author of Anth. Gr . 9.628 and possibly 629, from the Cycle of Agathias, has also been suggested; cf. Cameron and Cameron, "Further Thoughts"; and cf. s.v. Ioannes, no. 84.

+ 84. IOANNES. Gramm. Alexandria(?) Before ca. 568.

Ioannes : according to the lemmata, author of Anth. Gr . 9.628 (on the Horse Baths at Alexandria, if the lemma can be trusted) and 629, both from the Cycle of Agathias, thus earlier than ca. 568; for the date, see Cameron and Cameron, "Cycle " 6ff.; differently Baldwin, "Four Problems" 298ff., and "Date." Anth. Gr . 9.629 recurs in the codex Palatinus after 9.680, where it is attributed to John Barbucallus, i.e., John the Poet. If that is an error, and if the two Johns are distinct (cf. Cameron and Cameron, "Cycle " 12), I. may be the poet and gramm. Ioannes (q.v., no. 83) of Gaza, as suggested by Cameron and Cameron, "Further Thoughts." But the difficulty involved in establishing the latter's date (cf. s.v.) and the number of gramm. with this most common of names make the identification necessarily uncertain.

IOANNES CHARAX: see s.v. CHARAX, no. 199.

IOANNES LYDUS: see s.v. LYDUS, no. 92.

IOANNES PHILOPONUS: see s.v. PHILOPONUS, no. 118.

85. ISOCASIUS. . . s.V 2/4-3/4.

RE 9.2146 (Seeck); PLRE II s.v., pp. 633f.

Originally from Aegeae in Cilicia: John Malalas 369.18f. Dindorf; Chron. Pasch . 1.595.7f. Dindorf; and cf. below. He later was a citizen of Antioch: Malal. 369.19; Chron. Pasch . 1.595.8f.; cf. Theoph. Chron . p. 115.9ff. de Boor; Cedrenus 1.612.21 Bekker. According to the acta of the synod of Ephesus of 449 (ed. J. Flemming, Abhandlungen der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse , n.s., 15.1 [1917] 127.14ff.), he was at Antioch by 441/42, when, although still a pagan, he allegedly helped contrive the ordination of the bishop Domnus (441/42-449).

According to the author of the Vie et miracles de Sainte Thècle , he was a gramm. before becoming a sophist: [Basil Sel.] Vie et miracles 2.39 Dagron, [on the term here, see Appendix 2.2a-b] . A nonbeliever, he fell ill at Aegeae, where a cure was revealed

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to him by incubation at the shrine of St. Thecla. He persisted in his nonetheless; cf. above and below. The author of the Vie et miracles alleges a certain Eudocius of Tarsus, a man , as his source.

As a , presumably at Antioch, I. received five letters from Theodoret of Cyrrhus: Ep . XXVII, XXVIII, XXXVIII, XLIV, LII ed. Azéma, vol. 1; for the date of Ep . XLIV, perhaps before 446, cf. Azéma, ed., p. 108 n. 1. Theodoret sent him pupils (Ep . XXVII, XXVIII; cf. XLIV), and a woodcarver to decorate his home (Ep . XXXVIII), and requested that he intercede with the court of the praetorian prefect in behalf of a young heir burdened by taxes (Ep . LII). I. is also called at Malal. 369.18, Chron. Pasch . 595.6, Theoph. Chron . p. 115.9ff. de Boor, and Cedrenus 1.612.21f.; he is called at Malal. 370.1f. and Chron. Pasch . 595.9f.

Said to have held many offices with honor (Malal. 370.1; Chron. Pasch . 595.9), I. was QSP under Leo (Malal. 369.17f.). While quaestor he was denounced as a pagan: Malal. 369.17ff.; placed s.a. 467 in Chron. Pasch . 595.6ff.; in the eleventh year of Leo, 467/68, by Theophanes, Chron . p. 115.9f. de Boor; in the tenth year, 466/67, by Cedrenus, 1.612.21. Arrested at Constantinople and stripped of his office, he was sent for interrogation to Theophilus, governor of Bithynia, at Chalcedon: Malal. 370.2ff.; Chron. Pasch . 595.11ff. Through the intervention of Iacobus, comes and archiatros (= Iacobus 3 PLRE II, pp. 582f.), his case was returned for hearing at Constantinople before the senate and PPO : Malal. 370.5ff.; Chron. Pasch . 595.14ff.; cf. Theoph. Chron . p. 115.10ff. de Boor; Cedrenus 1.613.1 says , incorrectly. When I. was questioned by the prefect Pusaeus (= PLRE II s.v., p. 930), his humility and candor won him the favor of the multitude and his freedom: Malal. 370.16ff.; Chron. Pasch . 596.3ff. After being forcibly baptized (Malal. 371.2ff.; cf. Chron. Pasch . 596.12), he was sent back "to his own country," presumably to Antioch: Malal. 371.4; Chron. Pasch . 596.12; Theoph. Chron . p. 115.17f. de Boor; Cedrenus 1.613.7.

86. IUCUNDUS. Gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV 1/2 or 2/3.

PLRE I s.v., p. 467.

Iucundus (Auson. Prof . 9 tit., v. 4), grammaticus (ibid. tit., v. 2) at Bordeaux (tit.). He was the brother of another gramm. of Bordeaux, Leontius (q.v., no. 89) Lascivus: Prof . 9 tit. I. probably taught as a contemporary of Ausonius, who calls him amicus and sodalis (cf. s.v. Citarius, no. 28), therefore between ca. 336 and ca. 367. His brother was older than Ausonius and was perhaps dead by 355/60; cf. s.v. Leontius.

I. was thought unqualified for the chair he occupied (vv. 1-2), an opinion with which Ausonius evidently agreed: vv. 5-6, quamvis impar vs.

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meritos . . . viros ; compare the language used to describe I.'s brother's attainments in Prof . 7.9-19 (below, s.v. Leontius).

^* 87. L. TERENTIUS IULIANUS signo CONCOR[DIUS]. Gramm.; v.p . Trier. s.III / s.IV.

L. Terentius Iulianus qui et Concor[dius], commemorated on an epitaph at Trier; cf. Cüppers and Binsfeld, "Zweiseitig beschriftete Grabplatte"; Schillinger-Häfele, "Vierter Nachtrag" 453. Styled v (ir ) p (erfectissimus ), magister s [t ]udiorum, grammaticus Latinus (lines 7-8); the end of his signum and his rank, v.p ., restored by Schillinger-Häfele, in tacit correction of Cüppers and Binsfeld, "Zweiseitig beschriftete Grabplatte" 136 n. 5. For his status as teacher, cf. lines 4-5 in the text of Schillinger-Häfele, doctor Rom [ani n ]ob [ilis ] eloqu [i ]i . I. is dated to s.III by Cüppers and Binsfeld, "Zweiseitig beschriftete Grabplatte" 138; the stone is dated to s. IV by Schillinger-Häfele.

Despite the fact that I. seems to have possessed the perfectissimate, the style magister studiorum, grammaticus Latinus is probably a designation of his condicio (for condicio , cf. Gesta apud Zenophilum, CSEL 26.185.9f., and below s.v. Victor, no. 161, professor . . . Romanarum litterarum, grammaticus latinus ; for magister studiorum , cf. s.v. Annius Namptoius, no. 103) rather than a reference to the equestrian secretariat a studiis or magister a studiis or magister studiorum . Cf. Schillinger-Häfele, "Vierter Nachtrag" 453; the form of the title magister studiorum is securely attested only for the last man known to have held the secretariat, C. Caelius Saturninus (under Constantius I?); cf. PLRE I s.v. Saturninus 9, p. 806.

I. was presumably not a Christian; cf. D (is ) M (anibus ) in line 1 and the absence of Christian formulas throughout. If I. was active at the beginning of s.IV, and if the restoration of his signum is correct, he is possibly the Concordius (q.v., no. 35) who Ausonius says left Bordeaux to teach elsewhere.

88. IULIUS. Gramm. Antioch. Died 355/56.

RE 10.107 (Seeck); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1075 n. 4; Seeck, Briefe 193; Petit, Étudiants 86; PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 481.

Iulius, a gramm. whose death is mentioned in Lib. Ep . 454.4 (an. 355/56), ; Libanius normally uses in the sense of (cf. Appendix 2). Since Libanius seems to be informing his uncle Phasganius of matters affecting his own school—ibid., —I. probably taught in that establishment; cf. s.vv. Calliopius, Cleobulus, nos. 25, 32; for gramm. having a place in Libanius's school, see Petit, Étudiants 85ff.

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^* LEONTIUS: see no. 234.

89. LEONTIUS signo LASCIVUS. Gramm. Bordeaux. Born before 310; dead probably by 355/60.

RE 12.2052 (Tolkiehn); PLRE I s.v. Leontius 17, p. 502.

Leontius . . . cognomento Lascivus , Auson. Prof . 7 tit.; Leontius, ibid. vv. 3, 16; Lascivus, vv. 5-8, an incongruous nickname that tickled his friends' fancy. Brother of Iucundus (q.v., no. 86): Prof . 9 tit. A gramm. (Prof . 7 tit.) whose achievements in letters (ibid. vv. 9-12) were sufficient for a "meager chair," posset insertus numero ut videri / grammaticorum . The phrasing seems to suggest that he was something of a marginal figure; cf. the case of his brother Iucundus, s.v. Since he was the brother of Iucundus (Prof . 9 tit., Burdigalensis ) and a companion of Ausonius's iuventa (see below), and since he is not said to have taught elsewhere, he must in accordance with Prof . 20.1-2 have taught at Bordeaux.

L. was older than Ausonius (Prof . 7.14), who calls him meae semper socius iuventae . If this is limiting—i.e., socius when Ausonius was a iuvenis , but not later—the term. a. q . of his death would be ca. 355/60, when Ausonius was forty-five or fifty years old, the lower and upper limits, respectively, in the traditional reckoning of when one ceased to be a iuvenis ; cf. Cens. Die nat . 14.2; Isidore of Seville Etym . 11.2.1-8. He probably did not begin to teach at Bordeaux much before ca. 325; Ausonius does not suggest that the association extended back to his pueritia or that L. had been his teacher. His teaching career would therefore have fallen mainly in s.IV 2/4, and he would have been Ausonius's companion during the first two-thirds (ca. 336/37-ca. 355) of the latter's tenure at Bordeaux.

Identification of L. with the Leontius whose name can be made out in a fragmentary verse inscription (epitaph?) found in the vicinity of Bordeaux, CIL 13.911 (Loupiac), is very uncertain.

+ 90. LOLLIANUS signo HOMOEUS. Gramm. Oxyrhynchus. 253/60.

PCollYoutie 66, ed. Parsons (page numbers below refer to the discussion of Parsons there) = POxy . 47.3366 = Pap.

Lollianus : Pap. A5, B35, C44. Son of Apolloni...: Pap. B35. Municipal gramm. (, Pap. A5-6, B29; cf. A12, C53) of Oxyrhynchus, with an appointment from the : Pap. B28-29. The documents that concern him date from the reign of Valerian and Gallienus (Pap. A2-3, C41-42), perhaps 258 or 259; cf. Parsons, p. 419.

L. drew a municipal salary (), which was set in cash but paid spottily in kind (Pap. B29-30). Because of the irregular payments, L. requested the use of public lands (an orchard), the rents on which would serve as his salary (Pap. B31-34, C61-68); Parsons, pp. 413f., compares

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the similar arrangement proposed at Antioch by Libanius in behalf of his assistants (Or. 31). L.'s salary was 2,000 dr . (per annum?), whereas the orchard was expected to bring in 2,400 dr. ; cf. Pap. B34, C65. L. addressed his appeal not to the but directly to the emperors—Pap. A and C are drafts of his petition—with vague reference to the precedent for imperial intervention allegedly established by earlier emperors in such circumstances; cf. Pap. A12-16, C50-56(?). On the procedure L. followed and the doubtful strength of his argument from precedent, cf. Parsons, pp. 416f., 441ff. At the same time, L. wrote a letter (= Pap. B) to an unnamed friend at court whom he calls "brother" (Pap. B23), asking him to use his influence to secure a favorable decision and an unambiguous response; cf. Pap. B36-37. Note that this was the third letter L. had written to the "brother" on this matter; cf. Pap. B23. The would-be patron had perhaps ignored the two prior requests.

L. was married, with children (Pap. B22-23, 28). He calls himself : Pap. B36, . The term is evidently still used at this date in the general sense, "educated man," "scholar"; for similar usage in a comparable context, see PSI 13.1337.23, with Claus, "S XOL AS TIKOS " 43f. The draft of the letter to his patron (Pap. B) may be in L.'s own hand.

91. LUPERCUS. Gramm. Berytus. Born or floruit shortly before 268/70.

RE 13.1839-41 (Gudeman); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.889; PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 519.

Lupercus, gramm. of Berytus, whose birth or floruit () is placed shortly before the reign of Claudius (i.e., Claudius Gothicus) by the Suda , L .691. His works, listed in the Suda (ibid.), include a , a work on a standing literary puzzle , presumably on Phd . 118a, and a number of technical works of philology: three books on , one on , a (on the quantity of the iota?), (noted as a source in the preface to the Suda , though the authenticity of the notice is doubtful; see s.v. Eugenius, no. 56), a , and thirteen books on the three genders, "in which [; the antecedent is controversial] he surpasses the renown of Herodian" (SudaL .691 ad fin .). For a critical review of the catalogue, see Gudeman, RE 13.1840.5ff.

Despite those words of praise, his influence on later gramm. appears to have been minimal; for later references to him, see Gudeman, RE 13.1840.54ff. and 1841.29ff. His works may, however, have been extant as late as s.XIII ex., when "the sixth of the books of Lupercus" was cited by Planudes (if it is his hand) in a scholium on Plutarch; cf. Paton, "Simonides."

LUXORIUS: see s.v. LUXURIUS, no. 235.

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LUXURIUS: see no. 235.

92. IOANNES LYDUS. Praefectianus, palatinus , and . Born 490/91; died 557/61.

RE 13.2210-17 (Klotz); RE Suppl. 12.521-23 (Carney); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1041-44; Stein, Histoire 2.729ff., 838ff.; Carney, Bureaucracy 2.3ff.; Bandy, Ioannes ix-xxxviii; Hunger 1.250f., 2.427f.; PLRE II s.v. Ioannes 75, pp. 612ff. (The accounts of Klotz and Chr.-Sch.-St. are worthless for L.'s career; some of their errors are repeated in the more recent study of Tsirpanlis, "John Lydos." The best brief account remains that of Stein.)

: Suda I.465; Leo Tactic. epilog . 67, PG 107.1092B; Const. Porph. De them . L p. 63.78 Pertusi; anon. ap . Cramer Anecd. Oxon . 3.187.4ff.; cod. Vat. 1202 chartac. (excerpt of De ostent .). Also , Theophylact. Simocatt. Hist . 7.16, p. 186.21 Bekker. Also : Justinian ap . Ioan. Lyd. De mag . 3.29; Hephaestus ibid. 3.30. The inscr. appears in some mss (cf. De ostent . ed. Wachsmuth, p. xiv; De mens . ed. Wünsch, pp. xvi-xvii) and in Phot. Bibl . cod. 180 (2.187 Henry). The second name is probably that of I.'s father, i.e., ; cf. Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1041.

Bureaucrat, antiquarian, and poet. Born 490/91 (see below) in Lydian Philadelphia: De mag . 3.26, ; cf. ibid. 3.58, 59; De ostent . 53; De mens . 4.2. Cf. : Suda I.465; Phot. Bibl . cod. 180 (2.187 Henry); some mss of L.'s works (see the edd.); Const. Porph. De them . I, p. 63.78 Pertusi.

L. left his birthplace in 511, when he was in his twenty-first year: De mag . 3.26, . He intended to obtain a place as memorialis in the palatine service at Constantinople: ibid., . While awaiting an appointment, he read Aristotle and Plato with Agapius, a pupil of Proclus (ibid.). He soon received a position, though not the one he had expected. Under the influence of his patron and fellow Philadelphian the PPO Zoticus, L. was "forced" probably late in 511 or very early in 512 to become an exceptor , a shorthand clerk, in the praetorian officium (ibid.); his cousin Ammianus was already enrolled among the exceptores . This shift from his initial ambition was not of great consequence for the early part of his career, in which L. can be seen now to have combined and now to have chosen between posts in the central (palatine) administration and in the officium of the praetorian prefect, i.e., in the and in the . Within a year, still during Zoticus's prefecture, L. made a brilliant start in the civil division of the judicial branch in the praetorian officium (ibid. 3.27), being chosen by the assis-

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rants of the ab actis to become one of the three

. (On the gradations within the officium , see Jones, LRE 587ff.; Morosi, "Officium " 103ff.) At the same time he drafted suggestiones to the senate and served as an exceptor in the sacred consistory, where he was soon being groomed for the palatine secretariat a secretis: De mag . 3.27,

.

L. derided, however, to withdraw from the

and to concentrate all his energies in his service as praefectianus (ibid. 3.28). His progress there can be traced through his service as chartularius to the commentariensis ; cf. ibid. 3.17, where the text must be corrupt: although as chartularius to the commentariensis L. would have had a higher rank than in his initial post with the ab actis , the passage as it stands appears to date this service to a time when L. could have been oily about fifteen years old; cf. Stein, Histoire 2.838 n. 4. L. also describes his dealings with the prefect Phocas (an. 532), although it cannot be said in what capacity: De mag . 3.73; cf. s.v. Speciosus, no. 138. But L. came to hate the and resolved to devote himself entirely to his books (ibid. 3.28). This decision was probably made sometime during the second prefecture of John the Cap-padocian (532-41), who is the object of much abuse on L.'s part. The passage in which L. states his reasons is obscure:
. A comma should be placed before (so now the text of Bandy) rather than after the , and the passage should be understood as follows: "When in all respects public affairs [] had been brought to such a state as this account has recorded, and when in addition fortune was showing disfavor to men of literary attainments—something that had not happened before—I came to hate the service." The passage would thus be in line with L.'s other complaints about the state of the service under John, particularly the loss of prestige suffered by men with literary training; cf. esp. De mag . 2.17, 21; 3.65-66, 68.

Nonetheless, L. gained or retained the favor of Justinian, who allowed L. to deliver an encomium of him (ibid. 3.28), presumably in verse: cf. Justinian's praise of L.'s

, ibid. 3.29. Further, Justinian invited L. to compose a history of his campaign at Daras (ibid. 3.28) and appointed L. to a post as a Latin gramm. in the Capitoline school. On the appointment and status, see ibid. 3.29, Justinian's directive to the praetorian prefect:

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(see further below). For Latin as the language of his instruction, cf. Justinian's reference to L.'s labors with (ibid.).

Justinian's actions cannot be dated with great precision—after 532, or after 540 (cf. Carney, Bureaucracy 2.10 n. 13), depending on which campaign at Daras is meant; probably before 543: see below on the dedication to Gabriel the city prefect. But L. gives the impression that they came in quick succession. The last guaranteed that L. could devote himself to his books while remaining nominally enrolled in the , retaining his seniority and claims to promotion; cf. again Justinian's statement at De mag . 3.29, [= the PPO ] ; see also L.'s own remarks ibid. ad fin ., [sc . ] [cf. s.v. Cledonius, no. 31] . The post as gramm. was evidently no mere sinecure; cf. L.'s own statement, ibid. 3.29, ; see also the reference to his pupils made by the prefect Hephaestus when L. retired from the , ibid. 3.30, . It is therefore likely that he was in effect an absentee praefectianus for all or part of the latter years of his career, a suggestion borne out by L.'s statement (ibid. 3.30 init.) that toward the end of his service he received the salary but not the fees associated with the . Such payment was the regular lot of the absentee; cf. Jones, LRE 605.

It seems clear in any case that L. was eventually promoted through all the grades of the officium ; cf. L.'s references to his reaching retirement, De mag . 3.30, and ; with Hephaestus's reference to his service, ibid., . L. finally retired from the after forty years and four months (ibid. 3.30 ad fin .; cf. also 3.67)—i.e., probably ca. April 552—as cornicularius , with the ranks of tribunus et notarius (vacans ) and comes ordinis primi ; cf. esp. ibid. 3.4, 24-25; and Stein, Histoire 2.731. The latest references in the De mag . suggest that he died sometime between 557 and 561; cf. Stein, Histoire 2.839f.

Probably beginning before his retirement (see above and following), L. composed the De mensibus and the De ostentis , and, after his retirement, the De magistratibus . The three were read and excerpted by Photius, Bibl . cod. 180 (2.187ff. Henry); the first two are listed in the Suda , I.465, which refers to but not specifically to the De mag . The Suda , ibid., says that L. dedicated these () to

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, presumably the city prefect Gabriel (cf. De mag . 3.38), himself a poet (cf. Anth. Gr . 16.208), whose prefecture of 543 (Stein, Histoire 2.441 n. 4) was celebrated by Leontius Scholasticus in Anth. Gr . 16.32. Gabriel's prefecture thus provides a term. a. q . for when L. came to hate the and devoted himself to his books. In addition to the encomium of Justinian (see above), L. wrote a brief encomium of his early patron, Zoticus, for which he was rewarded at the rate of one solidus per line (De mag . 3.27).

L. remarks (ibid.) that during the brief prefecture of Zoticus, while still an exceptor , he was able to make no less than 1,000 solidi . As chartularius in the scrinium of the ab actis , L. received a salary of 24 solidi per year. The opportunity for extraordinary income was considerable; cf. his use of the euphemism , ibid., and his remarks ibid. 3.24-25. At the prompting of L.'s cousin Ammianus, Zoticus had provided L. with a wife, who in turn provided a dowry of 100 lb. of gold (De mag . 3.28, ). If it could be inferred from De mag . 3.26 that all L.'s prior education had taken place in Philadelphia, then that city could be added to the list of places in the East where instruction in Latin was available.

From L.'s works Photius, Bibl . cod. 180 (2.181 Henry), concluded that he was a pagan, probably incorrectly; cf. esp. De mag . 3.73 fin . and 3.74, L.'s concern to demonstrate the of Phocas; and cf. the judgment of Carney, RE Suppl. 12.523.5ff., with Bureaucracy 2.49f. n. 11. Bandy, Ioannes xvi, claims that L.'s "appointment to the university required a religion test"; but it is not clear what that statement means or on what evidence it is based.

93. MACRINUS. Gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV 1/4.

PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 529.

Macrinus (Auson. Prof . 10.11), Latin gramm. (ibid. tit.; cf. vv. 5-10) at Bordeaux (ibid. tit.), the first teacher of Ausonius (ibid. 12-13); since Ausonius was born ca. 310, M. was active in s.IV 1/4.

MANIPPUS or MARSIPUS: see s.v. MANIPPUS, no. 236.

94. MARCELLUS. Gramm. . s.IV med.?

RE 14.1492 (Ensslin); PLRE I s.v. 4, p. 551.

Marcellus (Prof . 18 tit., v. 1), son of Marcellus (ibid.); a gramm. (ibid. tit., vv. 7-8, 13-14) who taught at Narbo (ibid. 4-8) after leaving his patria , i.e., Bordeaux (cf. Prof . 20.1-2; and cf. s.v. Concordius, no. 35). There is no indication of his date, though like all the other subjects of the Prof . he was dead by the time the poems were composed. If Ausonius speaks of

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the scandal (see below) from firsthand knowledge, then M. presumably dates to s.IV reed.; but that is not certain.

Driven from Bordeaux by his mother, M. was received at Narbo, where he married the daughter of the nobilis Clarentius, who is said to have been impressed by M.'s indoles egregia (ibid. 5-6). He acquired grammatici nomen divitiasque (ibid. 7-8); but because of his pravum ingenium he was ruined in a scandal, which Ausonius forbears to retail (ibid. 9-12; cf. s.v. Herculanus, no. 70). Ausonius places him inter grammaticos praetenuis nmeriti (ibid. 14).

NONIUS MARCELLUS: see no. 237.

MARCIANUS: see no. 238.

95. MARTYRIUS. Lat. gramm. Sardis? Before 580; s.VI l/2-med.?

RE 14.2041-43 (Wessner); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.219; PLRE II s.v. 6, p. 732.

M.'s treatise on b and v bears the attribution Adamantii sire Martyrii in the mss used by Keil; Cassiodorus calls him both "Adamantius Martyrius" (De orth., GL 7.147.8, 167.1, 178.10, 193.8; Inst . 1.30.2; cf. also Manitius, Handschriften 267) and "Martyrius" (De orth., GL 7.143.9ff., 185.9). From the preface to the treatise, GL 7.165.13f., hoc commentario nostro acceptis seminibus ab Adamantio meo patre , it is clear that the author was Martyrius, son of Adamantius (q.v., no. 2).

He is styled grammaticus in an explicit (GL 7.178.14) in cod. Monac. 766, the copy of an antiquissimus codex made by Politian in 1491; cf. Keil, GL 7.136. This is not solid evidence in itself, but note that his father was a doctor . . . elocutionis Latinae: GL 7.165.14f. He is called Sardianus in the same explicit (see also below); he clearly knew Greek.

M. is to be dated certainly after Herodian, to whom he refers at GL 7.166.13f. His use of the name "Valentinianus" in an example at GL 7.173.1 (bracketed by Keil), like his own name, suggests a date not earlier than s.IV / s.V. At GL 7.175.9ff. he refers to the opinion of a certain Memnonius on the correct spelling of berna (vs. verna ): illustris memoriae audivi Memnonium, omnis hominem facundiae iudicem, se dicentem de hoc reprehensum a Romano quodam disertissimo . Bücheler, "Coniectanea" 330f., identified this Memnonius facundiae iudex with the father of Agathias, Memnonius —mspecifically, Myrina: Anth. Gr . 7.552, with Agathias, Hist . praef. 14, p. 6.10 Keydell; cf. also Michael the Grammarian, Anth. Gr . 16.316. The identification is attractive, esp. if M.'s designation as Sardianus is correct. The treatise could then be dated sometime after 534/35: Agathias was born ca. 531/32 (for the date, see McCail, "Earthquake" 241ff.; Averil Cameron, Agathias If., with 138f.); Memnonius survived his wife, who died when Agathias was three years

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old (Anth. Gr . 7.552.3-8), i.e., 534/35; but the Memnonius known to M., illustris memoriae . . . Memnonius , was dead by the time M. wrote. Against the identification one can adduce the evident belief of Cassiodorus that "Adamantius Martyrius" was one of the orthographi antiqui : so Inst 1.30.2; cf. De orth . praef., GL 7.147.8ff., where M., along with the other men listed there, is implicitly distinguished from Priscian, the modernus auctor . But Cassiodorus may be no more reliable concerning M.'s date than he is concerning his name; cf. esp. s.v. Eutyches, no. 57, for Cassiodorus's error concerning the date of Priscian's pupil; and cf. s.v. Phocas, no. 121. M. can at any rate be dated before ca. 580, the date of the De orth . and of the revision of the Inst .

M.'s treatise on b and v was excerpted by Cassiodorus (GL 7.167-99) and has been transmitted independently (GL 7.165-99).

96. MAXIMUS. Gramm. Madaurus. s.IV 2/2-ex.

RE 14.2571 (Wendel); PLRE I s.v. 28, p. 585; Prosop. chrét . I s.v. 3, pp. 733f.

Maximus, gramm. of Madaurus who corresponded with Augustine: inscr. and subscr. of Aug. Ep . 16, 17. The letters are to be dated ca. 390, by which time M. was a senex: Ep . 16.4; cf. ibid. 1, seniles artus . The beginning of their correspondence precedes the extant letters; cf. Ep . 16.1. It has sometimes been suggested that M. had been Augustine's gramm. at Madaurus in the late 360s; cf. Conf . 2.3.5. The suggestion is plausible, although obviously not capable of proof.

After expressing allegiance to a civic-spirited paganism and a belief in a number of numina worshiped as the membra of a single, highest god (Ep . 16.1; cf. 17.1), M. goes on to condemn the cult of martyrs (Ep . 16.2; cf. 17.2) and the exclusivity and secrecy of Christian worship, which he compares unfavorably with the public cult of pagans (Ep . 16.3; cf. 17.4). The charges are commonplace in the polemics of this and earlier periods, as are the rebuttals Augustine presents point by point in his heavily sarcastic reply, Ep . 17. The correspondents do show some individuality, however, in their concern with and view of local African martyrs (Miggines, Sanames, Namphamon, Lucitas). For a full study of these letters, with text and translation, see now Mastandrea, Massimo .

^* 97. MELLEUS. Schoolmaster. Centum Cellae. s.IV 2/2 / s.VI.

Melleus, a magister ludi , Christian, dead aged 30: CIL 11.3568 = ILCV 718 (Centum Cellae).

98. MEMNON. Teacher of letters. s.V 1/3.

PLRE II s.v., p. 753.

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A , addressee of Nil. Ancyr. Ep . 2.326, on repentance. The first and last sentences correspond in reverse order to the first two sentences of John Chrysost. Hom. in seraphim 6.4, PG 56.140; cf. Heussi, Untersuchungen 54ff.

99. MENESTHEUS. Gr. gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV 2/4.

RE 15.852 (Ensslin); Martindale, "Prosopography" 249; cf. PLRE I s.v. Spercheus, p. 851.

Menestheus (Auson. Prof . 8.3), Greek gramm. (ibid. tit., vv. 1-8) at Bordeaux (ibid. tit.). Third in the list of Greek gramm., he did not teach Ausonius (ibid. 1-3, with v. 9); Spercheus (q.v., no. 139), M.'s father (ibid. 2-3), did. M. therefore was probably not yet active in the second decade of s.IV but belonged to the next generation of teachers; cf. ibid. 7, nostro . . . in aevo . His career accordingly should be placed ca. s. IV 2/4. Like all the other subjects of the Prof ., M. was dead by the time the poems were composed.

With the two other Greek gramm. celebrated in this poem, M. is said to have possessed sedulum . . . studium docendi, / fructus exilis tenuisque sermo (ibid. 5-6).

On the teachers of Prof . 8, cf. also s.v. Romulus, no. 250.

100. METRODORUS. Gramm. Constantinople. s.V / s.VI?

PLRE II s.v., p. 762.

Metrodorus , author of Anth. Gr . 9.712, on a lawyer Ioannes; according to the poem's lemma, Ioannes was . Ioannes' name, his profession, and the place combine to suggest a date of s.V / s.VI.

M. may be the gramm. Metrodorus (q.v., no. 101) of Tralles and Constantinople (s.VI 1/3-1/2); he is probably not to be identified either with Metrodorus the author or collector of Anth. Gr . 14.116-46 or with Metrodorus the author of Anth. Gr . 9.360. The latter was imitated in Epigr. Bob . 26 and therefore must be dated before ca. 400; cf. Weinreich's review of Munari, Gnomon 31 (1959), 245f.

+ 101. METRODORUS. Gramm. . s.VI l/3-1/2.

Gramm.: Agath. Hist . 5.6.4 Keydell, ; cf. Appendix 2 ad fin . on the phrasing. From a talented family of Tralles—M.'s father, Stephanus, was a physician there (Alexand. Trail. Book 4, , vol. 2 p. 139 Puschmann); M.'s brothers were the lawyer and advocate Olympius, the physicians Dioscorus and Alexander, and the architect Anthemius: Agath. Hist . 5.6.3ff. According to Agathias, he was a gramm. of some renown and with Anthemius was summoned by

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the emperor to Constantinople, where they remained the rest of their lives: Hist . 5.6.5f., [= M.] . Although it is not clear which emperor is meant, M.'s floruit should probably be placed in the first third or first half of s.VI since Anthemius was apparently already at Constantinople when Justinian commissioned him to rebuild St. Sophia in the wake of the Nika Revolt of 532 (cf. Agath. Hist . 5.9.2; Procop. De aed . 1.1.20ff.) and was long dead when an earthquake damaged St. Sophia in 557: Agath. Hist . 5.9.4, . On the latter date, see Averil Cameron, Agathias 142.

M. is perhaps the otherwise unknown gramm. Metrodorus listed in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, under the heading , or he may be Metrodorus the author of Anth. Gr . 9.712 (see s.v., no. 100); he may even be both. He cannot be identified confidently with Metrodorus the author or compiler of Anth. Gr . 14.116-46; he is certainly distinct from Metrodorus the author of Anth. Gr . 9.360, who is datable before ca. 400: see s.v. Metrodorus, no. 100, ad fin .

+ "METRORIUS": see no. 239.

102. MUSAEUS. Gramm. and poet. s.V 2/2-3/3.

RE 16.767-69 (Keydell); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.972; Hunger 2.109; PLRE II s.v., p. 768.

Author of , in hexameters; styled in three mss of s.XIV, but not in the oldest, cod. Barocc. 50, of s.X / s.Xl init.; cf. Kost, ed., p. 16.

Later than Nonnus, by whose poetry he was influenced; before the epic poet Col(l)uthus, who probably used him; therefore to be dated s.V 2/2-3/3: cf. Keydell, RE 16.767.34ff.; Gelzer, "Bemerkungen" (1967) 133ff., (1968) 11ff.; Kost, ed., pp. 15f., who dates him to 470/510.

Presumably a Christian, since he appears to have known Nonnus's paraphrase of the Gospel of John (cf. Kost, ed., at vv. 19, 42, 138-39, 233, 242, 255, 293, 295), the ps.-Apollinarian Psalter (cf. Golega, Homerische Psalter 104), and the poetry of Gregory Nazianzen (cf. Kost, ed., at vv. 17 [p. 159], 173, 274).

He is perhaps the Musaeus who received Procop. Gaz. Ep . 147, 165; the identification is proposed most forcefully by Gelzer, "Bemerkungen" (1967) 137ff.; cf. also Minitti Colonna, "De Musaeo" 65ff. It remains no more than plausible.

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103. ANNIUS NAMPTOIUS. Magister studiorum , jurisconsult, flamen perpetuus, curator rei publicae . Thuburbo Maius (Africa Proconsularis). 361.

PLRE I s.v., p. 615; Bassignano, Flaminato 169, 170, 172f.; AE 1916, 87, 88 (= 20 bis ) = ILAfr . 273a, b = lnscr. a, b.

Annius Namptoius: Inscr. a; Annius Namptoivius, Inscr. b. Styled fl (a )-m (en ) p (er )p (etuus ), iurisconsultus, magister studiorum, cur (ator ) rei p (ublicae ). Mention of the proconsulship of Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius (= PLRE I s.v. 3, p. 640) dates Inscr. b. to 361; mention of Constantius as emperor dates the inscr. to sometime before November of that year (Constantius died 3 Nov. 361).

The date makes it impossible for magister studiorum to refer to the imperial secretariat a studiis . N. presumably was a local teacher of liberal studies, with some legal expertise as well (cf. iurisconsultus ; Lepelley, Cites de l'Afrique 2.200 n. 11, has suggested that N. was a professor of law at Carthage). The style magister studiorum is not common, but it is found in the nearly contemporary law of Julian on the schools: CTh 13.3.5 (an. 362), magistros studiorum doctoresque excellere oportet moribus primum, deinde facundia ; cf. CJ 3.28.37, 1e (an. 531), magistri studiorum liberalium . See also esp. s.v. L. Terentius Iulianus, no. 87: magister studiorum, grammaticus Latinus .

Since the positions of flamen perpetuus and curator r.p . are otherwise unexampled in this period for a man of N.'s profession, his holding them is especially noteworthy. On the former title, cf. Bassignano, Flaminato 10ff., 371ff.; on the latter, see Lucas, "Notes"; Jones, LRE 726ff.; Burton, "Curator." The two titles together imply that N. was a curialis .

Similarly unusual is the scale of the undertaking (reconstruction of baths) recorded in Inscr. a and b. Note also that, if N. was a teacher, he appears either not to have received or else to have declined immunity. For the relationship in this period among the cura civitatum , curial status, and the munera , see CTh 12.1.20 (an. 331), with Lucas, "Notes" 62ff.

104. NEBRIDIUS. Assistant gramm. . s.IV 2/2; dead by 390?

RE Suppl. 7.550f. (Ensslin); PLRE I s.v. 4, p. 620; Prosop. chrét . I s.v., pp. 774ff.

Friend and correspondent of Augustine: Conf . 4.3.6; 6.10.17, 16.26; 7.2.3, 6.8; 8.6.13; 9.3.6; Ep . 3-14 (author of Ep . 5, 6, 8; recipient of the rest). He taught as assistant (Conf . 8.6.13, subdoceret ) to the gramm. Verecundus (q.v., no. 159) at Milan; he could have held a better position but did not have the ambition (ibid.). He is almost certainly not the proscholus grammatici Augustine refers to at Serm . 178.7.8 (see below).

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A near contemporary of Augustine, N. followed him to Milan ca. 385: Conf . 6.10.17, 8.6.13. He died not long after Augustine's baptism in 387; at the time of his death, probably no later than 3390, he was back in Africa: Conf . 9.3.6; cf. Ep . 5, 10.1.

His family possessed a substantial estate in the vicinity of Carthage: Conf . 6.10.17, rus optimum .

An intimate of Augustine at the time of the latter's spiritual odyssey, N. had no patience for astrology or Manichaeism: Conf . 4.3.6, 6.16.26, 7.23, 6.8; cf. Ep . 33, and Ep . 4-14 passim . Not yet a Christian at the time of Augustine's baptism, he had become one, and had converted his entire family in Africa, by the time of his death: Conf . 9.3.6.

The PLRE regards as probable the identification of N. with a pagan gramm.'s anonymous assistant (proscholus ) at Milan (= Anonymus 5, no. 171), the hero of an editing tale Augustine sets during his tenure there: Serm . 178.7.8 (PL 35.964), nobis apud Mediolanum constitutis . This is very likely incorrect. The proscholus is described as plane Christianus , but N. was not yet a Christian during Augustine's time in Milan (see above); Augustine resigned his chair of rhetoric in autumn 386, was baptized at Easter 387, and left Milan soon after (see s.v., no. 20). Further, the proscholus is described as a pauperrimus homo who had taken his position out of desperation—tam pauper ut proscholus esset grammatici —but this is quite at odds with what we know of N.'s circumstances, esp. his family's rus optimum near Carthage (see above); note that at Conf . 8.6.13 Augustine says N. did not take his position out of cupiditas commodorum . Unless Augustine is embellishing his story, then, N. was not the proscholus involved. The identification could be ruled out at once if Clarke, Higher Education 27 n. 105, were correct in drawing a sharp distinction between the positions of subdoctor and proscholus ; but the distinction was not everywhere so clear. Cf. also Heraeus, Kleine Schriften 93f.

See further s.vv. Verecundus, Anonymus 5, 6, nos. 159, 171, 172.

NEPOS: see no. 240.

105. NEPOTIANUS. and provincial governor. Bordeaux. s.III ex.-s.IV 2/2.

RE 16.2513 (Ensslin); Green, "Prosopographical Notes" 23; PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 624.

Nepotianus: Auson. Prof . 15 tit., v. 4. A gramm. and rhetorician: ibid. tit., grammatico eidem rhetori . The phrase should mean "gramm. and also [i.e., subsequently] rhetorician," not "gramm. and at the same time rhetorician," as in, e.g., Marrou, Histoire⁶ 597 n.1; such simultaneous tenure of teaching positions is unparalleled in the period for Bordeaux. For the

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same use of idem , applied by Ausonius to himself to indicate serial—not concurrent—tenure of teaching positions, see Epist . 22. 73. N.'s teaching career was therefore probably comparable to Ausonius's. Cf. Prof . 15.10 and 12, where N. is said to have had a rhetorical style second to none and to have rivaled the gramm. Scaurus and Probus; for the latter compliment, cf. s.vv. Harmonius, Staphylius, nos. 65, 140. He is also said to have been a master of logic: ibid. v. 11, disputator ad Cleanthen Stoicum .

N. became a provincial governor: ibid. v. 18, honore gesti praesidiatus inclitus ; the province is not specified. The governorship probably capped his teaching career, as commonly in such cases; since N. was a native of Gaul, his province was more likely in the West than in the East. He is perhaps Nepotianus the praeses of Tripolitania known from AE 1952, 173 (Lepcis Magna; = Caputo, "Flavius" 234ff.); cf. Guey, "Note"; PLRE I s.v. Nepotianus 4, p. 624. If so, his official style thereafter would have been Fl. Nepotianus, v.p., ex comitibus et praesidibus , the Flaviate presumably being acquired simultaneously with the governorship; cf. Keenan, "Names" (1973).

An intimate and adviser of Ausonius, who speaks more warmly of N. than of any other gramm. (cf. esp. Prof . 15.1-8, 14-17), N. was evidently a friend of Ausonius's mature years; he would therefore probably have been a colleague in his teaching at Bordeaux. Ausonius's use of sodalis points in the same direction; cf. s.vv. Citarius, Iucundus, nos. 28, 86. Consequently, his governorship, on the assumption that it followed his teaching, has a likely term. p. q . of ca. 336/37, when Ausonius's tenure began at Bordeaux. By that time N. was probably not younger than forty: since he had died, aged ninety (ibid. v. 19), by the time Ausonius wrote the Prof .—which was probably completed not very long after 385/86 (the execution of Euchrotia is referred to at Prof . 5.35ff.)—N. was born probably not much later than ca. 295. If, however, both his death and the Prof . are put as late as possible, his birth could be pushed to ca. 304; but even then, pace Caputo, "Flavius" 240f., a date for his governorship later than the death of Valentinian (Nov. 375) is scarcely conceivable; cf. also Appendix 4.

If N. was born ca. 295, he was about fifteen years older than Ausonius. He was probably not a full generation older: Ausonius speaks of him as an older friend or alter ego and does not use metaphors appropriate to a father figure; cf. s.v. Staphylius, no. 140, ad fin . He was not, as is sometimes claimed, one of Ausonius's teachers during his schooldays at Bordeaux, from ca. 317 through the mid-320s.

N. was survived by two sons (Prof . 15.20), one of whom was perhaps the homonymous bishop of the Arverni in this period; cf. Greg. Tur. Hist. Franc . 1.46, with Green, "Prosopographical Notes" 23.

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106. NICOCLES. Gramm. . s.IV 2/3-3/3.

RE 17.352-56 no. 9 (Laquerer), no. 10 (Stegemann); Seeck, Briefe 221f.; Wolf, Schulwesen 37ff.; PLRE I s.v., p. 630; Bradford, Prosopography s.v. 11, p. 306.

Mentioned in Lib. Or . 1.31, 15.27, EP . 557 (the last an. 357); subject or recipient of Ep . 810, 816, 832, 1368, 1383, 1411, 1119 (all an. 363), 1196, 1211, 1265, 1266 (all an. 364), 1487, 1492, 1533 (all an. 365); cf. Soc. HE 3.1.10.

Confusion about N.'s profession has been the rule for at least a century: e.g., rhetorician in Sievers, Leben 50; sophist and philosopher in PLRE I s.v.; rhetorician in Bowersock, Julian 27; philosopher, rhetorician, and grammarian in Bradford, Prosopography 306. Yet despite his wide interests (see below), and despite the fact that Libanius—our only firsthand source; see below—nowhere calls N. a gramm., that is doubtless what he was. The following are the most revealing passages, which deserve to be presented in some detail.

Or . 1.31: Libanius had dealings with N., one of the teachers () at Constantinople, ca. 340. At that time N. promised to supply Libanius with forty pupils on the spot and presented the arrangement as a matter of mutual advantage: —"Don't put a spoke in your wheels or mine," in Norman's translation. N.'s design in this was to foil a sophist who had betrayed him. By channeling the students to Libanius, N. would hurt his enemy both directly—since he would have fewer pupils—and indirectly, by giving him a rival in Libanius. The promise itself, the arrangement it sketches, and its darker motive make sense only if N. was a gramm., not another sophist; cf. Norman, Autobiography 156 ad loc .

Or . 15.27: when speaking of N.'s stint as Julian's teacher, Libanius specially mentions his expertise in Homer. This again suggests that N. was a gramm.; thus the inference of Soc. HE 3.1.10, Just as Socrates certainly depends on Lib. Or . 18.11ff. for knowledge of Hecebolius's position and the general shape of Julian's education (cf. Baynes, "Early Life"), so he must depend on Or . 15.27 for knowledge of N.'s position and his Spartan origin. For allusion to N. as teacher of Homer with Julian, see also Ep . 1368.4: .

EP . 832: Libanius commends to N. a certain Theodorus, who had been one of Libanius's first pupils at Antioch (cf. Ep . 831.1)—although, as Libanius says, there is no need to introduce them, because N. had

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previously taught Theodorus: , with the common metaphor of teacher as (foster) father; for another instance of the metaphor involving N., cf. Ep . 1266.5; and in general see Petit, Étudiants 31ff. Since Theodorus was evidently N.'s pupil before going to Libanius's school at Antioch, the natural inference is that he learned gramm. with N. and subsequently learned rhetoric with Libanius.

Ep . 1492.2: in a letter to Clearchus, another of N.'s foyer pupils (cf. Ep . 1266.5), Libanius, quoting Il . 9.485, says that N. had been Phoenix to Clearchus's Achilles—a metaphor that Libanius uses once elsewhere, to describe the relationship of the gramm. Cleobulus with his student Bassianus; cf. Ep . 155 and s.v. Cleobulus, no. 32, with Kaster, "Notes" 332, 333 n. 40.

By way of negative demonstration, Ep . 810.2 may be added. Libanius says that N.'s high opinion of his oratory could not be flattery, for N. would not grovel before "a king's lot, much less a sophist": . The passage should imply that N. was no more a sophist than he was a king.

As a "friend of the Muses" (Ep . 816.1), N. could claim attainments that certainly extended beyond grammar. In rhetoric, he was a connoisseur of Libanius's speeches (Ep . 810.2, just quoted) and was capable of serving on an embassy to the emperor (Ep . 1368.1). He also prided himself on his reputation for philosophy; cf. esp. Ep . 1119.2, with Ep . 1383.5,

. Though this interest in philosophy may have influenced his teaching of Homer (see the appendix at the end of this entry), Libanius says N.'s love of was manifest in a non-technical or nonprofessional way—N. was wise like Socrates, in his conversation and his way of life: Ep . 1487.1-2,
. (Cf. the description of Libanius attributed to Julian at Or . 1.131.) Neither rhetoric nor philosophy was central to his professional life as it can be more narrowly defined; he was certainly a gramm. His career can be sketched as follows.

A native of Sparta—cf. Or . 1.31, 15.27 (the source of Soc. HE 3.1.10); Ep . 810.2 and 4, 1368.2, 1383.4, 1119.4—N. was well enough established as a gramm. in Constantinople by 340 to have acted as patron for one sophist, to offer to provide pupils to another, and thus to play a part in the professional rivalries of the city (Or . 1.31; cf. above). Libanius's behavior toward N. on that occasion was less than candid; cf. Or . 1.32ff., a case of qui s'excuse, s'accuse (see Norman, Autobiography 156 ad loc .).

N. perhaps resented this; for at the time of Libanius's troubles in Constantinople (ca. 343), N. was among his enemies (Ep . 557.1-2), presum-

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ably as one of the gramm. who joined the conspiracy of Bemarchius to drive Libanius from the city. For the involvement of the gramm., , see Or . 1.44.

N. remained at Constantinople, where ca. 348 he had the prince Julian as a pupil: Or . 15.27; Ep . 1368.4; for the date, see the appendix below. Another of his pupils, Theodorus, probably was with him in the early 350s; cf. Ep . 832, and see above.

By early 363, when we can start to follow his correspondence with N., Libanius had evidently resolved his differences with the gramm., and (or because) N. was now a person of some influence with his former pupil the emperor Julian. The familiar moves of friendship and patronage are then played out, and N.'s prestige makes itself felt in other ways as well: N. acts as publicist for Libanius, and Libanius returns the favor (Ep . 810.1-3); N. is in Antioch early in 363 on the occasion of Libanius's speech (Or. 12) in honor of Julian's consulship, reconciles the population of Constantinople and the city prefect in the wake of rioting, and anticipates going on an embassy to Julian at Antioch on the same matter (Ep . 1368.1); Libanius hopes that N. will join those trying to dissuade Julian from moving his court from Antioch to Tarsus (Ep . 1368.3); N.'s influence is made evident in the letters of recommendation he receives (Ep . 810, 816, 832, 1119) and in a recommendation made in his name to his brother, Fl. Sozomenus, v.c ., governor of Lycia in 363 (Ep . 1383; for the name and rank, see Bull. ép . 1979, 509 no. 4).

All that ended with Julian's death. For a time in 364 N. gave up teaching, forced out by an antipagan reaction, Libanius seems to imply, or by a general evaporation of patronage, or by both these causes; he resumed teaching by early 365. For the resumption, see Ep . 1487; for N.'s paganism, Ep . 810.7, 1411.3, with which compare Libanius's veiled but increasingly obvious references to a backlash, Ep . 1196, 1211, 1265; and cf. Ep . 1533.1-2. How wanting for patronage N. was during 364 and into 365 can perhaps be gauged from his harassment at just this time by a former pupil, Clearchus, then vicarius Asiae ; cf. Ep . 1265, 1266, 1492, with Chap. 6 pp. 214-15.

N. was probably stir alive in 388, since he is probably the dedicatee of Lib. Or . 32. Since N. was well established at Constantinople by 340, he cannot have been born much later than ca. 315. He was probably, therefore, a close contemporary of Libanius.

N. is possibly the Nicocles found in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröh-nert, Canones 7 .

Appendix: Nicocles and the Early Chronology of Julian

The analysis of N.'s career is necessarily involved with the chronology of his best-known pupil. There are two competing views of the latter problem, that of Seeck, Untergang 4.205ff., and that of Baynes, "Early

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Life." To follow Seeck, one must place Julian's exile to Macellum in the years 345-51, assigning his education under N. and Hecebolius at Constantinople and his first acquaintance with Libanius's work at Nicomedia to the four years preceding, 341-44. To follow Baynes, one must place the latter events after the exile, in the years 347/48-349. Seeck's chronology has been followed most recently by PLRE I; by Browning, Emperor 34ff. (intermittently and with some confusion); by Bradford, Prosopography 306 (ut vid .); and by Braun, Empereur 10. The most recent adherents of Baynes's view include Norman, Libanius (Loeb) vol. 1 p. ix; Head, Emperor 20ff.; Bowersock, Julian 22ff.; Athanassiadi-Fowden, Julian 27.

Baynes's position is certainly correct. At Or . 18.13, Libanius says that Julian , "was already near manhood," when Constantius decided that he was a threat and sent him from Constantinople to Nicomedia, where he first came to know of Libanius; cf. esp. Norman, Libanius vol. 1 p. ix. Since Seeck had to place that event ca. 344, he also had to assume, int al ., that could be used here of Julian when he was thirteen or fourteen years old—an evident difficulty. One who is should be closer to eighteen than to fourteen; cf. a passage in Libanius's epigonus Choricius, Tyrannic . 37 (294.13ff. Foerster-Richtsteig), where and are used interchangeably. Hence anyone would be of an age to be leaving the schools, not entering them; cf. esp. Lucian Somn . 1, . Nonetheless one might circumvent the difficulty by pointing to the flexibility of ancient terms for age groups and of ancient educational practices. But Or . 15.27, a passage often overlooked in the controversy, shows that Julian was also when N. took him on as a student—i.e., when, according to Seeck, Julian was ten or eleven; and that is simply impossible.

The impossibility can only be surmounted by the bald assumption that Libanius was exaggerating when he described Julian as in Or . 15.27 and 18.13. This was the contention of, e.g., Richtsteig, "Einige Daten" 429, 430. But such an assumption is methodologically weak; and in any case its implications make little sense. In the gross outlines of his account of Julian's life (Or . 18.11ff.), Libanius is concerned to suppress the disgrace of his exile to Macellum and the dislocation it produced from the normal course of his life. The last thing we should expect, then, is that Libanius would intentionally exaggerate that dislocation by making Julian older than the normal age when he encountered N., Hecebolius, and Libanius himself. The occurrence of should instead be regarded as a small element of truth that Libanius unwittingly let slip amid the larger distortion he was working. The difficulties of course disappear when the evidence of Or . 15.27 and 18.13 is applied to Baynes's scheme: Julian was about seventeen when he came to N. and

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Hecebolius at Constantinople in late 347 or early 348, and about eighteen when he went from Constantinople to Nicomedia in late 348 or early 349.

One last point, lest it be thought odd that Julian read Homer—usually the first text read in school—and other poets with N. when he was about seventeen. It should be noted that Libanius (Or . 15.27) particularly emphasizes N.'s knowledge of the of Homer and other poets—the "mysteries," the deeper, hidden meanings accessible only to the initiated; and Julian, who had long since been introduced to Homer by Mardonius (Misopog . 351A-354B), was certainly an initiate. Indeed, given the references to N.'s (see above), it is conceivable that Lib. Or . 15.27 alludes to allegorical interpretation such as Porphyry had practiced two or three generations earlier. (For contemporary reference to the in poets' works, see Eunap. V. phil . 4.1.9; on the need for allegorical interpretation, see Julian himself, Or . 5.170A-C, 7.216B-222D; cf. Greg. Naz. Or . 4, C. Iulian . 1.118.) But however that might be, we can be sure that N. did not give his extraordinary pupil an everyday schoolboy's first lessons in Homer.

107. NILUS. Gramm. s.IV ex. / s.V 1/3.

RE Suppl. 7.561 (Ensslin); PLRE II s.v. 1, p. 784.

The recipient of a letter of moral exhortation from Isidore of Pelusium, Ep . 3.205, .

108. OLYMPIUS. Gramm. Seleucia (Isauria). s.V med.

PLRE II s.v. 10, p. 803.

Son of Alypius (q.v., no. 6), the gramm. of Isaurian Seleucia, O. was himself a gramm. of some reputation: , [Basil. Sel.] Vie et miracles de Sainte Thècle 2.38 Dagron; cf. Appendix 2.2a. See also s.v. Solymius, no. 259—the brother of O., according to the received text, but probably O. himself.

109. OPHELIUS. Gramm. and poet. Egypt? s.IV ex. / s.V 1/3.

RE 18.632 (Ensslin); PLRE II s.v. 1, p. 806.

A : inscr. of Isid. Pel. Epp . (below); cf. also Ep . 3.92, ; 5.245, Isidore's response to O.'s criticism of the use of the superlative degree with reference to fewer than three subjects; 5.317, Isidore's advice . Also a poet: Ep . 1.86, (incorrectly punctuated in Migne); cf. 3.31, .

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Recipient of twenty-odd letters from Isidore of Pelusium involving moral exhortation (1.11, 86; 2.55, 255, 273; 5.66, 317, 517), interpretations of philosophical and scriptural matters (2.119; 3.31, 92-94; 4.105, 162, 200; 5.430, 558), discussions of literary usage and style (2.42, on the style of John Chrysostom, quoting [Lib.] Ep . 1553; with 5.121, 133, 245, 439, 544), and a matter of topical concern (3.70). See also 2.154 and 201 and 5.200, addressed , possibly to O.

O. was a connoisseur of rhetorical texts; cf. Ep . 4.162, on O.'s admiration for Isocrates; cf. also the letters on style, above. But he was ignorant of philosophy: Ep . 3.92, .

He was a Christian and on one occasion had debated theology with a Jew: Ep . 3.94.

The place of his school cannot be determined; it was evidently in the same place as that of Agathodaemon (q.v., no. 3), with whom O. received Ep . 5.439. Presumably it was in a center of some size, perhaps in Egypt; see s.v. Agathodaemon.

FL. OPTATUS: see no. 241.

110. ORION. Gramm. ? s.V 1/4-1/2.

RE 18.1083-87 (Wendel); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1081, 1087; Hunger 2.45; PLRE II s.v. 1, p. 812.

Orion: Marinus V. Procli 8; SudaW .188 (cf. W .189 and below); Ioan. Tzetzes Chil . 10.52, p. 389 Leone; mss of the Etym . and Anth . (see below); , Cramer, Anecd. Paris . 3.322.11; Kröhnert, Canones 7. Called , as teacher of Proclus, by Marinus V. Procli 8, and in cod. Vindob. philol. gr. 321 of the Anth ., cod. Paris. gr. 2653 of the Etym .; on loan. Tzetzes Chil . 10.52, see below. He is included in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7.

A native of Egyptian Thebes: Suda W .188, ; called in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, and in the following mss of the Etym .—Paris. gr. 2653 (ed. Sturz, pp. 1-2); Darmst. 2773 (cf. Garzya, "Per la tradizione" 216; Etym. Gud . ed. Sturz, pp. 611-12); Vat. gr. 1456; Bodl. Misc. 211 = Auct. T II.11; Paris. gr. 464, 2610 (cf. Micciarelli Collesi, "Nuovi 'excerpta'" 521 and "Per la tradizione"). Cf. Marinus V. Procli 8, .

He taught Proclus at Alexandria: Marinus V. Procli 8; cf. also on SudaW .189, below. The evidence for O.'s activity at Constantinople and Caesarea is, respectively, very probably worthless, and slight.

O. has commonly been placed at Constantinople as the teacher of Athenais / Eudocia on the basis of loan. Tzetzes Chil . 10.48-53, pp. 388f. Leone:

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The passage, however, is fiddled with confusion. Although, as the rest of the passage goes on to show, Tzetzes clearly has in mind Eudocia, daughter of the sophist Leontius, the wife of Theodosius II and author of the Homer centos, he calls her the daughter of "the great Leo," presumably thinking of the emperor Leo I (457-74) and deriving the name either from an error in his source ( for ) or from his own misunderstanding. Further, it would have been very difficult, if not impossible, for Eudocia to have been a pupil both of O., who was established at Alexandria by the mid-420s (see below), and of Hyperechius, who belongs to the third quarter of s.V under Marcian and Leo (see s.v. Hyperechius, no. 79)—especially since Eudocia left Constantinople for Jerusalem in the early 440s, never to return. (The date of her departure is still controversial; see most recently Alan Cameron, "Empress" 259ff., an. 440/41; Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimages 235f., an. 441/42; Holum, Theodosian Empress 193f., an. 443.) Tzetzes' confusion in this passage is still worse at vv. 51-52, where he presents Hyperechius as Eudocia's main teacher and gives a minor role () to O., her real contemporary. But it is obvious what has happened. Starting with the two pieces of information at his disposal—viz., that Eudocia was a lady of literary attainments and the daughter of "the great Leo"—Tzetzes set out to sketch a proper literary education for her. Although he could provide no details for her training in rhetoric and philosophy—hence the vague statements in v. 53—he could easily learn that one gramm., Hyperechius, had been active under her "father," Leo (SudaL .267 = ?Malch. frg. 2a, FHG 4.114), and that another gramm., O., had dedicated his Anth . to her (SudaW .188 = Hesych. Illust.). Thus Eudocia became a pupil of both. There is, then, no credible evidence that would place O. at Constantinople; he may well have dedicated the Anth . to Eudocia, but he did not need to be her teacher or to be teaching in the capital to do so (see below).

The extract of the Anth. in Vindob. philol. gr. 321 (s.XIV) carries the tit. . That last piece of information reappears in the sixteenth century in the tit. of the longest version of the Etym ., in Paris. gr. 2653: . The other mss that carry extracts of the Etym ., which date from s.X (Vat. gr. 1456) to s.XVI (Paris. gr. 464, 2610), have only in their tit. (see above); the version of the Etym . in Vindob.

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theol. gr. 203 (s.XIV; cf. Cohn, "Nicetae . . . Rhythmi" 661) is without attribution. If that evidence can place O. in Caesarea—the one in Palestine would be a more likely destination than the one in Cappadocia for a native of Egypt teaching in Alexandria—it cannot certainly be determined when in his career O. would have taught there (see below).

O. was already established at Alexandria when Proclus went there to study, sometime in the mid-420s. Proclus had already been taught by a gramm. in Lycia and was ready for rhetorical instruction as well—i.e., he was no more than fifteen, possibly a bit younger—cf. Marinus V. Procli 8. This will have been no later than 425 or 427, depending on whether Proclus's birth is put in 409/10 or 412; on the latter dates, cf. Évrard, "Date." If a personal connection with Eudocia is to be inferred from the dedication of the Anth ., that connection can most plausibly be dated to the time after Eudocia's withdrawal to Jerusalem (440/43; see above), by which time, it must be supposed, O. will have moved to Caesarea in Palestine nearby: so Alan Cameron, "Empress" 280f.; Holum, Theodosian Empresses 220. This reconstruction must be based only on the dedication of the Anth . and on the inscr. of Vindob. philol. gr. 321; no support can be sought from the passage in Tzetzes (see above).

Marinus, V. Procli 8, speaks of O.'s scholarly activity and legacy: . Identification of O.'s works depends upon the view taken of the information found in the Suda , which offers two entries s.v. The first, W .188, identifies O. of Egyptian Thebes as the author of an anthology, , dedicated to the empress Eudocia, wife of Theodosius II; but note that Vindob. philol. gr. 321, the ms containing the extract of the Anth . (see above), does not attribute the work to an O. of Thebes. The second notice in the Suda , W .189, concerns an O. , author of an , an , a , and an . Because an Anth . is found in both notices, and because the Etym . is attributed to O. of Thebes in the mss (see above), it has often and probably correctly been concluded that there is a confusion in the Suda ; the confusion is denied by, e.g., Chr.-Sch.-St. (cf. 2:2.873, 1081, where the two are treated as distinct). The difficulty lies in determining whether the Suda 's compilers have made two men out of one (cf. s.v. Triphiodorus, no. 157) or have partially confused two different men (cf. s.vv. Horapollon, Diogenes, nos. 77, 207). According to the first view, O. of Thebes would be the author of all works listed in both entries—so, e.g., Wendel, RE 18.1083ff.—and the encomium of Hadrian would be explained as a classroom exercise vel sim . According to the second view, O. would have been the author of the Anth . and the Etym . (and possibly the ), to be distinguished from an earlier figure

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of the same name, a contemporary of Hadrian who composed an encomium in his honor (and possibly the ). Although the problem does not admit of a certain solution, the second view seems more likely. It is also possible that the was a work of Orus, which is here incorrectly attributed to O.; see most recently Alpers, Attizistische Lexikon 97f. For the confusion of the two men, see s.v. Orus, no. 111.

The Anth . survives independently only in an abridged form; it was also used by Stobaeus. There are several more or less extensive versions of the Etym . in the mss (see above); the work was also drawn upon by the compilers of the Etym. Genuin . and the Etym. Gud . O. is included among (sc. ) in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, but the arrangement of the catalogue there is disturbed; see s.v. Orus ad fin .

According to Marinus, V. Procli 8, O. was of a priestly family of Egypt.

111. ORUS. Gramm. . s.V 1/2-2/3.

RE 18.1177-83 (Wendel); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1077, 1081f., 1087; Hunger 2.13, 18, 45, 49, 50; PLRE II s.v., p. 814; Alpers, Attizistische Lexikon 3ff., 87ff.

Orus: SudaW .201; the various etymological collections that cite him, where he is often confused with Orion (q.v., no. 110; see Reitzenstein, Geschichte 9f., on the sign used to designate both gramm. in the Etym. Genuin .; cf. Livadaras, "" 182ff., esp. 189ff.); Choerobosc. Schol. in Theodos . (GG 4:1.138.38, 196.33, 205.28, 360.8; 4:2.73.4, 14), Schol. in Hephaest . 185.4ff., 212.25, 248.19ff. Consbruch; Kröhnert, Canones 7 (see below). "Aros" in the catalogue of gramm. in Rabe, "Listen" 340.

A grammarian from Alexandria who taught in Constantinople according to the Suda , W .201. The location is sometimes thought to be the result of a confusion with Orion; but on the supposed activity of Orion in Constantinople, see s.v. Called at Choerobosc. Schol. in Theodos., GG 4:1.138.38, 360.8; Cramer, Anecd. Paris . 3.378.16. The designation that appears in Etym. Genuin . and other works dependent on it was shown by Reitzenstein, Geschichte 10, to be a mistaken expansion of the abbreviation or , which appears in the earliest mss of Etym. Genuin . Wendel, "Späne II" 351, has suggested that the proper expansion was , an epithet referring to his complexion and so to his national origin; Wendel compares Hdt. 2.104.2, , of the Egyptians; cf. also the description of another Egyptian gramm., Pamprepius (q.v., no. 114), in Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 178 Zintzen, .

O. is certainly to be dated after Phrynichus and Herodian (s.II ex.; see below) and before Timotheus of Gaza (q.v., no. 156; s.V ex. / s.VI init.),

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probably s.V 1/2-2/3: O.'s work on ethnics can be dated after 438; see Reitzenstein, Geschichte 287ff.; cf. Alpers, Attizistische Lexikon 89ff. Despite Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1081 n. 3, no chronological conclusions can be drawn from the order in which O. appears in the catalogues. of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, and in Rabe, "Listen" 340.

The Suda , W .201, attributes to O. a work on vowels of ambiguous quantity, , also listed in Kröhnert, Canones 7 (see below); a work on ethnics, " (cf. Reitzenstein, Geschichte 316ff., and below on Kröhnert, Canones 7); works against Phrynichus and concerning Herodian, and ; on enclitics, ; on orthography, and and , the latter two probably part of the first (cf. the [l.] attributed to O. in the Etym. Gud . s.v. , p. 415 Sturz; for extracts of O.'s orthographical work, see Rabe, "Lexicon" and "Nachtrag"); and a catalogue of his own works, . Extensive fragments of O.'s work , preserved in the Atticist lexicon of "Zonaras," have been identified and published by Alpers, Attizistische Lexikon . Other fragments of his work, probably from the , are preserved in a compilation inscribed (unpublished; see s.v. Aetherius, no. 180); extracts from another work, , are preserved in codd. Paris. gr. 2720 (= Cramer, Anecd. Paris . 4.262.4ff.), 2558, and 2830; cf. Reitzenstein, Geschichte 335ff. A commentary on Hephaestion seems to be implied by the citations of O. in Choerobosc. Schol. in Hephaest (see above); remnants of it are probably preserved in Scholia A to Hephaestion: see Consbruch, ed., Hephaestionis Enchiridion pp. xiv, 91ff. The work listed last in the Suda , W .201, —incorrectly printed as two titles, and , in Adler's ed.—is probably an intrusion, the result of confusion with Orion; cf. SudaW .188, . Also dubiously ascribed to O. are an and a , both perhaps referable ultimately to Herodian; cf. Wendel, RE 18.1182.47ff.

In addition to being listed in the catalogue of gramm. referred to above (Rabe, "Listen" 340), O. appears four times in the comparable catalogue in Kröhnert, Canones 7, once under the general heading , once under the rubric , and twice more toward the end of the list: . The repetition of O.'s name under the heading is obviously

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intolerable, and attempts at correction were made by Ritschl, who altered the second 'WroV to (Opuscula 1.623), and by Kröhnert, who changed the same name to (Canones 7; cf. 50). It is very likely, however, that the corruption goes beyond a single name. Specifically, the final heading, on , has evidently been displaced: not only would one expect Stephanus (q.v., no. 144) of Byzantium to be listed among the authorities on , but O. himself also composed a work, , that would fit under this heading. O.'s name should be retained in both its appearances, and the list should be emended as follows: [not otherwise known to have composed a technical treatise on this subject], [cf. s.v., no. 180]. . If the heading on has in fact been displaced, the position it now holds, before the last four names in the list, was perhaps originally filled by a different heading entirely, e.g., an important category now missing from the catalogue.

^* 112. AUR. OURSENOUPHIUS. Teacher of letters. Heracleopolite nome. 411.

A who wrote a subscription in behalf of Aur. Anoutis, an illiterate party to a sale: Stud. Pal . 20.117.18, .

113. PALLADAS. Gramm. Alexandria. Ca. 320?-s.IV ex.

RE 18:2(2).158-68 (Peek); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.979; Irmscher, "Palladas"; Hunger 2.166; PLRE I s.v., pp. 657f.

Palladas (lemmata in Anth. Gr .), a gramm.; cf. Anth. Gr . 9.168, 169, 171, 173-75; 10.97; 11.378; Epigr. Anth. Pal . 3.145, p. 314 Cougny.

He despised his profession, calling it a burden of ; cf. 9.168, 169, 173, 174. He complained of poverty and of being cheated of his fees () by his students, whom he charged 1 solidus a year: 9.174, with Alan Cameron, "Roman School Fees" 257; for payment in monthly installments, see Anth. Gr . 9.174.3-8. He also received a salary from public funds, , of which he was deprived (9.175; cf. 9.171) late in life (10.97; see further below). He presents himself variously as distraught (9.175, heavily sarcastic) or relieved (9.171, 11.378) at leaving his post.

He taught in Alexandria: , lemmata in Anth. Gr . A number of his poems refer to the religious upheavals there in the early 390s (see below). There is no good evidence that would place him in Constantinople: on 9.528, cf. Bowra, "Palladas and the Converted Olympians,"

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and Alan Cameron, "Notes" 219ff. (differently Irmscher, "Palladas-Probleme" and "Haus"); on 16.282 and 11.386, see Alan Cameron, "Palladas and the Nikai" 54ff., 58f.

Anth. Gr . 11.292 probably lampoons Themistius as PVC in 384; cf. Alan Cameron, "Notes" 220ff.; this identification was made already in [Elias] Lectures on Porphyry's Isagoge 22.22ff. Westerink (s. VI ex. / s. VIII init.). A number of poems must allude to the antipagan riots inspired by the bishop Theophilus in 391 and the changes in the religious climate of Alexandria in the years immediately following: cf. 9.501 and 10.82, 89-91 (with Keydell, "Palladas"; Bowra, "Palladas and Christianity"; Alan Cameron, "Palladas and Christian Polemic" 21ff.); 9.180-83 (with Bowra, "Palladas on Tyche" 120ff.); 9.528 (with Bowra, "Palladas and the Converted Olympians"); 7.684-85 (with Alan Cameron, "Palladas and the Fate"); 16.282 (with Alan Cameron, "Palladas and the Nikai" 54ff.; Irmscher, "Alexandria").

P. chose to connect his departure from his teaching position with those changes: cf. 9.175, with Bowra, "Palladas and Christianity" 257, 263ff.; Alan Cameron, "Palladas and Christian Polemic" 26ff.; and Kaster, "Grammarian," for a survey of P.'s poems from this period. Anth. Gr . 10.97, in which P. says that he has lived "a pound of years [= 72] with grammar," can plausibly be dated to this period; cf. Bowra, "Palladas and Christianity" 267; Alan Cameron, "Palladas and Christian Polemic" 27f. His birth could then be placed in 319 or the early 320s.

There is no good evidence that P. lived into the fifth century. Anth. Gr . 9.400, once thought to be evidence of P.'s friendship with the philosopher Hypatia, has been shown to have no connection with either of them; cf. Luck, "Palladas" 462ff.; contra , Irmscher, "Palladas und Hypatia." On 9.528, see above.

Although P. identifies himself with the "Hellenes" (i.e., pagans) of Alexandria, against the Christians (see poems noted above), that identification is notably attenuated and ambivalent; cf. esp. Luck, "Palladas"; Kaster, "Grammarian." He expresses regard for none of the old gods, with the possible exception of Serapis (cf. 9.378); his contempt for Platonism is explicit (cf. 10.45, with 10.75, 84, 85, and 11.349), and he aligns himself with no school of philosophy. Attempts to find evidence of a conversion on P.'s part have not been successful; cf. Lacombrade, "Palladas"; Bowra, "Palladas and Christianity" 261ff.

P. claims to have been married (cf. 9.168; 11.378; Epigr. Anth. Pal . 3.145, p. 314 Cougny), to have had children (10.86), and to have owned a slave, chickens, and a dog (10.86), and a that he rented out (11.351).

His epigrams, of which over a hundred appear in the Anth. Gr ., enjoyed some currency in the West at the end of s.IV—imitations can be

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found in the epigrams of Ausonius and the Epigrammata Bobiensia ; cf. Weinreich's review of Munari, Gnomon 31 (1959), 241ff.—and were known to Claudian, if P. is the iratus grammaticus of Carm. min . 24; cf. Alan Cameron, "Notes" 223, 225f., and Claudian 308f. One of his epigrams, 10.58, has been found on a Christian epitaph (RIGCAM 296 Megiste [Lycia]); perhaps another, 10.87, in modified form, in a toilet at Ephesus; cf. Weisshäupl, "Ephesische Latrinen-Inschriften"; Kalinka, "Palladas-Epigramm"; Bowra, "Palladas on Tyche" 120; but cf. Alan Cameron, "Notes" 226ff.

+ PALLADIUS: see no. 242.

114. PAMPREPIUS. Gramm. and , cons., patricius, mag. off . . 29 Sept. 440-Nov. 484.

RE 18:2(2).409-15 (Keydell); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.961, 1039, 1077; Alan Cameron, "Wandering Poets" esp. 486, 499f.; Livrea, "Pamprepio"; Hunger 2.13, 110, 112; PLRE II s.v., pp. 825ff.

An Egyptian: Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 168 = frg. 290 Zintzen; Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 8:4.221.2; Malch. frg. 20 (FHG 4.131f. = SudaP .137, 4.13.28-14.33 Adler). From Panopolis: Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 110 = frg. 178; Ioan. Ant. frg. 211.2 (FHG 4.619); Suda P .136. A poet (Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 168 = frg. 290; Suda ibid.; see further below) and a pagan, believed at various points in his career to dabble in magic and prophecy: Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 109 (cf. 110, 171); Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 221.5; Zach. Schol. Vie de Sévère p. 40.3ff., V. Isaiae p.7.17f. (CSCO Scr. Syr., ser. 3, vol. 25); Josh. Styl. 15, p. 10 Wright; Malch. frg. 20; Candidus FHG 4.137 = Phot. Bibl . cod. 79 (1.165 Henry); Theoph. Chron . pp. 128.10, 130.7 de Boor.

Born 29 September 440; cf. the horoscope of Rhetorius, Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 221.8ff., with Delatte and Stroobant, "Horoscope" 62ff.; abbreviated translation, with comment, also in Neugebauer and van Hoesen, eds., Greek Horoscopes 140f. He lived the hard life of a wanderer for his first twenty-five or thirty years; cf. Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 222.8ff.: . He then went to Athens as a professional poet (Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 168 = frg. 290; cf. Malch. frg. 20), probably ca. 465/70, to judge from Rhetorius (see preceding quotation), and in any case sometime before late 472 (see below).

There he was made a by the city: Damasc. ibid.; Malch. ibid.; cf. Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 221.2, 223.3ff.; Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 110 = frg. 178 (on Damascius's use of here, see Appendix 2.2e); Ioan. Ant. frg. 211.2. He married (Ioan. Ant. ibid.;

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Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 178), and he taught for a number of years (, Damasc. ibid., Ioan. Ant. ibid.; , Malch. frg. 20), apparently enjoying the patronage of the Christian magnate Theagenes. For Theagenes' religion, see Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 258, quoted below ad fin .; for his patronage of teachers, see Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 264, and below.

Since Damasc. and Malch. say that P. taught for a considerable period in Athens before he went to Constantinople (in May 476; see below), he must already have been teaching in Athens before late 472, the end of his thirty-second year; after that, according to Rhetorius, his fortunes changed for the better: Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 221.2, ; cf. 222.8ff. The change in his fortunes should thus be placed during his time in Athens—not at his arrival, as commonly—and is to be associated with his marriage, in his thirty-third year: Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 221.3, . By then he was presumably already established in the city; on his arrival, cf. above. He is also said to have studied with Proclus while at Athens: Malch. frg. 20; cf. Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 289.

Having fallen afoul of Theagenes (Malch. frg. 20, ), he moved to Constantinople in May 476, according to Rhetorius: Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 224.4-7, with Cumont, app. crit . to line 7. There Marsus introduced him to the Isaurian Illus: Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 178; Candidus FHG 4.137 = Phot. Bibl . cod. 79. He impressed Illus with the public recitation of a poem (Malch. frg. 20) or of a discourse on the soul (Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 178), or perhaps both; he was appointed as a teacher with a public salary (Malch. ibid.; Damasc. ibid.), probably in 477, when Illus was mag. off . Deprived of the protection of Illus when the latter returned to Isauria in 478, P. was accused of magic and treason by "the envious," (Malch. frg. 20), either his own rivals or Illus's enemies, and he was exiled. He went first to Pergamum and then, on the invitation of Illus, to Isauria; there he was Illus's confidant and agent (Malch. frg. 20).

His fortune and movements thereafter are intimately connected with Illus's. Most important, Illus made him quaestor in early 479 and sometime later(?) consul and patricius . The quaestorship is mentioned by Ioan. Ant. frg. 211.3, where it appears to be placed toward the end of 478 or beginning of 479; it is mentioned with the consulship (presumably honorary; cf. s.v. Dioscorius, no. 48) and patriciate by Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 221.5f.; cf. 223.9, 224.9-13. P. is called in Malal. Exc. hist . 3.165.16 de Boor, in Theoph. Chron . p. 1213.10 de Boor, probably after Malal. ibid. 14f. Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 224.9-13 dates an improvement in P.'s fortunes to January 479—probably the quaestorship, although Rhetorius groups the three honors

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together. For P. as on his arrival in Alexandria, see Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 288.

He was sent to Alexandria: Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 224.13ff.; cf. Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 172, frg. 287; for the date, after September 483 (against Rhetorius), see Keydell, RE 18:2(2).412.34ff. Apparently he was to canvass pagan support for the rebellion of Illus and Leontius, in which he had become involved: Zach. Schol. Vie de Sévère p. 40.3ff., HE pp. 71.17ff., 80.14ff., 98.7f. Ahrens-Krüger, V. Isaiae p. 7.15ff. (CSCO Scr. Syr., ser. 3, vol. 25); Josh. Styl. 15, p. 10 Wright; Eustathius frg. 4, FHG 4.140.

He was made mag. off . of Leontius: Malal. Exc. hist . 3.166.10f. de Boor; cf. Theoph. Chron . p. 130.7 de Boor. This must have been after July 484; cf. Bury, LRE 1.397 n. 4. But he proved treacherous: Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 221.6f.; Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 172, 173 (cf. epit. Phot. 110 and frg. 295, 299, 300); Josh. Styl. 15, p. 10 Wright; Malal. Exc. hist . 3.166.19f. de Boor. He was executed by Illus in late November 484 at the Isaurian fortress Papyrion, in which Illus and Leontius had taken refuge: Malal. ibid.; cf.(?) Damasc. V. Isid . epit. Phot. 110, 174, 291 (= frg. 306). For the date, see Rhetorius Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 221.7, 224.19f.; differently Theoph. Chron . p. 130.7 de Boor.

P. is described by Rhetorius (Catal. cod. astrol. Graec . 221.5, 7; 223.10ff.) as hypocritical, treacherous, and licentious. His portrait is also harshly drawn by Damascius, largely because of P.'s ambition and his seeming betrayal of the pagans; cf. V. Isid . frg. 287 (with 178), 288, 289, possibly frg. 179; cf. Asmus, "Pamprepios" 344ff. But Damascius nonetheless describes him as and , skilled beyond all others in , i.e., all areas of the literary culture short of philosophy: Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 289 = epit. Phot. 168. He is included in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, under the rubric , i.e., writers on vowels of ambivalent quantity.

The Suda , P .136, besides describing P. as , attributes to him a work on etymology and an in prose: . In his edition of the Suda Bernhardy argued that the last word should be transposed to follow and suggested that the was one of P.'s poems; but Bernhardy's premise—that the entry as transmitted necessarily implies that the work on etymology was in verse—is incorrect, and his transposition is accordingly uncertain. Gerstinger, Pamprepios 22ff., suggested that remnants of P.'s poetry—an idyll describing a day in spring (so Griffiths, "Alcman's Partheneion " 17 n. 29) or late autumn (so most recently Livrea, "Pamprepio" 124f.), an encomium of a Theagenes, and scraps of the alleged poem —are preserved in pap. gr. Vindob. 29788A-C (ed. Gerstinger, Pamprepios ; cf. Page, Select Papyri 3 no. 140; Heitsch,

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Griechische Dichterfragmente XXXV). P.'s authorship of these poems has most recently been defended by Livrea, "Pamprepio"; doubts were already expressed by Graindor, "Pamprépios (?)."

Attribution of the poems to P. is very uncertain at best. The author is not named, nor is it clear that all the verses are by the same man; Gerstinger made the identification primarily because the poet of the idyll was evidently an Egyptian writing in Athens and on the assumption that the Theagenes of the encomium, also evidently an Athenian, could be identified with the Theagenes involved in P.'s career. The former consideration cannot carry much weight, since there were any number of Egyptian poets prowling the Greek East from the late fourth century onward; cf. esp. Alan Cameron, "Wandering Poets." Theagenes could well have patronized more than one of them; cf. Maas's review of Gerstinger, Gnomon 5 (1929), 251; Page, Select Papyri 3 p. 565. Note esp. that the poet of the idyll presents himself as about to leave Athens for Cyrene (Gerstinger C.1.193ff. = Page no. 140 a.151ff. = Heitsch XXXV, 3.193ff.); but no such move can reasonably be connected with anything known of P.'s career after his arrival in Athens. Further, there is good reason to doubt the identification of the Theagenes addressed in the encomium. A verse in the introduction of the encomium states that "Helicon, growing old because of outrage," has stored away all its Muses in Theagenes' keeping: Gerstinger C.2.4f. = Page no. 140 b.3f. = Heitsch XXXV, 4.3f., . This phrase has reasonably been read as the complaint of a paganism put on the defensive by the outrage of Christian hostility toward the traditional culture; cf., e.g., Gerstinger, Pamprepios 17. If that is correct—and for a distinctly non-Christian note cf. Gerstinger C.2.8ff. = Page no. 140 b.7ff. = Heitsch XXXV, 4.7ff.—it would be strange to find such an attitude if the recipient of the poem was P.'s patron, since that Theagenes was certainly no enemy of the Christians and was himself probably a Christian, not a pagan, pace Gerstinger, Pamprepios 21f., and, most recently, Livrea, "Pamprepio" 121; see Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 258, on Theagenes: . This should mean that Theagenes accepted Christianity and deserted "Hellenism"; for the phrasing, esp. , cf. Damasc. V. Isid . frg. 317, Heraiscus's prophecy concerning the conversion of Fl. Horapollon (q.v., no. 78). Finally, the fragments of the alleged of P. (Gerstinger frg. 1-3 = Heitsch XXXV, 2 and 1) appear to belong to a poem composed in 489/90, after Zeno had put down the revolt of Illus and Leontius, and thus after P.'s death; see McCail, "P. Gr. Vindob. 29788C."

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115. PAMPUS(?). Gramm. s.V ex. / s.VI init.

RE 18:2(2).409 (Ensslin); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1075 n. 5; PLRE II s.v., p. 828.

Pampus , recipient of a letter of consolation (P. had been robbed) from Aeneas of Gaza: Ep . 6 tit. For doubts concerning the name, perhaps a corruption of or , see Massa Positano, ed., Enea² p. 82.

+ PANISCUS: see no. 243.

PAPIRIANUS: see no. 244.

116. PAULUS. Lat. bishop. Constantinople. s.V 1/2; died 438.

PLRE II s.v. 8, p. 850.

At one time probably a Latin gramm.: Soc. HE 7.17.2, . . . . With the phrasing of the relative clause, compare Socrates' description of Fl. Eugenius, whom he believed to be a gramm.: HE 5.25.1, (see further s.v., no. 211); with the participial phrase thereafter, compare the version in the Suda , P .814: . It is conceivable, however, that P.'s metier had been rhetoric; cf. Soc. HE 5.14.5, concerning Symmachus: .

In 419, P. became Novatian bishop in Constantinople after Chrysanthus, son of Marcianus (q.v., no. 238; Soc. HE 7.17.1); just before his death, around 21 July 438, he chose as his successor one Marcianus (Soc. HE 7.46.4ff.), perhaps his predecessor's son.

P. organized a monastic community of the eremitic type and devoted himself to good works (Soc. HE 7.12.2ff. = SudaP .814). In 428, the bishop Nestorius, intent on rooting out heretics and irked by the high regard in which P. was held, planned an attack on him but was checked by the authorities (, Soc. HE 7.29.10). P.'s death was mourned by all sects at Constantinople (Soc. HE 7.46.2-3).

PHALERIUS: see no. 245.

^* 117. PHILAGRIUS. Gramm. s.III 2/2 / s.IV?

RE Suppl. 11.1061 (Thierfelder); cf. ibid. 1062-68 (id.); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1049f.

Compiler of jokes; a gramm., according to the inscr. of the longer version of the , cod. Paris. suppl. gr. 690, (or , as reported in the most

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recent edition, by A. Thierfelder [1968]); cf. cod. Monac. gr. 551, .

A firm term. p. q . of 248 is established for the collection by the reference in no. 62 to the millenial anniversary of the founding of Rome. Although the nature of the collection, which evidently brings together material from different periods, makes it difficult to draw further reliable inferences concerning the date, much of the diction, esp. the presence of Latin loan words, and the reckoning of prices in myriads point to a date not before s.IV; cf. Wessely, Altersindizium 9ff. But the use of pagan oaths and references to pagan practices and beliefs point to a date not much later than s.IV (cf. Thierfelder, RE Suppl. 11.1063.16ff.; idem, ed., 14f.), as does also the frequent use of as an epithet—i.e., with the undifferentiated sense "student," "learned (man)," "scholar(ly)," as opposed to the quasi-titular sense "lawyer" or "advocate" that becomes normal in Greek by s.V; cf. Claus, "S XOL AS TIKOS " 64ff. Note esp. no. 54, meaning "student" and distinct from ; no. 61, ; no. 90, ; no. 256, ; but cf. no. 68, a and his client, . See further Wessely, Altersindizium 4ff.; Thierfelder, ed., 12ff.

IUNIUS PHILARGYRIUS: see s.v. IUNIUS FILARGIRIUS, no. 60.

PHILOCALUS: see s.v. FILOCALUS, no. 216.

PHILOMUSUS: see no. 246.

118. IOANNES PHILOPONUS. Gramm.(?), philosopher, theologian. Alexandria. s.V ex.-s.VI 3/4.

RE 9.1764-93 (Gudeman; defective in many respects), 1793-95 (Kroll); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1067f.; Boehm, Johannes Philoponus ; Geerard, Clavis 3.366ff.; Hunger 1.25ff. and 520, 2.13, 17, 19, 30f., 221, 228f.; PLRE II s.v. Ioannes 76, pp. 615f.

Called : Timoth. Constant. De recept. haeret . 10, PG 86:1.61C; Documenta ad origines Monophysitarum illustrandas, CSCO Scr. Syr., ser. 2, vol. 37 p. 232; and in the polemics of Alfarabi (cf. the trans. by Mahdi, "Alfarabi" 253ff.); for the mss of P., see below. More frequently or simply vel sim .: Ioannes Charax GG 4:2.432.5; Bekker Anecd . 3.1150; twenty-seven times in Choerobosc. Schol. in Theodos. ; Phot. Bibl . codd. 21-23, 43, 55, 75, 215, 240; Timoth. Constant. De recept. haeret 10; Leontius De sect . act. V, PG 86:1.1232D, 1233A-B; Nic. Call. HE 18.47-49, PG 147.424C-432D; Michael the Syrian Chron . 8.13, ed. Chabot, vol. 2 p. 92; the catalogues of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, and Rabe, "Listen" 340 (for the mss of

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P., see below). Also vel sim. : Timoth. Constant. De recept. haeret . 10; Nic. Call. HE 18.45 and 49; Suda I.464; Conc. Constant. III, Actio XI Mansi 11.501A; Documenta ad origines Monophysitarum illustrandas, CSCO Scr. Syr., ser. 2, vol. 37 p. 112.

The evidence of the mss is as follows. Among the Ammonian commentaries on Aristotle—Comm. in Anal. pr., Comm. in Anal. post., Comm. in De an., Comm. in De gen. et corr . (see below)—only the mss of the first and last regularly include in their inscr.; the mss of the others have only or . Among the non-Ammonian commentaries—Comm. in Phys., Comm. in Meteorologic. pr., Comm. in Categ .—the mss of the first have only in their inscr.; the mss of the second have either or simply ; the mss of the third, either or . Further, appears in cod. Haun. 1965 of the and the mss of the Latin trans. of the Comm. in De an . by William of Moerbeke, CLCAG 3, ed. Verbeke; the De opificio mundi , ed. Corder (an. 1630), has , but not cod. Vindob. theol. gr. 29; the De aeternitate mundi contra Proclum in cod. Escurial. P III 19 (s.XVI) has , and the ed. Venet. (an. 1535) has (on the De aetern. mundi see below for the evidence of Simplicius).

The forms with and both occur in the Syriac mss of P.'s Monophysite works (ed. Sanda), in the mss of the grammatical work (cf. Daly, ed., pp. 3, 95, 141, 197 = Recensions A, C, D, El, and in the mss of the commentary on Nicomachus of Gerasa (cf. Hoche, ed., praef., vol. 2 [Leipzig, 1867] p. i; Delatte, Anecdota 2.129ff.); in the latter two cases, predominates. occurs in a number of mss of the Comm. in Anal. pr. , the Comm. in De gen. et corr ., and cod. Neap. HI D7 (incorrectly attributing Simplicius's Comm. in Phys . to P.); appears in Ioan. Damasc. De haeres . 83, PG 94.744A (cf. 744B).

Evidently P. himself adopted the epithet or title , found in the inscr. of at least some of his works already in s.VI: cf. esp. Simplicius Comm. in De cael . 1.2 (CAG 7.49.10f.), ; 1.3 (CAG 7.71.8), ; 1.3 (CAG 7.119.7), . The inscr. was thus found at least in the De aetern. mundi contra Proclum (composed in 529; see below) and in the lost De aetern. mundi contra Aristot ., the works against which Simplicius was directing his polemic; cf. Wieland, "Ewigkeit." Simplicius elsewhere refers to P. simply as , e.g., Comm. in De cael . 1.2 (CAG 7.56.26), 1.3 (CAG 7.70.34, 73.10), 1.4 (CAG 7.156.26, 162.20f.); Comm. in Phys . 8.1 (CAG 10.1140.7 and passim ); see further below.

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The name was an honorary surname (): cf. esp. Suda 1.464; Nic. Call. HE 18.45; Timoth. Constant. De recept. haeret . 10. It possibly indicates association with the paraclerical group of at Alexandria; cf. Saffrey, "Chrétien" 403f. When P.'s works were anathematized, his name was parodied as : cf. Conc. Constant. III, Actio XI Mansi 11.501A; Documenta ad origines Monophysitarum illustrandas, CSCO Scr. Syr., set. 2, vol. 37 pp. 135, 212; Phot. Bibl . codd. 22, 23, 55.

Christian philosopher and theologian, Monophysite, and ultimately chief representative of the tritheist heresy; for the last, his works were anathematized (cf. above). He is not to be confused with the Neo-Chalcedonian Ioannes (q.v., no. 82) of Caesarea, as he is in, e.g., Suda I.464 and in Gudeman, RE 9.1764.61ff.

Very little is known of his life. He was born(?) or at any rate was active at Alexandria: cf. mss, Suda I.464, Nic. Call. HE 18.47, Timoth. Constant. De recept. haeret . 10. P. wrote the commentary on Aristotle's Phys . in 517 (cf. Comm. in Phys . 4.10, CAG 17.703.16f. with app. crit .) and the De aeternitate mundi contra Proclum in 529 (cf. p. 599.14ff. Rabe; for criticism of the common view that the latter work represents the Christianization of the Alexandrian school cf. Westerink, Anonymous Prolegomena xiii). The lost De aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem had already been written by the time of the attack on Proclus; cf. De aetern . p. 258.24ff. Rabe. The excerpted by Michael the Syrian (see above) contain references to the second Council of Constantinople (553), which thus provides a term. p. q . If, as is likely, the bishop Sergius to whom the De opificio mundi is dedicated (p. 2.4ff. Reichardt) is the patriarch of Antioch (557/58-559/60), that work can also be dated with some precision; but cf. contra Wolska, Topographic 163ff. About 568, P. was engaged in a controversy with Ioannes Scholasticus, patriarch of Constantinople; cf. Phot. Bibl . cod. 75 (1.153f. Henry). For further attempts at a chronology of P.'s works, see Évrard, "Convictions"; H. Martin, "Jean Philopon."

The inscr. of four—not, as frequently stated, all—of the commentaries on Aristotle show that they derive from the classroom of P.'s teacher, Ammonius Hermiou. In all but the Comm. in Anal. pr ., P.'s contribution is noted as well, e.g., , Comm. in De an . (CAG 15.1); similarly Comm. in Anal. pr . (CAG 13:2.1), Comm. in Anal. post . (CAG 13:3.1), Comm. in De gen. et corr . (CAG 14:2.1, 204). If he was a student of Ammonius in—or rather, before—517, his birth should be placed in the last years of s.V. Saffrey, "Chrétien" 403, dates P.'s birth ca. 490; but Saffrey assumes that P. was still a student of Ammonius in 517, the date of the Comm. in Phys . Although the assumption may well be incorrect, since that commentary does not bear the classroom inscription of some of the other

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commentaries (see above), P.'s birth can hardly be put much before 490, which can be retained as a working date with no difficulty. If P. had been born ca. 490, he could have studied with Ammonius in his early twenties—the common time for such studies—and have put his student days behind him by 517.

There is no evidence that P. was anything but a Christian all his life; cf. Évrard, "Convictions."

We do not know how long P. taught as a gramm.; we cannot even be certain that he did so at all. Gudeman, RE 9.1781.11ff., believed that was an epithet (= litteratus ), not a professional title. The suggestion seems arbitrary, since the only evidence adduced has no probative value, viz., P.'s use of as a simple epithet in an example distinguishing a potential from an actual quality: vs. , De aetern. mundi 3.2, p. 46.3ff. Rabe. The example is merely conventional, with its origins in Aristotle (cf. De an . 417a21ff., Categ . 10b26ff.), and can be found in the same or similar application elsewhere in P.—e.g., Comm. in Phys . 2.1 (CAG 16.209.8f.), 3.3 (CAG 16.382.1ff.); Comm. in De gen. et corr . 2.7 (CAG 14:2.271.19ff.); Tractat ad Serg . 1, p. 127 Sanda—as well as in, e.g., Asclepius Comm. in Metaphys . 4.7 and 11 (CAG 6:2.317.15f.; 324.36ff.), the anti-Manichaean homily attributed to Ioannes (q.v., no. 82) of Caesarea (CC SG 1.86.71ff.), and [Elias] Lectures on Porphyry's Isagoge 34.7, 42.34f. Westerink; see further Appendix 3.

Yet there may indeed be some evidence that P. was not a gramm. throughout his life: note the distance implied by Comm. in Categ . 1 (CAG 13:1.16.8f.), [sc. of the use of singular verbs with neuter plural subjects] . The statement is of the common type that distinguishes the expertise and function of the gramm. from those of the philosopher; cf., e.g., Simplicius's polemic, below. Further, P. seems to be independent of Ammonius here: the statement does not appear in the corresponding passage of Ammonius's commentary on the Categ., CAG 4:4.18.7ff.; and the inscr. of P.'s Comm. in Categ . does not refer to Ammonius's classroom (see above). In only one ms of the Comm. in Categ ., cod. Vat. gr. 246, does appear as part of the inscr.

Simplicius, however, dearly did believe that P. was a professional gramm.; cf. esp. Comm. in De cael . 1.2 (CAG 7.26.21ff.), ; with Comm. in De cael . 1.2 (CAG 7.49.10f.), . Cf. also Comm. in De cael . 1.3 (CAG 7.74.5ff.) and Comm. in Phys . 8.10 (CAG 10.1326.38ff.), in both of which a distinction is drawn between P. qua and ; Comm. in Phys . 8.1 (CAG 10.1161.32f.), P.

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qua distinguished from ; Comm. in Phys . 8.1 (CAG 10.1168.30ff.), . But Simplicius claims to have had no personal acquaintance with P. (cf. Comm. in De cael . 1.2, CAG 7.26.19); his highly polemical statements are evidently based on inferences drawn from the inscr. of P.'s works (see above). If P. did choose to style himself in the sense litteratus , the inferences would be incorrect.

The evidence does not allow an unequivocal conclusion concerning P.'s metier. All told, however, it seems prudent to regard as P.'s professional title unless weightier evidence to the contrary can be found.

Numerous philosophical and theological works are preserved under P.'s name; for lists, see Gudeman, RE 9.1772.42ff.; Hermann, "Johannes Philoponus" 211ff.; and (theological works only) Geerard, Clavis 3.366ff. There are also treatises on grammatical subjects ascribed to P.: , ed. Dindorf (Leipzig, 1825); , ed. L. W. Daly, Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, 151 (Philadelphia, 1983); cf. , ed. Koster, "De accentibus" 151ff.; with Koster, ibid. 136ff.; Ludwich, De Ioanne Philopono ; see also s.v. Aetherius, no. 180. A tract on barbarisms and solecisms is attributed to P. in cod. Vindob. phil. gr. 347 (s.XVI); cf. Hunger, Katalog 1.440. For extracts from a dialectological work attributed to a (possibly P.), see Hoffmann, Griechischen Dialekte 2.204-22. The authenticity of all these tracts has sometimes been doubted, at least in the form transmitted; the treatise is not attributed to P. in the mss of Recension B or in the oldest ms, Bodl. Barocc. 50 (s.X), of Recension A; see Daly, ed., pp. 3, 55.

P. is cited by Ioannes Charax and, more frequently, by Georgius Choeroboscus (qq.v., nos. 199, 201; cf. above). He is listed in the catalogues of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, under the heading , and Rabe, "Listen" 340. His teacher was perhaps Romanus (q.v., no. 129).

119. PHILTATIUS. Gramm.(?). Athens. s.V init.

RE 20.203 (Ensslin); PLRE II s.v., p. 880.

Friend of Olympiodorus of Thebes; honored ca. 416/17 with a statue at Athens after solving a problem concerning the colometry of texts: Olympiod. frg. 32 = Phot. Bibl . cod. 80 (1.179 Henry) = FHG 4.64, reading with Dindorf, Hist. Gr. min . 1.463.9f. and p. lv, after Phot. cod. A; against , the reading of Phot. cod. M, adopted by Müller and Henry. For the error, compare and for in the subscr. to the Scholia vetera

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of Aristoph. Nub. , p. 250.2 Koster. It seems unlikely that P.'s skills in would have been called into play if the banausic matter of bookbinding were involved (see also below).

The description of P. in Olympiod. frg. 32 as does not make dear whether he was a professional gramm., or simply a man of literary attainments. If P. was a gramm., the phrase may be a periphrasis chosen for stylistic reasons, to avoid the technical term ; cf. Appendix 1.3 and Appendix 2. The mention of does, in any case, suggest that the colometry of poetic texts was involved, rather than prose texts written ; cf. Suda E.3394, quoted s.v. Eugenius, no. 56; differently Frantz, "Honors," a good treatment of the fragment in its historical context.

120. PHILUMENUS. . Mossyna / Epistraton (Galatia I). s.VI med.-2/2.

Schoolmaster (

) at Mossyna / Epistraton, near Syceon in the hinterland of Anastasiopolis. As a young man he became the first disciple of Theodore of Syceon, after the latter had cured P.'s mother: Georg. presb. Vie de Theodore de Sykéon , ed. Festugière, Subsidia hagiographica 48, §26.7ff. He came to serve as the scribe of the monastery and instructed the monks, including George, the author of the biography, in letters: ibid. § 26.20ff.,

. . . .

For his later monastic activities, see ibid. §§30, 41, 54, 70, 130. Cf. also s.v. Anonymus 12, no. 178.

121. PHOCAS. Gramm. Rome. s.lV ex. / s.V.

RE 20.318-22 (Strzelecki); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.215-18; PLRE I s.v., p. 699; replaced by PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 881.

Phocas, Focas: inscr. Ars, Vita ; Prisc. Inst., GL . 2.515.16; Cassiod. De orth . praef. (GL 7.146.21), Inst . 1.30.2. A grammaticus : several codd. of the Ars ; the unique cod. of the Vita . That he was a teacher is evident from Ars de nom. et verbo, GL 5.411.13ff., on discipuli nostri and nostra professio . The Ars was written with a view to the schools (cf. GL 5.410.6, 411.2ff., 426.8f.), although a larger audience was anticipated (GL 5.410.8-9, 411.8ff.). He seems to have taught in Rome: grammaticus urbis Romae , inscr. cod. Vitae ; cf. Mazzarino, "Appunti" 520 n. 3.

A term. a. q . for P. is provided by the citation in Priscian (above), which, incidentally, contradicts P.'s words at GL 5.433.24. The term. p. q . is controversial. P. has been dated after Donatus, whose Vita of Vergil P.

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is sometimes thought to have used. The debt is not certain, but the date would be consistent with the fact that traces of Charisius and Diomedes have been detected in the Ars ; cf. Keil at GL 5.407. Note also that Priscian (GL 2.515.16) cites P. in the company of Diomedes and Charisius and that P.'s preface at times slightly resembles those of the other two men; cf. GL 5.410.4-5, 14-16 with GL 1.1.14f., 299.2-7. More cogently, a date after Donatus would consist with P.'s frequent citations of Lucan in the Ars : nine times, equaled only by his citations of Vergil; Juvenal is cited three times. For the significance of this frequency, cf. Wessner, "Lucan," with Kaster, "Servius."

Otherwise, P. has been dated before Donatus, perhaps s.III ex. / s.IV init. This dating denies P.'s dependence on Donatus's Vita and derives from a notice in Cassiodorus (GL 7.214.23ff.) that groups P. with Palaemon, Probus, and Censorinus as an auctor temporum superiorum , in contrast to Donatus. Cf. Cassiod. Inst . 1.30.2 and the notice in cod. Vat. Regin. 1560, of s.XI (cf. Keil at GL 5.407), Focas iste antiquissimus grammaticus fuit ante Priscianum et Donatum, adeo ut Priscianus multa de eo in libro suo dicat et exempla sumat ; save for the mention of Donatus, a piece of information possibly drawn from Cassiodorus (GL 7.214.23ff.), the notice is found in virtually the same form in the commentary on P. by Remigius of Auxerre: cf. Esposito, "Ninth-Century Commentary" 167.

For the former, standard, dating, see Sch.-Hos. 4:2.216; cf. Mazzarino, "Appunti" 526f.; Jeudy, "Ars " 61f. For the latter dating, see Strzelecki, RE 20.318f.; followed by F. Casaceli, ed. (Naples, 1973); criticized by Mazzarino, "Appunti" 506ff. Cassiodorus is probably mistaken, as he is elsewhere in such matters (cf. s.vv. Eutyches, Martyrius, nos. 57, 95); P. should probably be placed in the late fourth or in the fifth century, primarily because he uses Juvenal and Lucan (cf. above): so, correctly, Jeudy, "Ars " 62.

Author of an Ars de nomine et verbo , ed. Keil, GL 5.410-39, and ed. F. Casaceli (Naples, 1973); for a full account of the medieval reception of the work, see Jeudy, "Ars " 62ff. The work is presented as a brief, clear review of the traditional teachings on the subject. Also author of a Vita Vergilii , in hexameters, with a prologue in sapphic strophes; the biography derives (through Donatus?) from Suetonius. Two other works, an Orthographia and a De aspiratione , are wrongly attributed to P. For the former, see Sabbadini, "Ortografia"; for the latter, see GL 5.439-41 and, for the mss, Jeudy, "Tradition."

Because P. uses the name Petrus in a paradigm (GL 5.423.20), Mazzarino suggested that he was a Christian or writing for a largely Christian public ("Appunti" 526f.)—likely enough if P. was active in s.IV ex. or s.V. Note that such religious affiliations would seem not to have prevented P. from referring to the schools of the traditional literary culture

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as the gymnasium sapientiae, quo ad beatam vitam semita demonstratur (cf. GL 5.411.2ff.), or to the Aeneid as a carmen sacrum (V. Verg . praef. 24).

122. PHOEBICIUS. Gramm. . s.IV init.

RE 20.322 (Ensslin); PLRE I s.v., p. 700.

Phoebicius (Auson. Prof . 10.23), a native of Baiocassum (Bayeux), in Armorica (ibid. 28, with Prof . 4.7). He taught as a Latin gramm. at Bordeaux (Prof . 10 tit., v. 29), where he gained his chair with the help of his son (ibid. 29-30; see below).

P.'s son Attius Patera was a generation older than Ausonius: Prof . 4.3-4, aevo floruisti proximo / iuvenisque te vidi senem . P.'s grandson, Attius Tiro Delphidius, was Ausonius's contemporary, floruit ca. 355 (cf. Jerome Chron . s.a.), dead radio aevi (Prof . 5.36)—which is vague enough—before 381; cf. Booth, "Notes" 239; for the relationships, see below. P. was therefore of the generation of Ausonius's grandfather. Ausonius's notice is very impersonal; we learn nothing about P. from Prof . 10 that could not be gathered from the poem on his son Patera, save the exact form of P.'s name and the fact that he gained his post with his son's help. Such distance suggests that Ausonius did not know P. well, if at all; cf. s.v. Concordius, no. 35, on Prof . 10 in general. P.'s teaching is to be placed very early in s.IV.

He was the father of Attius Patera and Phoebicius, and was the grandfather of Attius Tiro Delphidius: Prof . 4.11-14. It is usually assumed that Patera, the rhetorician, was the son responsible for securing P.'s post at Bordeaux.

He was a priest of Belenus-Apollo at Bayeux (Prof . 10.24, with 4.7-9), where his family claimed descent from Druids (Prof . 10.27, 4.7), a claim that Ausonius does not present without considerable qualification: Prof . 10.26, ut placitum ; 4.8, si fama non fallit fidem .

123. PLACIDUS. Gramm.(?) and glossographer. s.V / s.VI?

RE 20.1937-44 (Dahlmann); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.257-61; Goetz, CGL 1.59ff.; Wessner, CGL 1.311ff.; Lindsay, Gloss. Lat . 4.5ff.; PLRE II s.v. 2, p. 890.

Placidus: libri Romani = codd. Vat. lat. 1552 (s.XV), 3441 (s.XV), 5216 (s.XVI); on the name "Luctatius Placidus" in the lost cod. Corsianus, see Goetz, CGL 1.59. Styled grammaticus in the libri Romani .

From a note found in a version(?) of the glossary preserved in cod. Paris. lat. n. a. 1298 (= CGL 5.147.33), solaces: quod nos funalia dicimus. . . hos Romani funes et funalia nominabant , it has been inferred that P. did not write at Rome; but the provenance of the note is uncertain, as are attempts to place P. in Africa, Gaul, or Spain. In the same Paris ms there are three references to Donatus (CGL 5.114.4, 123.14, 149.2); in

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another(?) version, the Liber glossarum , there are two allusions to Orosius (CGL 5.71.23, cf. Gloss. Lat . 4.41 G.1; CGL 5.97.23, cf. Gloss. Lat . 4.48 S.2). If the references to Donatus are authentic, a term. p. q . of s.IV med. is established; if those to Orosius are, s.V init. The influence of some glosses of P.—or ps.-P., according to Lindsay—has been found in the preface of the codex Salmasianus; cf. Goetz, CGL 5 pp. vi-vii; Lindsay, Gloss. Lat . 4.8f. This would suggest a term. a. q . of s.VI. He was in any case a source for Isidore of Seville; cf. Sch.-Hos. 4:2.260; more restrained, Fontaine, Isidore 572.

Author of a glossary containing entries of two distinct kinds: brief glosses on archaic words, extant through the letter P (treated as ps.-Placidus by Lindsay, Gloss. Lat . 4), and more extensive notes of grammatical or antiquarian interest. The glossary is printed as three recensions by Goetz, CGL 5: Placidus librorum Romanorum, Placidus Libri glossarum , and Placidus codicis Parisini . For further details, see Dahlmann, RE 20.1938ff.

P. was probably a Christian; cf. references to pagani at, e.g., CGL 5.4.5 = 49.10 = Gloss. Lat . 4.12 A.19; CGL 5.19.17 = 63.20 = Gloss. Lat . 4.21 E.29; CGL 5.25.9 = 74.19 = 109.46 = Gloss. Lat . 4.24 H.9; CGL 5.27.11 = 90.22 = Gloss. Lat . 4.25 I.19.

PLUTARCHUS: see no. 247.

^* AUR. PLUTION: see no. 248.

124. IULIANUS POMERIUS. Gramm. and rhetorician / presbyter or abbot. . s.V ex. / s.VI init.

RE 21.1876 (Ensslin); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.554-56; PLRE II s.v., p. 896; cf. Mathisen, "PLRE " 382.

Iulianus Pomerius: Isidore of Seville De vir. ill . 25.31, PL 83.1096A; Pomerius elsewhere. Of African origin ([Gennad.] De vir. ill . 99; V. Caes . 1.9, 2.299.32 Morin); settled in Aries by ca. 497/98, when he undertook the education of Caesarius of Arles. His migration has been associated in some modern accounts with Vandal persecution of the Catholics. If this is correct, the move should be placed under Huneric (d. 484) or—less likely—very early in the reign of Thrasamund; cf. Victor Chron . s.a. 497, 4, Chron. min . 2.193.

He appears to have taught both gramm. and rhetoric, although it is not clear whether he taught the two subjects at different points in his career or concurrently: V. Caes . 1.9, p. 299.31ff., Pomerius nomine, scientia rhetor . . . . quem ibi [= at Arles] singularem et clarum grammaticae artis doctrina reddebat . The relative clause makes it clear that P. was teaching grammar at Arles, which would be consistent with the negligible literary attainments attributed to his student Caesarius in the Vita up to that point; perhaps P. had taught rhetoric earlier in Africa. While at Arles he was

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the protégé of the local magnate Firminus and his mother, Gregoria: V. Caes . 1.8f., p. 299.23ff. On P.'s achievements in both ecclesiastical and secular studies, utraque bibliotheca , cf. Ennod. Epist . 2.6.2, 4ff., MGH AA 7.38 (mid-503: Sundwall, Abhandlungen 73); Ruric. Ep . 2.9, CSEL 21.385.7ff.

P. is called a presbyter at [Gennad.] De vir. ill . 99; Ruricius addresses him as abbas in Ep . 1.17 (p. 369.13) and 2.10 (p. 385.12). Neither the relationship between the two titles nor the relationship between these titles and P.'s secular career can be determined.

He was invited to Limoges by Ruricius (Ep . 2.10, p. 385.13ff.; cf. 2.9, p. 385.2ff.) and to Milan by Ennodius (Epist . 2.6.1, pp. 37f.). P.'s acquaintance with Ennodius might have been formed at Arles, the probable place of Ennodius's origin; P.'s patron, Firminus, might in fact be Firminus the learned man and relative of Ennodius known from the latter's correspondence in the first years of s.VI: Ennod. Epist . 1.8 (p. 17; early 502, according to Sundwall, Abhandlungen 72), 2.8 (pp. 38f.; mid-503, according to Sundwall, Abhandlungen 73); cf. PLRE II s.v. Firminus 4, p. 471.

In addition to the extant De vita contemplativa (PL 59.415ff.; Engl. trans. M.J. Suelzer [Westminster, Md., 1947]; cf. Hagendahl, Latin Fathers 345f., 372ff.), P. is credited with a dialogue De natura animae , in eight books (fragments collected by Solignac, "Fragments"), two dictata (De contemptu mundi, De vitiis et virtutibus ), and a work De virginibus instituendis : [Gennad.] De vir. ill . 99; Isidore of Seville De vir. ill . 25.31-33.

125. POMPEIUS. Gramm. Africa. s.V / s.VI.

RE 21.2313-15 (Helm); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.208-10; Holtz, "Tradition"; Schindel, Figurenlehren 19ff.; PLRE II s.v. 1, p. 898.

Pompeius: codd.; the catalogues of gramm. in cod. Bonon. 797 (Negri, "De codice" 266) and cod. Bern. 243 (Anecd. Helv. = GL 8, cxlix). Styled grammaticus in the inscr. of several mss; cf. Keil at GL 5.83f.; Holtz, "Tradition" 53ff.

Author of a commentary on Donatus's Ars , with emphasis on the Ars maior ; perhaps also of commentaries on Vergil and Terence, but this is extremely uncertain: see the appendix below. That the commentary on Donatus was written with a view to the schools is suggested by the care taken to explain even the most elementary points, by the recurrence of such phrases as ne puer erret (e.g., GL 5.132.13), and by the fact that the reader, tu , to whom P. addresses himself is imagined to be a teacher; see Chap. 4.

P. can be placed in Africa on the basis of GL 5.205.4ff., si interroges verbi causa de Mauro, aut siqui me interroget, "iste homo cuias est?," "nostras est," id est Maurus ; for other, less eloquent evidence, cf. Keil at GL 5.93; Sch.-Hos. 4:2.209. He is to be dated after Donatus, on whose Ars he commented,

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and in fact after Servius, whom he does not name but whose unabridged commentary on Donatus he certainly used, very possibly in interpolated form (see Chap. 4 n. 8), and before Isidore of Seville (ca. 560-636), who used him. He is to be placed, therefore, in s.V or early(?) s.VI (s.V 2/2: Schindel, Figurenlehren 19ff.; s.V 2/2 or s.VI: Holtz, "À l'école de Donat" 526).

It has been suggested on the basis of GL 5.239.16ff., discussing the phrase Liber pater and the word triumphans , that he was a pagan; but those comments are entirely conventional, and his extended discussion of the word Pascha, GL 5.177.4ff., shows that he was a Christian.

Appendix: GL 5.294.33ff., quem ad modum diximus in Vergilio

In his remarks on tapinosis in the commentary on Donatus, GL 5.294.27ff., P. makes a cross-reference, quem ad modum diximus in Vergilio (GL 5.294.33f.), apparently drawing attention to statements made in a commentary on Vergil. Since the doctrine and the examples that follow correspond precisely to Servius's commentary on Aen . 1.118 and 2.19, and since it is otherwise clear that P.'s massive debt to Servius's Comm. Don . extends even to the inept repetition of cross-references found in the latter work (see Chap. 4 pp. 142ff.), Schindel concluded that this cross-reference too was taken directly from Servius (Figurenlehren 25f., 132f.; against Fontaine, Isidore 135, who posited a commentary on Vergil by P. himself, following "sur les pas de Servius"). If correct, Schindel's conclusion would establish that Servius composed his commentary on Vergil before his commentary on Donatus.

In the absence of other evidence, Schindel's conclusion would appear quite probable. There are, however, two other passages in P. that should be remarked, since they are similar to the cross-reference at GL 5.294.33f., and in fact obscure its significance. In the first, after denying (with Servius and Donatus) the existence of a future passive participle in deponent verbs (GL 5.228.28ff.), P. attempts to deal with apparent counter-examples of the type loquendus ; in the course of his comments, he includes the cross-reference (GL 5.229.6f.) habemus usurpandorum participiorum licentiam, ut diximus et in Terentio . Again, in his comments on verbs that lack one or more moods, P. remarks (GL 5.240.18ff.), [habes verbum defectivum ] per modos, ut diximus in Terentio, "cedo," non "caedo" ut faciat diphthongon, sed "cedo," id est "dic': hoc enim verbum non habet nisi solum imperativum, "cedo quid attulisti? " There is no comparable comment on cedo in the extant version of Donatus's commentary on Terence.

In both places the reference to what was said in Terentio evidently alludes to a commentary on Terence; both references must be compared with the reference quem ad modum diximus in Vergilio . Among the conclusions that could be drawn, the following seem most worth noting.

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First, despite their formal similarity, the references to a commentary on Terence might have no bearing on the reference to a commentary on Vergil; the latter reference could have been taken over from Servius, as Schindel suggested, and the former passages could refer to a commentary on Terence by P. himself.

Alternatively, the reference to the Vergilian commentary could have been taken over from Servius, and the references to the Terentian commentary could have been taken over from Donatus's commentary on Vergil, to which P. had access. On the latter point, see Schindel, Figurenlehren 101ff.; but note the communis opinio that Donatus composed his commentary on Terence after his commentary on Vergil—e.g., Wessner, "Bericht" 201f.; Schindel, Figurenlehren 11 n. 14.

Or, all three references could have been taken over from Servius; we would then have unique evidence for a Servian commentary on Terence. But, other considerations aside, note that the specific doctrine of GL 5.229.6f., concerning the usurpandorum participiorum licentia , takes a distinctly un-Servian turn: with the licentia claimed there, contrast GL 5.263.1ff. with Serv. GL 4.441.10-15; cf. Chap. 5 pp. 172ff.

Or again, all three references could have been lifted from the version of Servius's Comm. Don . known to P., a version probably already interpolated with extraneous observations and additions by an unknown scholar (see above). None of the passages would then need to refer to works by P.; instead, they could refer to Servius's commentary on Vergil and a commentary on Terence by the unknown intermediary.

Last, all three passages could refer to commentaries by P., whose commentary on Vergil would then have been much indebted to Servius's (or Donatus's).

Of these possibilities, the second and third seem unlikely prima facie ; our current knowledge does not, I think, allow us to decide confidently among the rest. Concerning the last possibility, however, one can add the following: though Schindel demonstrated that the doctrine introduced by the cross-reference at GL 5.294.33f. corresponds to Servius's remarks in his Vergilian commentary, this does not by itself prove that the cross-reference was taken from Servius's Comm. Don . or that P. himself did not write a commentary on Vergil. For given P.'s great dependence on a single main source (Serv. Comm. Don. ) in his commentary on Donatus, we may conjecture that any commentary on Vergil he might have composed would similarly have depended on one main source, whether Servius's Vergilian commentary or Donatus's. The correspondence Schindel noted could therefore be explained if a commentary by P. were based directly on Servius (cf. Fontaine, Isidore 135, above) or on Donatus, whose work he knew; in the latter case, the similarity between P. and Servius would be attributable to their dependence on a common

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source. That a commentary by P. on Vergil or on Terence is otherwise unattested does not count for much. since virtually all our knowledge about P. comes only from his own text. Note too that P. provides evidence for other. post-Servian grammatical work. which is also otherwise unattested; see s.v. Astyagius, no. 189.

126. PRISCIANUS. Lat. gramm. . s.V ex.-s.VI 1/3.

RE 22.2328-46 (Helm); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.221-38; Glück, Priscians Partitiones ; Salamon, "Priscianus"; PLRE II s.v. 2, p. 905.

Priscianus: codd. of the grammatical works and poems (see app. crit . of Keil's ed. in GL , and Passalacqua, Codici ); subscr. of Theodorus to Inst . 5, 8, 13, 14 and inscr. and subscr. to Inst . 17; Eutyches GL 5.456.31 (cf. Anecd. Helv. = GL 8.1.9f., 2.6f.); Cassiod. GL 7.147.15, 207.13, 214.18; "Albinus magister" (= Alcuin) GL 7.310.34 and 36, 312.23; Paul. Diac. De gest. Langob . 1.25, MGH SS. rer. langob. 63. P. also uses his own name in gramm. examples, e.g., GL 2.79.9.

Styled grammaticus : codd.; subscr. of Theodorus; Eutyches GL 5.456.31; Cassiod. GL 7.207.13; Paul. Diac. De gest. Langob . 1.25. Also called doctor meus : subscr. of Theodorus to Inst . 8 and 14, and inscr. to Inst . 17; cf. doctor , Cassiod. GL 7.207.14. Or praeceptor meus : inscr. of Theodorus to Inst . 8; Eutyches GL 5.456.29f. Cf. also P.'s reference to his professio at GL 2.2.3. He is called sophista in subscr. to the Praeex .

Called Caesariensis in the subscr. of Theodorus and in various mss in the inscr. to the prefatory epistle of Inst . and in the inscr. or subscr. to Inst . 1, 7, 9, 11, 13, 15; at De figuris (ad fin .); in two mss of the Periegesis (see Woestijne, ed., pp. 10ff.); Paul. Diac. De gest. Langob . 1.25. Since P. aligns himself with speakers of Latin—nos or nostri vs. Graeci , e.g., GL 2.1.12ff., and often—Niebuhr concluded that he must have been a native of Caesarea in Mauretania (CSHB 1, xxxiv). The inference was anticipated by the author of the vita of P.: Anecd. Helo. = GL 8, clxviii, lines 6ff.

P. taught at Constantinople: grammaticus or doctor urbis Romae Constantinopolitanae in the subscr. of Theodorus at Inst . 8, 14, 17; cf. also various mss in the inscr. to the prefatory epistle of Inst . and in subscr. to Inst . 9, 11, 13, 15; Cassiod. GL 7.207.13f.; Paul. Diac. De gest. Langob . 1.25. For P.'s firsthand knowledge of Constantinople, cf. GL 2.17.13f. He was a pupil of Theoctistus (q.v., no. 149), also presumably at Constantinople.

P. was at Constantinople during the reign of Anastasius, for whom he wrote a panegyric, De laud. Anast . (cf. esp. vv. 248ff., praise of Anastasius's patronage of learned men), now plausibly dated to 503; cf. Alan Cameron, "Date of Priscian's De laude, " against the traditional date of 512. A date of 513 has been proposed more recently by Chauvot, "Observations." A term. a. q . of 526 is provided for the Inst . by the

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subscr. of Theodorus, which record his progress (ut vid .) in copying various parts of the work: the subscr. to Inst . 5 is dated to the consulship of Olybrius = 526; the subscr. of Inst . 8 is dated 11 January 527; of Inst . 13, 5 February 527; the inscr. of Inst . 17, 25 February 527; the subscr. of Inst . 17, 30 May 527. The dedication of the three minor works (on which see below) to Symmachus, presumably Q. Aurelius Memmius Symmachus, provides a term. a. q . of 525 for those pieces. The notice of Cassiodorus is vague: GL 7.207.13f., ex Prisciano grammatico, qui nostro tempore Constantinopoli doctor fuit ; cf. ibid. 147.15, ex Prisciano moderno auctore . These remarks are usually taken to refer to the time of Cassiodorus's career at the western court, before 537, rather than to the years he spent at Constantinople, 540-54. P. is dated by Paul. Diac. De gest. Langob . 1.25 to the reign of Justinian. If this is correct, the early part of the reign is presumably meant; the dating may, however, be no more than an inference drawn from the subscr. of Theodorus to Inst . 17: scripsi manu mea in urbe Roma Constantinopoli tertio Kal. Iunias Mavortio v.c. consule imperantibus Iustino et Iustiniano PP. Augg .

P. was the author of the Institutio grammatica (= Inst .) in eighteen books, in which he intended to apply the teachings of Greek gramm., esp. Herodian and Apollonius Dyscolus, to Latin and to correct the faults of his Latin predecessors; cf. Inst . praef. epist., GL 2.1.2ff.; for P.'s Greek sources, cf. Luscher, De Prisciani studiis . Also author of the Institutio de nomine, pronomine et verbo , a compendium drawing upon the preceding work, intended for use in the schools (cf. GL 3.449.1); and of the Partitiones duodecim versuum Aeneidos principalium , also for the schools. On the background of the exercise partitio or , see Glück, Priscians Partitiones 31ff., with Lossau's review of Glück, Gnomon 43 (1971), 168f. The relative chronology of the three works can be established, since the Inst. de nom . refers eight times to full discussion in the Inst ., and the Partit . contains references to both of the latter works; cf. Glück, Priscians Partitiones 54f., 162ff.

Also author of the De figuris numerorum , the De metris fabularum Terentii , and the Praeexercitamina , all dedicated to Symmachus (for his probable identity see above). The chronological relation of these three to the first three works cannot be established. There are also two poems, viz., the panegyric of Anastasius (see above) and a version of the of Dionysius. At (Inst .) GL 3.133.1, P. refers to a liber. . . de accentibus that he had written. It is uncertain whether the De accentibus now extant under P.'s name (GL 8.519-28) is authentic; see most recently Holtz, Donat 243. The two poems De sideribus and De ponderibus et mensuris attributed to P. are not genuine. For the mss of P., see Passalacqua, Codici .

Symmachus is the dedicatee of the De figuris , the De metris , and the Praeexercitamina ; the dedicatee of the Inst . (GL 2.2.24ff., with a second dedication at the beginning of Inst . 6, GL 2.194.2ff.) is Iulianus consul ac

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patricius , not otherwise known. For the suggestion that Iulianus is also addressed in the Inst. de nom ., cf. Glück, Priscians Partitiones 61. He is perhaps the Iulianus v.c . of the subscr. to Stat. Theb . 4 found in the cod. Puteanus (Paris. lat. 8051); cf. Vollmer, "Textkritisches zu Statius" 27; Pasquali, Storia ² 175ff. The consulship was presumably honorary, since Iulianus is not known to the fasti .

The pupils of P. included the gramm. Eutyches (q.v., no. 57) and the subscriber of the Inst ., Fl. Theodorus, who consistently styles himself v.d. memorialis sacri scrinii epistolarum et adiutor v.m. quaestoris sacri palatii. The names "Flaccus," "Flavianus," and "Flavius Lucius" that appear in some mss (see Keil's app. crit . for the subscr. noted above) are mistaken expansions of "Fl."; he is probably to be identified with the Theodorus antiquarius qui nunc palatinus est who appears in the subscr. to Boethius Hyp. syll . 3 in Paris. lat. n. a. 1611. For the text of the subscr., see Pagallo, "Per una edizione" 72. Another supposed pupil, Ter(r)entius, is a later invention (see s.v., no. 262).

P. may have had a son who went to Rome; cf. GL 2.407.14ff., ut si, filio meo Romae in praesenti degente, optans dicam. . . . But the passage could be merely exemplary, i.e., the son or his stay in Rome, or both, might have been invented to illustrate the usage at issue; cf. 3.240.3ff., a similar example with a son now in Athens.

P. was a Christian; cf. GL 2.238.5f., noster praeceptor Theoctistus . . . cui quidquid in me sit doctrinae post Deum imputo ; cf. also Christian traits in the De laud. Anast ., esp. vv. 211ff.

^* 127. PROBUS(?). Gramm. s.IV.

RE 23.59-64 (Helm); Sch.-Hos. 2.738-41; della Casa, "'Grammatica'" 149ff.; Jocelyn, "Annotations III" 468f.

Probus: codd. Paris. lat. 7494 (s. IX), 7519 (s.XV) of the Inst. art. ; citations of the Inst. art . in Servius, Cledonius, Pompeius, Rufinus, Priscian (see further below). Grammaticus : inscr. in the Paris mss noted above. The subscr. Probi grammatici urbis at the end of the Catholica in cod. Neap. lat. 2 (= Vindob. 16; s.V) is probably worthless; in all likelihood the work has been incorrectly attributed to P. and belongs to Sacerdos (see below). The Inst. art . gives no clear indication of its author's profession or status and, beyond its fairly elementary exposition, allows no sure conclusions about its intended audience. From the use of the names Cirta and Utica along with Roma in an example (GL 4.155.16f.), it has been inferred that the author was a native of Africa; cf. Barwick, "Sogenannte Appendix " 422. Reference to the Baths of Diocletian (see below) might suggest residence in the capital.

A term. p. q . is established for the Inst. art . by the reference (GL 4.119.26-27) to the Diocletianae thermae , dedicated between 1 May 305

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and 24 July 306; cf. Hüillsen, RE 5.657. Pace Barwick, "Sogenannte Appendix " 422, the composition of the Inst. art . need not be dated precisely to the period of the dedication; but note that the name of Cirta (see above) was changed to Constantina sometime between 310 (cf. Aur. Victor De Caes . 41.28) and 320 (cf. the Gesta apud Zenophilum of that year, quoted s.v. Victor, no. 161). A firm term. a. q . is provided by the citations in Servius (s.IV ex. / s.V init.), who refers to P. by name when citing the work; the probable misattribution of the Catholica also presupposes that the Inst. art . was circulating under P.'s name by or before Servius's time (see below). Thereafter P. is cited by Cledonius, Pompeius (from Servius), Rufinus, and Priscian; for a list of citations, see Keil, GL 4, xvii-xviii; della Casa, "'Grammatica'" 154ff. Cf. also s.vv. Audax, Palladius, nos. 190, 242.

Author of an Instituta artium (GL 4.47-192), a handbook of the basics that proceeds from definitions de voce, de arte, de litteris , and de syllabis through the eight parts of speech. The title Instituta artium is used by Priscian, GL 2.283.7, and indeed was probably known in that form before the end of s.IV; cf. below on the Catholica . The work appears without title or attribution in cod. Vat. Urb. lat. 1154 (s.V ex.) and is inscribed simply Tractatus Probi grammatici in cod. Paris. lat. 7494; the inscr. Probi grammatici de octo orationis membris ars minor occurs in cod. Paris. lat. 7519; part of the Inst. art . also appears in fol. 17^r -49^r of cod. Neap. lat. 1 (= Vindob. 17; s.VII / s.VIII), but a quaternion bearing the beginning of the work has been lost, and with it any inscr. that may have appeared.

It has been suggested, most recently by della Casa, "'Grammatica'" 152f. (cf. Jocelyn, "Annotations III" 468f.), that the Inst. art . is not the work of a man named Probus but was circulating as an acephalous treatise to which the name of the famous literary man (Valerius) Probus was attached. This is not implausible: cf. esp. s.v. Victorinus, no. 273, and note the lack of attribution in cod. Vat. Urb. lat. 1154, the earliest extant ms. But of that ms, sumptuously produced in uncial script of late s.V (cf. Lowe, CLA 1.117), Lindsay, "The Primary MS." 232, remarked: "And yet. . . the scribe has thought more of beauty than of accuracy. He has been guilty of many omissions, some of them very large." The lack of attribution may therefore not count for much, and it is quite possible that the work was written by a gramm. called Probus—a common name in late antiquity—as the citations of Servius, Priscian, and other gramm. (see above) attest; cf. Dionisotti, "Latin Grammar" 206. Whatever the name of the author, the Inst. art . is certainly a product of s.IV.

The following works have been associated with P.:

1) The Catholica (GL 4.3-43), a systematic review of nominal and verbal desinences preserved under the title De catholicis Probi in fol.

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95^v -111^v of cod. Neap. lat. 2 (= Vindob. 16), is in fact virtually identical to Book 2 of the Ars of Sacerdos (q.v., no. 132). It probably came to be attributed to P., as the author of the Instituta artium , because of a confusion produced by the closing sentence of Sacerdos's Book 1: GL 6.470, huc usque artium grammaticarum fecimus instituta, de catholicis vero nominum atque verborum latius exponemus ; on the relation between the two texts and the mechanism of the misattribution, see Wessner, RE , 2. Reihe, 1.1630.28ff., and Dahlmann, RE 21.602.4ff. The Catholica was already circulating under P.'s name by the time of Servius; cf. the citation of Probus in his commentary on Aen . 2.15 = Cath., GL 4.17.1f.

2) The Appendix Probi (GL 4.193-204) is transmitted without title in fol. 49^r -52^r of cod. Neap. lat. 1 (= Vindob. 17), where it follows the Inst. art . It is attributed to Valerius Probus in cod. Montepessulan. 306 (s.IX), fol. 68^r , which contains only the section "De differentiis" (= GL 4.199.18-203.34); cf. the notation secundum Probum in cod. Paris. lat. 7491, fol. 93^r , at GL 4.201.15.

3) The De nomine excerpta (GL 4.207-16), now reedited by M. Passalacqua (Rome, 1984), is a collection of extracts from various authors, attributed to Valerius Probus in cod. Neap. lat. 1 (= Vindob. 17), fol. 8^r -10^v ; for recent argument in favor of attributing the work to P., as a revision of Caper's De latinitate (s.II), see Dionisotti, "Latin Grammar" 205f.

4) The De ultimis syllabis (GL 4.219-64), dedicated to a certain Caelestinus, is transmitted without attribution in cod. Neap. lat. 2 (= Vindob. 16), fol. 76^r -95^v , where it precedes the Catholica . It was printed as Probi grammatici instituta artium ad Caelestinum by Parrhasius and as M. Valerii Probi grammatici institutionum liber I by van Putschen.

For details of nos. 2-4, see Helm, RE 23.62f.; della Casa, "'Grammatica'" 150f.

The identification—revived most recently by Bartalucci, "'Probus'" 248ff.—of P. with the Probus to whom G. Valla attributed a set of scholia on Juvenal, or with the homonymous correspondent of Lactantius (cf. s.v. Firmianus, no. 218), or with both, has little to recommend it beyond the similarity of the not uncommon name.

^* 128. FL. PYTHIODORUS. Gramm. Hermopolis. s.V 2/2.

Fl. Pythiodorus , third and last witness to a lease at Her-mopolis dated 452, 467, 482, or 497; see BGU 12.2152, with p. 36 n. 1, on the date. See further s.v. Fl. Her. . ., no. 68; cf. s.v. Anonymus 7, no. 173.

129. ROMANUS. Gramm. Alexandria? s.V ex. / s. VI init.?

Ludwich, De Ioanne Philopono 5ff.; PLRE II s.v. 6, pp. 947f.

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The teacher of Ioannes Philoponus (q.v., no. 118), according to Georgius Choeroboscus: Schol. in Theodos., GG 4:1.106.3f., ; ibid. 309.28f., . Cited also by Choeroboscus ibid. 108.13f., ; ibid. 314.34, ; cf. also ibid. 254.7, 311.8; 4:2.189.15, 229.3f. Also cited by Ioannes Charax in the Sophron. exc . (GG 4:2.407.16f.) and in the (Bekker, Anecd . 3.1150); not mentioned in extant grammatical works attributed to Philoponus. He is included in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, under the heading .

If Choeroboscus's statements are to be taken at face value, R. will have taught, most likely at Alexandria, at the end of the fifth and beginning of the sixth century, the probable time of Philoponus's education; cf. s.v. Note, however, that Choeroboscus may have been speaking loosely or may have been drawing an inference from some conventional phrase in Philoponus such as the one Choeroboscus himself uses at Schol. in Theodos., GG 4:2.229.3f., ; compare GG 4:1.333.10f., , plainly no more than an inference drawn from Theoc. Id . 7.40. On the difficulty of evaluating third-party statements that establish teacher-student relationships in such contexts, see s.vv Damocharis, Timotheus, nos. 42, 156.

C. IULIUS ROMANUS: see no. 249.

ROMULUS: see no. 250.

130. RUFINUS. Lat. gramm. / v.c . Antioch. s.V med./s.VI init.; after Servius.

RE Suppl. 5.842f. (Wessner); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.213; PLRE I s.v. 8, p. 775.

Rufinus, grammaticus (Comm . tit., GL 6.558.7); he also calls himself litterator: GL 6.565.9, 566.6. For the use of these two terms interchangeably, cf. Appendix 2.3. For R.'s profession, cf. also the dedication to his pupils that stands between his two works: GL 6.565.7f., haec ego Rufinus collegi mente benigna / discipulisque dedi munera pulchra libens (printed as the subscr. to the Comm . by Keil, it could equally well have been intended as an inscr. of the work on prose rhythm that follows immediately, GL 6.565.9ff.).

R. styles himself v (ir ) c (larissimus ) at GL 6.565.9, 566.6, and 575.26; cf. also Rufinus v (ir ) d (isertissimus ), codd. Comm . tit., where Keil restores v.c ., probably correctly. For another possible confusion of v.c . and v.d ., see s.v. Aelius Donatus, no. 52, ad fin . R. is called Antiochensis in the tit. of the Comm .

A term. p. q . of s.IV ex. / s.V init. is provided by a reference to Servius at GL 6.573.26; cf. references also to Evanthius, Charisius, Diomedes,

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and Donatus (qq.v., nos. 54, 200, 47, 52) passim in the two works. A reliable term. a. q . is lacking; Keil, GL 6.553, thought that R. was a source of Priscian De metris fab. Terent ., but cf. Sch.-Hos. 4:2.233. As a Latin gramm. at Antioch, R. is perhaps more likely to belong to the fifth than to a later century, although s.VI is also possible. For Latin gramm. in the East outside Alexandria and Constantinople in s.V / s. VI, see s.vv. Hierius (no. 75: Gaza, Antioch) and Adamantius and Martyrius (nos. 2, 95: perhaps Sardis); cf. also s.v. Ioannes Lydus, no. 92, ad fin ., and PNess . 3, pp. 11-13.

R. composed a Commentarium —rather, a collection of excerpts—in metra Terentiana (GL 6.554-565.8). Some versus . . . Rufini de compositione et de metris oratorum are quoted at the beginning (565.9-567.29) and in the body (575.26-576.7) of a collection of critical comments on prose rhythm drawn largely from Cicero but with references ranging up through Servius (GL 6.565.9-578.8 = Rhet. Lat. min . 575-84 Halm); the collection is transmitted without break after the dedication noted above, and was evidently R.'s own compilation. Note that R. also quotes his own verse at (Comm .) GL 6.558.7ff.; he might therefore also be supposed to have written a more extensive work on meter, in verse, which is now lost.

131. DOMITIUS RUFINUS. Teacher of liberal letters. Iomnium (Mauretania Caesariensis). s.IV / s.V?

PLRE I s.v. Rufinus 16, p. 777.

[Christian monogram] Domitio Rufino, magistro liberalium litterarum, homini bono, v (ixit ) a (nnis ) LXXV: BCTH 1896, 218 no. 184 = ILS 7762 Iomnium (Tigzirt). The date is to be inferred from R.'s religion, indicated at the top of the inscr. For the identification of the site, modern Tigzirt (= ancient Iomnium, not Rusucurru), on the coast of Mauretania Caesariensis roughly midway between Icosium (Algiers) and Saldae (Bejaïa), see P.-A. Février, PECS 777 s.v. Rusucurru.

SABINUS: see no. 251.

132. MARIUS PLOTIUS SACERDOS. Gramm. Rome. s.III 2/2?

RE 21.601-8 (Dahlmann), 2. Reihe, 1.1629-31 (Wessner); Sch.-Hos. 3.169-72; De Nonno, "Frammenti"; PLRE I s.v. Sacerdos 3, p. 795.

Marius Plotius Sacerdos: inscr. Ars 3, GL 6.497.4, Marius Plotius Sacerdos composui Romae docens de metris ; cf. the use of "Marius" in an example at GL . 6.504.19, non me Musarum comitem [Aen . 9.775] Marium non laudo . The form of the name given in the subscr. to Ars 1 and 2, M . [Book 1; M ., Book 2] Claudius Sacerdos , is in all likelihood a corruption. On the possible citation of S. from Ars I and 2 as "Claudius" in later gramm. treatises,

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cf. Hagen, Anecd. Helv . = GL 8, lxxxvi-lxxxvii; Sabbadini, "Spogli" 179f. The form "Cassius Sacerdos" also occurs; cf. Manitius, Handschriften 162. He appears as Marius Plocius pontifex ac sacerdos maximus in the subscr. to cod. Valentin. N. 5. 1 of Ars 3.

No titulatur appears in his mss to indicate his profession; but the inscr. to Ars 3 (quoted above), the identity and status of his dedicatees together with the phrasing of his dedication (see below), and the grammatical example at Dosith. GL 7.407.18f., in which his name is used, bene apud Sacerdotem studetur , combine to make it clear that he was a professional gramm., at Rome.

A probable term. a. q . of s.IV init. is provided by Cominianus, who seems to have known S.'s work (see s.v., no. 34). A probable term. p. q . of s.III reed. would be established if the Aquila mentioned at S. (= [Probus]) Cath., GL 4.19.32, is Aquila Romanus, who is later than Alexander Numenius (s.II med.) and before Iulius Rufinianus (s.III ex. / s.IV init.); but this identification is not certain. The citation of Iuba metricus (s.II) at GL 6.546.8 provides a definite term. p. q . Similarly, S. could be dated around or just before s.III ex. / s.IV init. if his contemporary and dedicatee, Gaianus v.c . (see below), were known to be the addressee of several imperial rescripts belonging to that period; cf. PLRE I s.v. Gaianus 2, p. 378. But that is also uncertain.

S. was the author of a grammatical treatise in three books, GL 6.427-546. Book 1 treats the parts of speech, vitia , and virtutes ; Book 2, "De catholicis nominum atque verborum," contains a systematic review of desinences and a brief treatment of prose rhythm; Book 3 considers meter. Book 3 is transmitted separately, with the original preface by S.; Books 1 and 2 are transmitted together in fragmentary form in cod. Neap. 2 (= Vindob. 16). There is also a virtually identical version of Book 2 transmitted as the Catholica of Probus (q.v., no. 127), GL 6.471-95 = 4.6.25-10.20, 25.13-43.10. The version of Book 2 preserved in cod. Neap. 2 has suffered a loss corresponding to the central portion of the Catholica , 4.10.21-25.12; membra disiecta of this lost section of cod. Neap. 2 have now been recognized in the so-called Turin Fragment formerly assigned to the Catholica : see De Nonno, "Frammenti" 393ff.

S. presents himself as having written for or at the request of several men of senatorial rank (6.496.5ff.). Book 1 was dedicated to his contubernalis , Gaianus, a contemporary and onetime fellow student; Book 2 was written at the "order" of Gaianus's father, Uranius; Book 3 is dedicated to Maximus, nobilitatis splendore praedito , and Simplicius, omni laude praedicabili , to both of whom S. was commended by Uranius. All four are called viri clarissimi or amplissimi .

MARCIUS SALUTARIS: see no. 252.

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^* 133. SARAPION. Teacher of letters. Oxyrhynchus. s.III ex. / s.IV init.

Registered in an account of payments in kind, POxy . 24.2421, as the recipient of artaba of wheat () with a cash value of 82 den . and 1 artaba of barley with a cash value of 655 den .: col. ii.48, . The ratio of values here—wheat @ 984 den./artaba : barley @ 655 den./ artaba :: 3: 2—is constant throughout the account.

A term. p. q . of 290 is provided for the account by POxy . 24.2422 (an account of beef and pork dated to 290), on the verso of which it is written; the account on the verso must date to the very end of s.III or the very beginning of s.IV, i.e., one generation later than POxy . 12.1413, 1414, 1496, 1497, all an. 270/80; cf. POxy . 24, pp. 185f. This dating is consistent with the cash values noted in the account, which show a marked inflation over grain prices known from the third century (e.g., POxy . 14.1733, dated to late s.III by its editor, barley at 40 den./artaba ; cf. Jones, LRE 109 and n. 69) but fall well short of the prices known from the first six decades of s.IV: grain at 2,000-3,000 den./artaba in 314, wheat at 37,000 den./artaba and barley at 20,000 den./artaba in 338 (cf. Bagnall and Sijpesteijn, "Currency" 116-17); wheat at 1,268,966 den./artaba in 357/58 (?: cf. Bagnall and Worp, "Commodity Prices").

Since the account must be nearly contemporary with Diocletian's Edict on Maximum Prices, it is worth noting that the equivalent of 737 den . set down to S.'s account would nearly equal the monthly fees payable to a teacher of letters from fifteen students under the schedule prescribed by the edict (7.66). But since neither the purpose of the account nor the period covered by its entries is specified, it is difficult to draw any conclusions concerning the payment made to S. The quantity of grain involved suggests a month's rations: note the dole of 1 artaba of per month at Oxyrhynchus under Claudian II and Aurelian; cf. POxy . 40, p. 6; Hopkins and Carter, "Amount" 195. But contrast the 20 artabae of received as six months' payment in kind by the gramm. Heraclammon (q.v., no. 69) at Hermopolis, s. IV ex. / s.V. For references to other payments in kind to teachers, see s.v. Heraclammon.

SELEUCUS: see no. 253.

VIBIUS SEQUESTER: see no. 254.

134. SERENUS. Gramm. Egypt? s.IV / s.VI?

Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.686; Alan Cameron, "Wandering Poets" 488; PLRE I s.v. 2, p. 826.

Serenus, mentioned by Photius as a and author of various in various meters, Bibl . cod. 279 (8.187 Henry). His works were

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known to Photius in a volume containing the works of four other poets, Hermias of Hermopolis, Andronicus of Hermopolis, Horapollon, and Cyrus of Antaeopolis (cf. s.vv. Aur. Cyrus, Hermias, Horapollon, nos. 41, 71, 77), all Egyptians datable certainly or probably to s.IV / s.VI. S. can therefore probably be assigned to the same general place and time. If so, he cannot be the gramm. Aelius Serenus of Athens; cf. RE 1.532. If S. is the Serenus whose were excerpted by Stobaeus, Photius was unaware of it, since he classes the latter among the philosophers used by Stobaeus: Bibl . cod. 167 (2.156 Henry).

"SERGIUS": see no. 255.

135. SERGIUS. Gramm. Northern Syria? (Beroea?). s.VI init.

PLRE II s.v. 9, p. 995.

Eutychianist and who engaged in theological debate with Severus of Antioch ca. 515 and immediately thereafter. The Syriac version of the three letters of S., the replies of Severus, and the Apologia Sergii ad Severum are found with Latin translation in the edition of Lebon, CSCO Scr. Syr., ser. 4, vol. 7; cf. id., Monophysisme app. 2, pp. 538-51; Brock, "Some New Letters" 19ff. For the date, cf. Lebon, Monophysisme 163ff.

S. styles himself (in Lebon's translation) humilis grammaticus ; cf. , Leont. Byz. C. Monophys., PG 86:2.1848A; Conc. Latleran., Secretarius V Mansi 10.1116D; similarly Phot. Bibl . cod. 230 (2.56 Henry); cf. also , Eustath. mon. Epist. de duabus naturis, PG 86:1.909A. He was probably the object of the Christological treatise of Anastasius I, orthodox patriarch of Antioch (558-70, 593-99; fragments in PG 89.1285-86). If this is S., and if the attribution to Anastasius is valid, the work must have been composed in Anastasius's youth or, more likely, after S.'s death, as a later response to his correspondence with Severus; cf. Weis, Studia Anastasia 1.104.

S. is confused with Ioannes (q.v., no. 82) of Caesarea in [Zach. Rhet.] PO 2.271.1ff. (cf. ibid. 321.11ff.), where he is made the object of Seve-rus's C. impium grammaticum ; for the latter polemic, see s.v. Ioannes, no. 82.

S. has been identified with Sergius (q.v., no. 257) the lector of Emesa in southern Syria and author of an epitome of Herodian. The identification, suggested before the letters of S. were published, is based on the coincidence of the very common name and is probably incorrect. Nowhere does S. or Severus indicate that S. was a member of the clergy; further, S.'s first letter was addressed not to Severus but to Antoninus,

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bishop of Beroea, which may well indicate that S. was active in northern Syria rather than farther south, perhaps in Beroea or its diocese.

+ SERGIUS: see no. 256.

+ SERGIUS: see no. 257.

SERVILIO: see no. 258.

136. SERVIUS. Gramm. Rome. s.IV 3/3-s.V 1/3.

RE , 2. Reihe, 2.1834-48 (Wessner); Sch.-Hos. 4:1.172-77; Georgii, "Zur Bestimmung der Zeit"; Alan Cameron, "Date and Identity" 29ff.; Goold, "Servius" 102ff.; Marinone, "Per la cronologia"; PLRE I s.v., p. 827.

Servius: Macrob. Sat . 1.2.15 and passim ; Rufin. GL 6.573.26; Prisc. GL 2.8.15, 106.1 (= 242.5), 233.14, 256.14, 259.22, 515.22, 532.22, all but the first clearly referring to the commentary on Vergil (see below); the subscr. to Juvenal in cod. Leid. 82 (s.X), apud Servium magistrum (cf. cod. Laurent. 34.42 [s.XI], apud M. Serbium ); the mss of the commentary on Vergil (cf. Thilo, in Thilo and Hagen, eds., 1 lxxvii-xci; Savage, "Manuscripts"; Murgia, Prolegomena 72ff.; on the evidentiary value of the titles in the ms families of the commentary, cf. Murgia, ibid. 117ff.); cod. Paris. lat. 7530 (s.VIII) of the commentary on Donatus and the De metris Horatii and several mss of the De centum metris (inscr. to the praef. in coda. Darmstadt. 1283 [s.IX / s.X], Berol. Sant. 66.4 [s.VIII], Neap. Borbon. IV. A 8 [s.VIII], Paris. lat. 7530 [s.VIII]; subscr. cod. Leid. 135 [s.X]). "Ser-gius," an error: Comm. Don . tit., cod. Paris. lat. 7530; Comm. Verg . tit., codd. Neap. Bibl. Publ. 5 and Bern. 363; also in the Comm. Bern . on Lucan 3.402, 7.633. On "Sergius," see below.

Save for its appearance in the tit. of the folia added in s.XIII to cod. Laurent. Bibl. S. Cruc. XXII.1, a hybrid ms of the Comm. Verg ., the form "Servius Honoratus" or "Honoratus" is associated with only three works. First, the tit. of Comm. Don . gives the name thus in the early printed editions; the references to "Honoratus" in the catalogues of gramm. in codd. Bonon. 797 (Negri, "De codice" 266) and Bern. 243 (cf. Anecd. Helv. = GL 8, cxlix) perhaps involve the Comm. Don .—alternatively, the De finalibus —as do the references to an Ars Honorati and a Commentum Servii Honorati in two medieval library catalogues (cf. Manitius, Handschriften 196f.). Second, the De finalibus has "Servius Honoratus" in the tit. of codd. Neap. lat. 2 (= Vindob. 16; s.VII / s.VIII), Monac. 6281 (= Frising. 81; s.X), Leid. Bibl. Publ. 122 (s.X); also "Honoratus grammaticus" in an inscr. in the text (= GL 4.449.6) in the first two of these mss and in the subscr. of the last. Third, the De centum metris has "Servius Honoratus" in the inscr. to the praef. in cod. Paris. lat. 7730 (s.X).

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With two insignificant exceptions—"Marius Servius" in cod. Leid. Bibl. Publ. 5 (s.XII) and "Servius Maurus" added in the hand of Bongars in cod. Bern. 363, both in the tit. of the Comm. Verg .—the form of the name with "Maurus" or "Marius" is associated with only two of these works. First, the De finalibus has "Servius Maurus Honoratus" in the tit. in cod. Monac. Emmeran. G. 121 (s.X) and in the early printed editions. Second, the De centum metris has "Maurus Servius grammaticus" in the tit. in codd. Darmstadt. 1283 and Leid. 135, and in the subscr. in codd. Darmstadt. 1283 and Valentin. N. 5. 1 (s.IX); also "Marius Servius grammaticus," tit. in codd. Valentin. N. 5. 1 and Paris. lat. 7491 (s.X), subscr. in codd. Neap. Borbon. IV. A 8 and Paris. lat. 7491; "Marius Servius Honoratus grammaticus," subscr. in cod. Paris. lat. 7730; "Marius Servius Honoratus grammaticus. . . . Marius Servius grammaticus," tit. and inscr. to the praef. in the early printed editions.

It is very uncertain which (or whether any) of the names "Maurus," "Marius," or "Honoratus" is authentic. "Honoratus" may be an epithet misunderstood as a name; compare Donati honoratissimi grammatici in the tit. of Donatus's Comm. Terent . in cod. Oxon. Lincoln. 45, with, e.g., "Honoratus grammaticus" or "Marius Servius Honoratus grammaticus" above. "Maurus" may be an attempt to supply an ethnic, with "Marius" a subsequent corruption, or the two may have arisen independently from the sort of confusion found in the subscriptions to Juvenal; there the phrase apud Servium magistrum of cod. Leid. 82 reappears as apud M. Serbium in the later cod. Laurent. 34.42.

A gramm.: Macrob. Sat. 1.2.15, Servius inter grammaticos doctorem recens professus ; also grammaticus or litterator or doctor at Sat . 1.24.8, 1.24.20, 2.2.12, 6.7.2ff.; grammaticus in a number of mss of the Comm. Verg . and in some mss of the De finalibus and De centum metris , quoted above; magister in the subscr. to Juvenal in cod. Leid. 82 and in the subscr. to the Comm. Don . in cod. Paris. lat. 7530; magister Servius . . . dictavit in "Sergius" Explan. in Don., GL 4.496.26f. (see below); Servius magister exposuit at [Acro] in Hor. Serm . 1.9.76 (magister Urbis or magister Romae in a later recension of the scholia ad loc .).

S. taught at Rome: so Macrob. Sat . (see the passages cited just above; the dialogue is set in Rome); cf. the dedication of the De centum metris below. He was active later than Donatus, on whose Ars he commented, whose commentary on Vergil he used, and to whom he refers in one of his minor works: De fin., GL 4.449.6. He antedates Rufinus and Priscian, who cite him.

The only other source of useful information on Servius's date is Macrobius's Saturnalia , in which Servius appears as an adulescens (7.11.2) recently established in his profession (1.2.15)—i.e., he is probably

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imagined as being in his early twenties. The dramatic date, 383 or 384, might therefore be thought to establish a term. a. q . ca. 364 for his birth; but since Servius's presence in the Sat . is an anachronism, defended by Macrobius at 1.1.5, nec mihi fraudi sit, si uni aut alteri ex his . . . matura aetas posterior saeculo Praetextati fuit (only Servius and the other adulescens , Avienus, can be meant), ca. 364 should rather be a term. p. q ., with his birth perhaps falling sometime in the next decade and his teaching not begun until the last decade of s.IV. If, as is likely, the dedicatee of the De centum metris (GL 4.456.3f.), a clarissimus Albinus addressed as praetextatorum decus (i.e., a boy of the age of one of S.'s pupils), is Caecina Decius Aginatius Albinus, who was PVR as a young man in 414, that work should be dated to the first decade of s.V. Cf. Georgii, "Zur Bestimmung der Zeit"; Alan Cameron, "Date and Identity" 29ff.; Marinone, "Per la cronologia"; Barnes, "Late Roman Prosopography" 264f.

The argument of Alan Cameron, "Date and Identity" 31, that Servius was dead by the time of the composition of the Sat . (ca. 430) is plausible but not certain, esp. if the other adulescens of the Sat ., Avienus, was still alive at that time; cf. Alan Cameron, "Macrobius" 386ff. The fact that Macrobius did not use Servius's commentary on Vergil cannot reliably be taken to date the latter work after 430, pace Marinone, "Per la cronologia" 198ff. For possible evidence that the Comm. Verg . was written before the Comm. Don ., see the appendix s.v. Pompeius, no. 125.

S. was the author of a commentary on the poems of Vergil, extant in a vulgate and in an interpolated form. The latter is the so-called Servius Danielis, not attributed to Servius in the mss; cf. Goold, "Servius" 102ff.; and now briefly Marshall, "Servius," on the transmission of the two forms of the commentary. S. also wrote several brief treatises, De finalibus, De centum metris, De metris Horatii (GL 4.449-72), and a commentary on the Ars of Donatus (GL 4.405-48; cited by Priscian, GL 2.8.15), now preserved only in an abridgment; see most recently Schindel, Figurenlehren 21ff.; Holtz, Donat 228f.; and Chap. 4 n. 8. The Explanationum in Donatum libri II (GL 4.486ff.; cf. Anecd. Helv . = GL 8.143ff.), which is variously attributed to "Servius," "Sergius," or "Seregius" in the mss, is not by S. but is the work of a later compiler, or more than one, drawing on Donatus and on S.; cf. esp. GL 4.496.26f., haec sunt quae Donatus in prima parte artium tractavit, haec magister Servius extrinsecus dictavit . On the Explan . see further s.v. "Sergius," no. 255.

The name "Servius" or "Sergius" is also attached to several other works that do not belong to S.: a treatise De litt., de syll ., etc. (GL 4.475ff.); a version of the De finalibus metrorum of "Metrorius" (q.v., no. 239) onto which the first two paragraphs of S.'s De finalibus have been grafted and to which the heading ad Basilium, amicum Sergii has been attached (GL 6.240ff.; Basilius is incorrectly identified as the "dedicatee of Servius's De

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Arte Donati " at PLRE I s.v. Basilius 4, p. 149); a work De idiomatibus casuum et generum (GL 4.566ff.; cf. Keil, GL 4, li-lii, Iv); and some medieval glosses.

The De centum metris is dedicated to the boy Albinus, probably S.'s pupil (see above); the dedicatees of the other brief treatises, Aquilinus (De finalibus ) and Fortunatianus (De metris Horatii ), cannot be identified with any certainty. Holtz, Donat 227, incorrectly treats (ut vid .) the scribal subscr. at cod. Paris. lat. 7530 fol. 46^r , feliciter Iuliano scolastico Sardiano , as an authorial dedication; for the type, cf. s.v. Calliopius scholasticus , no. 194.

S. possessed or had the use of (cf. s.v. Domitius, no. 50) a place of retirement in Campania: GL 4.468.6, Horatium, cum in Campania otiarer, excepi .

It is doubtful that S. is Servius the addressee of Symm. Ep . 8.60.

137. FL. SIMPLICIUS. . sexfasc . . urb. Rom . (the last three positions ca. 364-75).

RE , 2. Reihe, 3.203 (Seeck); PLRE I s.v. 7, p. 844.

From Emona; at one time a gramm.; protégé of the Pannonian Maxi-minus, whom he served as assessor, thereby gaining entry to the imperial service: Amm. Marc. 25.1.45, Emonensis Simplicius, Maximini consiliarius ex grammatico ; ibid. 52, pronuntiante Simplicio et consiliario suo et amico . For S. and Maximinus presented in the darkest colors, cf. also ibid. 46. Since the consiliarii of provincial governors were heavily recruited from the ranks of the advocates, S. had perhaps combined advocacy with his teaching: see s.vv. Ausonius, Acilius Glabrio, Aur. Theodorus, nos. 21, 64, 150; cf. s.vv. Calliopius, Eudaemon, nos. 25, 55.

The phrase Maximini consiliarius ex grammatico , with specification of former profession, is noteworthy (cf. Amm. Marc. 14.11.30, where Dionysius's fall from tyrant to head of a ludus litterarius is presented as one type of extreme change in fortune); in its hostile context the reference to S.'s profession is perhaps intended to reproach and contemn him as a parvenu. The function of the consiliarius was largely judicial, and S.'s subsequent exercise of judicial authority, overseeing as 'vicar the trials for adultery and treason to which his social superiors were subject at Rome, especially aroused Ammianus's anger; cf. 28.1.45-46. Further, Ammianus regarded Maximinus himself as socially unfit for his duties; cf. 28.1.2, quosdam despicatissimae sortis , referring to Maximinus and the equally despised Leo. The phrase Maximini consiliarius ex grammatico may be meant to suggest that Maximinus and S. were in this respect birds of a feather. It is not known where S. taught as a gramm.

For the Flaviate, see CIL 8.8324 = ILS 5535, S.'s dedication of a basilica at Cuicul while consularis sexfascalis of Numidia. For details of his later career, see PLRE I s.v. 7, p. 844; and Seeck, RE , 2. Reihe, 3.203.

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SOLYMIUS: see no. 259.

^* SOSISTRATUS: see no. 260.

+ 138. SPECIOSUS. Lat. gramm. or rhetorician. . s. VI 1/3.

Introduced by Ioannes Lydus (q.v., no. 92) to the praetorian prefect Phocas, therefore sometime between late January and mid-October 532 (for the date of Phocas's prefecture, cf. Stein, Histoire 2.784), as a teacher of Latin: De mag . 3.73. He was evidently from Africa; Phocas had expressed a preference for a , and S. was immediately suggested. It is not clear whether he was a gramm. or a rhetorician, but it appears that he was a teacher by profession. He received an initial payment of 100 solidi from Phocas but was not, ut vid ., required to perform any extended services.

139. SPERCHEUS. Gr. gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV 1/4.

PLRE I s.v., p. 851.

Spercheus (Auson. Prof . 8.2), a Greek gramm. (ibid. tit.; cf. vv. 2-4, Sperchei . . . / Atticas Musas . . . / grammatic [i ]) at Bordeaux (ibid. tit.). With Corinthus (q.v., no. 36), S. was one of Ausonius's teachers primis . . . in annis (vv. 1-4, with 9-10) and was therefore active at least in the second decade of s.IV. S. was also the father of the Greek gramm. Menestheus (q.v., no. 99; vv. 2-3).

With the other two Greek gramm. celebrated in Prof . 8, S. is said to have possessed sedulum . . . studium docendi, / fructus exilis tenuisque sermo (vv. 5-6). Ausonius's tardior sensus and puerilis aevi / noxius error (vv. 13-16) prevented him from fully appreciating and profiting from their efforts.

See also s.v. Romulus, no. 250.

140. STAPHYLIUS. Gramm.(?) and rhetorician. ? (not likely). s.IV 1/2.

RE , 2. Reihe, 3.2149 s.v. Staphylos no. 4 (Seeck); PLRE I s.v., p. 852.

Staphylius (Auson. Prof . 20 tit., v, 4), a gramm. (v. 7, grammatice ad Scaurum atque Probum ; cf. s.vv. Harmonius, Nepotianus, nos. 65, 105) and rhetorician (ibid., promptissime rhetor ; tit., rhetor ). Since the tit., which seems to be well informed about S.—it calls him civis Auscius , information not derived from the poem itself, unless it was divined from v.4, genitum stirpe Novem populis —calls him rhetor only, there is reason to doubt that S. taught grammar. His expertise in that field (see above) may be included as a token of his polymathy, not directly connected with his teaching; he is said in the following verses (8-10) to own well-thumbed copies of Livy and Herodotus, whom Ausonius does not mention here as school

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authors, and to know "all the learning stored away in Varro's innumerable volumes." This doubt may, however, be excessively skeptical; note that the other figures whom Ausonius compares with Probus and Scaurus, vel sim ., were certainly gramm. For the combination of the two disciplines, cf. s.v. Deuterius, no. 44.

S. was a civis Auscius —i.e., he belonged to the Ausci of Elimberris (modern Auch)—in the province of Novempopulana (ibid. tit., v. 4). In view of vv. 1-4, where Ausonius states that by including S. he is violating his own lex commemorandi , S. must not have been a Burdigalensis on any reckoning, and the common assumption (in PLRE I, p. 852; RE , 2. Reihe, 3.2149; and Étienne, Bordeaux 252) that he taught at Bordeaux must be mistaken. On the lex and S.'s status as an exception see Booth, "Notes" 248f.; cf. s.v. Concordius, no. 35.

S. was older than Ausonius, who says that S. was like a father or uncle to him (vv. 5-6). S. enjoyed a pulchra senecta before dying a peaceful death (vv. 13-14).

STEGUS: see no. 261.

141. STEPHANUS. Gramm. s.V 4/4 / s.VI 1/4.

Garzya and Loenertz, eds., Procopii . . . epistolae p. xxvii, s.v. Étienne A; PLRE II s.v. 8, p. 1029.

A Greek gramm. at Gaza and later at Antioch, recipient of Procop. Gaz. Ep . 13 (jointly with Alypius and Hierius, qq.v., nos. 7, 75), 71, 89, 105.

With Alypius and Hierius, S. went from Gaza to Antioch (Daphne) (Ep . 13.1ff., 71.1ff.), where he taught (Ep . 89.7ff.) as a : Ep . 13 tit.; on the corruption of his name in one group of mss there, cf. s.v. Stegus, no. 261. Procopius perhaps suggests that S. made the move with expectations of greater financial success; cf. the references to and the Pactolus in Ep . 13.4f., 89.9f. He borrowed a book from Procopius and promised to return it within three months, but kept it for three or four years (Ep . 71.10ff.; cf. Ep . 89.5ff., 105.4ff.); Procopius says that when S. borrowed the book he himself had not yet finished paying for it (Ep . 71.14ff.).

S. had a brother: Ep . 105.1f.; the context of the notice makes it clear that is used literally.

^* 142. STEPHANUS. Gramm. . s.V 4/4 / s.VI 1/4.

Garzya and Loenertz, eds., Procopii . . . epistolae p. xxix, s.v. Étienne E ou Jérôme; cf. ibid. pp. xxxi-xxxii.

The recipient of Procop. Gaz. Ep . 57 while teaching at Alexandria: Ep . 57.1, ; 4, . A gramm.: Ep . 57.9, , followed by a quotation of

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Callimachus—i.e., a teacher of poetry; cf. Appendix 1.3. He had evidently abandoned his wife and child (ibid. 1, 10f.). His origin is not stated, but Procopius's conceit and phrasing imply that S. was from Gaza: Procopius urges S. to imitate Odysseus and reseek his Ithaca, adding , (ibid. 4ff.).

By the conjecture of Garzya and Loenertz, eds., Procopii . . . epistolae pp. xxix, xxxi-xxxii, S. is identified with Hieronymus (q.v., no. 231) the recipient of Ep . 2, 9, 81, 86 and 124, because both are said to have abandoned their families and to have gone to Egypt to teach: for S., see above; for these and the following details concerning Hieronymus, see s.v. This is almost certainly incorrect, since, in the comparable periods of their careers (i.e., when each already had a family and was away in Egypt), S. was teaching at Alexandria, whereas Hieronymus taught at Hermopolis; and S. was clearly a gramm., whereas Hieronymus was probably a teacher of rhetoric. In addition, Hieronymus was certainly a native of Elusa, but the available evidence suggests that S.'s "Ithaca" was Gaza (see above). The mss unanimously make S. the recipient of Ep . 57.

143. STEPHANUS. Gramm. Alexandria? 519/38.

PLRE II s.v. 23, p. 1032.

"The learned and believing grammarian Stephen," who brought a letter from "Thecla the Countess" to Severus of Antioch in the period of the latter's banishment (519-38) at Alexandria; cf. Ep . 9.3, trans. E. W. Brooks, The Sixth Book of the Select Letters of Severus Patriarch of Antioch (London, 1903-4) 2.423f. S. was perhaps therefore active at Alexandria also. The style Severus gives him suggests that S. was a Monophysite Christian.

144. STEPHANUS. Gramm. Constantinople. s.V ex. / s. VI 1/2.

RE , 2. Reihe, 3.2369-99 (Honigmann); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1084f.; Hunger 1.530f., 2.36f.; PLRE II s.v. 24, p. 1032.

A gramm. (Suda E.3048: ) at Constantinople; see the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, quoted s.v. Orus, no. 111, ad fin. ; cf. also below. Author of the (title: cf. Steph. Byz. s.v. ; Choerobosc. Schol. in Theodos., GG 4:1.305.4; Suda E.3048), a work on toponyms in over fifty books, of predominantly grammatical (etymological, orthographical morphological) interest, surviving in abridged form.

Information concerning the date and activity of S. must be drawn entirely from references in the , a task made difficult by the

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presence of some certain interpolations; for an example, which cannot be earlier than s.IX 1/2, see s.v. Georgius Choeroboscus, no. 201. If the entry s.v. is original, S. taught at Constantinople after Eugenius (q.v., no. 56, for the entry), who is otherwise known to have been active, when already elderly, under Anastasius. The might then be dated late in Anastasius's reign or to the reign of Justinian. If the latter, then more likely early than late in the reign, since Hermolaus (q.v., no. 72) is said to have dedicated an epitome of the work to Justinian. If Hermolaus in fact did so (on the problem, see s.v.), then he might also have added at least some of the references that cannot antedate the reign of Justinian—e.g., s.v. , the name given to Antioch after 526; s.v. , a notice of Peter the Patrician as a contemporary mag. off . and patricius , which must have been written sometime during or after the period 539-50: Peter was appointed mag. off . in 539 and is first attested as patricius in 550 (Procop. Caes. BG 4.11.2); the notice was treated as an interpolation by Meineke in his edition of Stephanus (Berlin, 1849) but was defended as authentic by B. A. Müller, "Zu Stephanos" 339ff. Finally, if Hermolaus added such references, then the reference to Eugenius (above) may have been among them. The problem scarcely allows a certain solution: see further B. A. Müller, "Zu Stephanos"; Honigmann, RE , 2. Reihe, 3.2369.38ff.; PLRE II s.v., noting a term p. q . in the citation of the geographer Marcianus (s.V init.); Baldwin, "Some addenda " (1982) 101, noting a possible term. p. q . in the citation of the historian Priscus (s.V med.).

S. refers s.v. to a discussion ; it is not clear whether this refers to a longer notice s.v. than is now preserved or to an independent work . The seems originally to have been provided with a methodological or analytical preface; cf. s.v. . It is perhaps to this preface rather than to another grammatical work that the analysis () of the name "Thecla" cited by Choeroboscus belonged; cf. Schol. in Theodos., GG 4:1.304.26ff.

S. appears to have been a Christian; cf. s.v. (treated as an interpolation by Meineke in his edition). Cf. also the citations of Eusebius and Synesius s.vv. , respectively.

It is no doubt mere coincidence that S. concerned himself with a grammatical analysis of the name "Thecla" (see above) and that the gramm. Stephanus (q.v., no. 143) brought a letter from "Thecla the Countess" to Severus of Antioch in perhaps the same period.

145. STEPHANUS. Gramm. s.IV / s.VI?

PLRE II s.v. 17, p. 1031.

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Author of Anth. Gr . 9.385 ( in the lemma), a summary of the Iliad in twenty-four lines. Identification of S. with Stephanus (q.v., no. 144) of Byzantium (e.g., by Beckby, ed.) is arbitrary, though S. may belong to the late Roman or early Byzantine period.

146. SUCURO. Gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV init.

PLRE I s.v., p. 859.

Sucuro (Auson. Prof . 10.15), a Latin gramm. of Bordeaux (ibid. tit., vv. 5-10), probably early in s.IV; on the gramm. of Prof . 10, cf. s.v. Concordius, no. 35. He was of libertine birth and a sober and effective teacher (vv. 14-17).

147. SYRIANUS. Constantinople. s.V 1/4.

PLRE II s.v. 2, p. 1050.

A grammaticus Graecus awarded the comitiva ordinis primi and rank of exvicar, 15 March 425 (CTh 6.21.1); honored with the Greek gramm. Helladius and the Latin gramm. Theofilus (qq.v., nos. 67, 154), the sophists Martinus and Maximus, and the iuris peritus Leontius.

+ TER(R)ENTIUS: see no. 262.

TETRADIUS: see no. 263.

148. THALASSUS. Gramm. Bordeaux. s. IV init.

PLRE I s.v., p. 889.

Thalassus: Auson. Prof . 12 tit., v. 1; cf. Green, "Prosopographical Notes" 23. Latin gramm. (Prof . 12 tit.; cf. v. 5) at Bordeaux (ibid. tit.); he was teaching as a iuvenis (v. 5; cf. v. 1, primaeve ) when Ausonius was paroulus (v. 2; cf. v.7, nostro . . . in aevo ). Since Ausonius emphasizes that he has only hearsay knowledge (v. 2, audivi , with v. 5, tantum te fama ferebat ) and virtually no recollection (vv. 2f.) of T., it is no doubt safe to assume that T. was no longer teaching when Ausonius began his education at Bordeaux, in the middle or the latter part of the second decade of s.IV.

T.'s reputation was slight when he was alive (v. 6) and nonexistent by the time Ausonius composed the Prof . (vv. 4, 6).

149. THEOCTISTUS. Lat. gramm. Constantinople? s.V 2/2.

RE , 2. Reihe, 5.1704-5 (Wessner); Sch.-Hos. 4:2.221; PLRE II s.v. 5, p. 1066.

Theoctistus: Prisc. Inst., GL 3.148.2, 231.24; Cassiod. Inst . 1.30.2. Also Theotistus: some mss of Prisc. Inst., GL 2.238.6, 3.231.24; [Acro] in Hor. Serm . 1.5.97. Also Theuctistus or Thostistus: some mss of Prisc. Inst., GL 2.238.6.

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The teacher of Priscian (q.v., no. 126): Inst., GL 2.238.5f., noster praeceptor Theoctistus, omnis eloquentiae decus, cut quidquid in me sit doctrinae post Deum imputo; Inst., GL 3.231.4, teste sapientissimo domino et doctore meo Theoctisto ; cf. in an example, Inst., GL 3.148.2f., ut "ego doceo illum" vel "Theoctistus docet Priscianum. " It is usually assumed that T. taught Priscian at Constantinople, not at Caesarea. As the teacher of Priscian, he must be dated to s.V 2/2.

The author of an Institutio artis grammaticae ; cf. Prisc. Inst., GL 3.231.24f., teste . . . Theoctisto, quod in institutione artis grammaticae docet . The other reference of Priscian, Inst., GL 2.238.5f., doctissime attendit noster praeceptor Theoctistus , on the feminine satura , is probably attributable to the same source; likewise T.'s remarks on orthography alluded to at Cassiod. Inst . 1.30.2. The citation of T. in the scholia of ps.-Acro to Horace, Serm . 1.5.97, [Bari ] civitas est, quae Atbaris dicitur hodieque, ut dixit grammaticus Theotistus , has invited broad speculation concerning T.'s involvement in a fifth-century redaction of the scholia; cf. Wessner, RE , 2. Reihe, 5.1704.55ff.; more skeptically Noske, Quaestiones 271f. But no certain or even very probable conclusions can be drawn, save that the note provides a term. p. q . for recension § of the scholia.

His name suggests that T. was a Christian.

+ THEODORETUS: see no. 264.

+ THEODORETUS: see no. 265.

150. AUR. THEODORUS. Gramm. and advocate. Hermopolis. 398.

PLRE II s.v. 60, p. 1097.

Aur. Theodorus, son of Periodos: PLips . 56 (= Pap.) lines 6, 23. The name "Periodos" is very rare, but a Periodos appears as the father of one Achilleus in the Hermopolite land register of s.IV, PFlor . 1.71.108 = PLandlisten F.108. T. was a gramm. and advocate () at Hermopolis (Pap. 7f.; cf. 24f.); he acted as guarantor for the appearance of his brother, Aur. Taurinus, in an unspecified matter before Aur. Cyrus son of Philammon, decurion () and of Her-mopolis (Pap. 13ff.; cf. 24ff.). This is presumably the Aur. Cyrus son of who is attested in PLips . 39 as at Hermopolis in 390.

The document is dated to 398 (Pap. 1-2). This date and the form of T.'s titulatur, , suggest that , like , is used here to denote an Occupation, meaning "advocate," and not as a general epithet, "learned (man)," "scholar(ly)"; cf. Claus, "S XOL AS TIKOS " 57f.; for contrasting examples, see s.vv. Bonifatius, Philagrius, nos. 22, 117. T. is therefore the last known to bear the name "Aurelius" instead of the higher-status name

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"Flavius"; cf. Keenan, "Names" (1973) 60. For the combination gramm. and advocate, see s.vv. Ausonius, Acilius Glabrio, nos. 21, 64. No conclusions concerning T.'s religion can be drawn from his oath by the of the emperors; cf. POsl . 3.113.5ff. and comment ibid. p. 166; cf. also de Kat Eliassen, "Five Papyri" 55f.

+ THEODORUS: see no. 266.

151. THEODOSIUS. Gramm. Alexandria. s.IV ex. / s.V init.

PLRE II s.v. 3, pp. 1099f.

Theodosius, , friend of Synesius, mentioned by the latter in a letter to his brother, Euoptius, at Alexandria in 402: Ep . 4, p. 645 Hercher. On the date of the letter, cf. Lacombrade, Synésios , 131ff.

He is perhaps to be identified with Theodosius (q.v., no. 152) the gramm. of Alexandria and author of the introductory rules () on nominal and verbal flexion.

152. THEODOSIUS. Gramm. Alexandria. s.II ex. / s.V ex.; perhaps s.IV ex. / s.V init.

RE , 2. Reihe, 5.1935 (Gudeman); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.1078f.; Hunger 2.11ff.; cf. PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 1099.

Theodosius, : inscr. of the . Also or frequently in Choerobosc. Schol. in Theodos., GG 4:1.103-417, 4:2.1-371; similarly in Sophronius's excerpts of the scholia of Ioannes Charax, GG 4:2.375-434. Also : cod. Paris. gr. 2542, fol. 11^r , inscr. of a version of the of Choeroboscus (cf. Hilgard, GG 4:2, lxx); codd. Matrit. 38, Barocc. 179, Haun. 1965 of the epitome of Herodian (see below). Also : catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7. Some mss of the have , a name under which T. is sometimes cited by Urbanus Belluensis; cf. Hilgard, GG 4:2, vii-viii.

T. is later than Herodian, whom he cites (GG 4:1.97.1f.) and of whose he perhaps made an epitome (see below). T.'s paradigmatic analysis of (GG 4:1.43-82) had been excerpted and added as a supplement to the of Dionysius Thrax (GG 1:1.125ff.) by the end of s.V, when the Armenian version of Dionysius was written; cf. Merx, GG 1:1, lxxii-lxxiii. He is perhaps to be identified with Theodosius (q.v., no. 151) mentioned by Synesius in a letter to his brother at Alexandria in 402 (Ep . 4, p. 645 Hercher). On the identification, see esp. Oguse, "Papyrus" 85ff.

Author of , an extension of Dionysius Thrax used as a school text by Ioannes Charax, Georgius Choeroboscus (qq.v., nos. 199, 201), and many later gramm.

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(GG 4:1.3-99). Also conjecturally the author of the treatise appended as a supplement to the text of Dionysius Thrax: so Laum, Alexandrinische Akzentuationssystem 27f. Very doubtfully the author of an epitome of Herodian's attributed to T. in three mss (listed above) of s.XV / s.XVI; cf. Cohn, RE 2.1154.4ff.; cf. also s.vv. Arcadius, Aristodemus, nos. 16, 188. On the farrago commentationum grammaticarum falsely attributed to T. in codd. Paris. gr. 2553 and 2555, see Uhlig, GG 1:1, xxxvi-xxxvii. He is listed under the general heading in the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7. On the relationship between the and the grammatical papyri, see Roberts, PRyl . 3 p. 170, with the amplifications and corrections in PHamb . 2.166 (p. 116 n. 1); Oguse, "Papyrus" 86; P. J. Parsons, "School-Book" 145f. Cf. also Wouters, Grammatical Papyri .

153. THEODOSIUS. Gramm. Panopolis(?). Not before s.IV?

PLRE I s.v. 2, p. 902.

Theodosius , on a stele of unknown provenance, RIGCE no. 325; cf. Crum, Coptic Monuments no. 8361 p. 84. Lefebvre assigned the stele on stylistic grounds to Akhmîm (Panopolis; cf. RIGCE p. xxvii).

The inscr. shows that T. was a Christian; he is therefore probably to be dated to s.IV / s.VI. The second column of the inscr. contains mostly illegible remains of an epitaph in verse. T.'s name and a reference to his can be distinguished in lines 2 and 5, respectively.

154. THEOFILUS. Constantinople. s.V 1/4.

PLRE II s.v. Theophilus 4, p. 1109.

Theofilus, [grammaticus ] Latinus , awarded the comitiva ordinis primi and the rank of ex-vicar, 15 March 425 (CTh 6.21.1); honored with the Greek gramm. Helladius and Syrianus (qq.v., nos. 67, 147), the sophists Martinus and Maximus, and the iuris peritus Leontius.

^* THEON: see no. 267.

THEOPHILUS: see s.v. THEOFILUS, no. 154.

THESPESIUS: see no. 268.

155. TIBERINUS. Gramm. . 358.

RE , 2. Reihe, 6.790 (Ensslin); Wolf, Schulwesen 32; Petit, Étudiants 8 5; PLRE I s.v., p. 913.

The subject of Lib. Ep . 337 (an. 358), Tiberinus (Ep . 337.1, 2) taught the poets: Ep . 337.1, . He was therefore a gramm.

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T. was a native of the province governed by Maximus (= Maximus 14, PLRE I, p. 582) in 358, viz., Arabia; cf. Ep . 337.1, ; ibid. 2, . When Libanius wrote the letter T. was teaching in Antioch: Ep . 337.1, .

Since T.'s son, Archelaus, was of an age to be sued or otherwise harassed on his own account in 358 (Ep . 337.2), T. was probably at least middle-aged at the time, and so roughly contemporary with Libanius.

T. is said to bring glory to his homeland by his teaching: Ep . 337.1, . His enemies are said to show no respect for the business of culture or, consequently for T.: Ep . 337.2, .

156. TIMOTHEUS. Gramm. and poet(?). Gaza. s.V ex. / s.VI init.

RE , 2. Reihe, 6.1339-40, concerned almost exclusively with the zoological work (Steier); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.974f., 1077; Hunger 2.13, 18f., 265; PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 1121.

Gramm. of Gaza in the reign of Anastasius: Suda T.621, ; cf. loan. Tzetzes Chil . 4.171f., p. 132 Leone, .

Gaza: scholium to the of Ioannes (q.v., no. 83) of Gaza, p. 135 Friedländer, ; cod. Coislin. 387 = Cramer, Anecd. Paris . 4.239.14, ; cod. Barocc. 50 = Cramer, Anecd. Oxon . 4.263.17, ; scholia to the glossary falsely attributed to St. Cyril (see below), ; Cedrenus 1.627.8f. Bekker, the catalogue of gramm. in Kröhnert, Canones 7, ; also in the extracts of the in Suppl. Aristot . 1:1 and in Graff, "Mittheilung" (see below).

According to the Suda and Cedrenus he composed a addressed to Anastasius on the quinquennial tax in gold (collatio lustrails ); cf. Suda T.621, [sc. ] ; Cedrenus 1.627.8f., . This was probably an oration lamenting the horrors of the tax; for this sense of , cf. Dion. Hal. De Thuc . 18 (p. 351.22f. Usener), noted at Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.974 n. 9; cf. also LSJ s.v. II, 2. Compare Philost. V. soph . 2.9 (p. 582), where is used of Ael. Ariel. Or . 19, Aristides' letter to Marcus concerning aid for earthquake-stricken Smyrna (Philostratus quotes a phrase from Or . 19.3); is also given as the title of Ael. Arist. Or . 18 () in the paradosis. For recent dissent, see Baldwin, "Some addenda " (1982) 101, who would prefer to see in T.'s "a rare example of

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dramatic writing in early Byzantium." The question of genre should be able to be resolved, since this is presumably the work noted as partially preserved in a ms "" on Mt. Athos: Sathas, 1.271, . Anastasius abolished the collatio lustralis in May 498 (cf. Stein, "Kleine Beiträge" 583; Histoire 2.206f.); Cedrenus therefore cannot be correct when he places both the and the abolition in the first year (ut vid .) of Anastasius's reign (491/92), attributing the abolition to the effects of T.'s work. Since the collatio lustralis was levied at an emperor's accession and then every four or five years during his reign (cf. Jones, LRE 431f., with ibid. 432 n. 52 for evidence of quadrennial levies in s.V), T.'s efforts were probably occasioned by a levy marking Anastasius's accession in 491, or perhaps by a levy ca. 495, which would then have been the last. In either case, Cedrenus has misleadingly associated the abolition with the composition in Anastasius's first year.

T. was also the author of a in four books, in hexameters according to the Suda T.621: ; cf. cod. Barocc. 50 = Cramer, Anecd. Oxon . 4.263.17ff., [sic ] ; scholium to Ioan. Gaz. , p. 135 Friedländer, ; Ioan. Tzetzes Chil . 4.169ff., p. 132 Leone. The work survives only in extracts or paraphrases: Lampros, Suppl. Aristot 1:1; Haupt, "Excerpta" 8ff., trans. Bodenheimer and Rabinowitz, Timotheus ; Graff, "Mittheilung" 23ff., reprinted in Haupt, "Excerpta" 29f.; Cramer, Anecd. Oxon . 4.263.17ff. These give no sign that it was originally composed in verse. On the work, cf. Steier, RE , 2. Reihe, 6.1340.5ff.; Bodenheimer and Rabinowitz, Timotheus 7ff.

T. composed , dependent on Herodian; cf. Cramer, Anecd. Paris . 4.239.15ff., with Egenolff, Orthographischen Stücke 6ff. Note also the cited under T.'s name in the scholia to the so-called Cyril-glossary in codd. Vallicell. E 11, Laurent. LIX 49; cf. Reitzenstein, Geschichte 296. A ms inscribed is listed in Spyridon of the Laura and S. Eustratiades, Catalogue 177 no. 1113, cod. I 29 fol. 52^r ff.

In various scholia to the Cyril-glossary T. is identified as the student of Horapollon, and Horapollon is identified as his teacher; see Reitzenstein, Geschichte 296. If this is correct, chronology requires that the younger gramm. of that name be meant; cf. s.v. Fl. Horapollon, no. 78. How much the information can be trusted, however, is unclear. As Reitzenstein pointed out, although the scholiast refers to Diogenianus, Herodian, Aristophanes, and Horapollon as well as to Timotheus, he

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appears to have had firsthand knowledge only of T.'s work and to owe his references to the others to citations embedded therein. If the younger Horapollon is meant, T. may have referred to him as or the like in the course of transmitting some pieces of viva voce instruction, since Fl. Horapollon is not otherwise known to have left any technical writings; cf., e.g., s.v. Aelius Donatus, no. 52, for Jerome's calling Donatus praeceptor meus when repeating one of the gramm.'s classroom comments. Alternatively, T. may have referred to one or another of the technical writings of the elder Horapollon, perhaps the ; see s.v., no. 77, and Reitzenstein, Geschichte 313-16. The teacher-student relationship, that is, may be merely an inference of the scholiast; cf. the catalogue of gramm. in cod. Bern. 243, Anecd. Helv. = GL 8, cxlix, where "Honoratus" (= Servius), "Sergius," Maximus (= Maximus[?] Victorinus), and "Metrorius" (qq.v., nos. 136, 255, 274, 239) are all called the discipuli of Donatus. On the difficulty of evaluating third-party allegations of teacher-student relationships, see also s.vv. Damocharis, Romanus, nos. 42, 129.

157. TRIPHIODORUS. Gramm. and poet. Panopolis(?). s.III / s.IV.

RE , 2. Reihe, 7.178-80 (Keydell); Chr.-Sch.-St. 2:2.971; Hunger 2.109; cf. PLRE II p. 1126.

Tryphiodorus: mss of the (ed. Gerlaud); Suda T.1111. Probably incorrectly for "Triphiodorus," a name derived from the goddess Triphis, worshipped at Panopolis and its environs; cf. Keydell, RE , 2. Reihe, 7.178.28ff. A and epic poet from Egypt: Suda T.1111.

T. was formerly dated to s.V 2/2 on the basis of his alleged dependence on Nonnus in the and of his alleged influence on Col(l)uthus. That opinion must be revised because of the discovery of a papyrus fragment of vv. 391-402 of the , POxy . 41.2946; cf. the remarks of the editor, J. R. Rea, pp. 9f. The fragment is datable on paleographic grounds to s.III / s.IV. Also important for a revised dating is the conspectus of the relationship between Nonnus and T. presented by Alan Cameron, Claudian app. D, 478ff.; cf. also Livrea, "Per una nuova edizione." Nonnus must now be regarded as later than T. The influence of T. on Gregory Nazianzen that has been detected (cf. Gerlaud, ed., Triphiodore 55 n. 3) would establish a term. a. q . of s.IV med.-2/2. A term. p. q . for T. is provided by his familiarity with the work of Quintus of Smyrna, who is to be dated to s.III; cf. Vian, ed., Quintus 1, xxi-xxii.

Besides the extant , other works attributed to T. at Suda T.1111 are , a , and an . For the character of the last, cf. Suda N.261. He is probably to be identified with the second Tryphiodorus catalogued in the

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Suda , at T.1112, ; cf. Keydell, RE , 2. Reihe, 7.181.1-6.

TROILUS: see no. 269.

158. AUR. TROPHIMUS. Teacher. Altintas^[*] (Kurtköy; Phrygia). s.III 2/2 / s.IV.

Aur. Trophimus son of Eutyches, subject of one of three funeral epigrams inscribed on an altar belonging to a single family at Altintas^[*] (Kurtköy), in central Phrygia, ca. 35 km SSE of Kütahya (Cotyaeum): Kaibel 372 = SEG 6.137. Speaking as the author of his own epitaph and of that of his wife, Aur. Tatia (= SEG 6.138), T. describes himself as , SEG 6.137.4f.; cf. ibid. 28f., . Since T. was apparently not a Christian (cf. ibid. 6ff.), should mean secular wisdom, and T. was probably a small-town schoolmaster; cf. Buckler, Calder, and Cox, "Asia Minor" 53ff. This is a common meaning of ; compare, e.g., s.vv. Coluthus, Theodosius, Timotheus, nos. 33, 153, 156. For the phrase, cf. , Dörner Bericht no. 137, 1f. (Bithynion / Claudiopolis).

A term. p. q . of s.III med. is provided by the devotion of T.'s granddaughter to the Novatian sect (SEG 6.140.32f.). The religious history of T.'s family, which finds T. a pagan and the next two generations openly Christian, might suggest that the group of inscriptions belongs to the end of s.III and the first half of s.IV; cf. Buckler, Calder, and Cox "Asia Minor" 53ff., with discussion and stemma of the family; for other Novatian inscriptions in Phrygia, see Calder, "Epigraphy," in Buckler and Calder, eds., Anatolian Studies 74ff.; Haspels, Highlands app. 3 no. 50, with p. 207.

T. evidently died at an advanced age; cf. SEG 6.138.2ff., his wife dead at age seventy in the same year; with ibid. 137.24-25.

STATIUS TULLIANUS: see no. 270.

CURTIUS VALERIANUS: see no. 271.

159. VERECUNDUS. Gramm. Milan. 384-87.

RE , 2. Reihe, 8.2419 (Ensslin); PLRE I s.v., p. 950; cf. Martindale, "Prosopography" 251.

An intimate (familiarissimus noster ) of Augustine; a civis and gramm. of Milan during Augustine's time there. Nebridius (q.v., no. 104) was his assistant teacher; cf. Conf . 8.6.13.

V. possessed an estate outside Milan, Cassiciacum, which Augustine used as a place of rest and study in preparation for his baptism; cf. Conf .

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9.3.5, De ord . 1.2.5, De beat. vit . 4.31. He is praised for his benevolentia singularis at De ord . 1.2.5.

V. very much desired to join Augustine in baptism but could not bring himself to abandon his marrige (Conf . 9.3.5-6). In 387, when Augustine had left Milan for Ostia, V. fell ill, was baptized, and died: Conf . 9.3.5; cf. Ep . 7.4, where V. is mentioned as familiaris quondam noster in a parallel with mortuae res .

V. has been identified with the unnamed grammaticus of Milan (= Anonymus 6, no. 172) to whom Augustine refers at Serm . 178.7.8 (PL 38.964); cf. Courcelle, Recherches 84 n. 2. Note, however, that the gramm. of the anecdote is emphatically described as paganus and is sharply distinguished from his proscholus (assistant), who is a Christian: sed plane Christianus, quamvis ille esset paganus grammaticus: melior ad velum quam in cathedra . The description scarcely suits V., who is described at Conf . 9.3.5 as nondum Christianus , a phrase that in Augustine's usage denotes one who is neither paganus nor plane Christianus but is decidedly closer to the latter; cf. nondum Christianus of Nebridius, Conf . 9.3.6. The identification is likely wrong; the identification of the Christian assistant with Nebridius (q.v., no. 104) is certainly wrong. There was presumably more than one gramm. active at Milan in the late 380s.

See further s.v. Nebridius; cf. s.vv. Anonymus 5, 6, nos. 171, 172.

160. VERONICIANUS. Gramm. Antioch. s.VI init.

RE 3.309 (Schmid); PLRE II s.v. 3, p. 1157.

A gramm., mentioned in Dionysius of Antioch Ep . 3 Hercher; the phrasing suggests that he was at Antioch with Dionysius: . Schmid, RE 3.309, confuses V. with the homonymous successor of the philosopher Chrysanthus mentioned in Eunap. V. phil . 24.1-2.

161. VICTOR. Gramm. Cirta / Constantina (Numidia). s.IV 1/4.

RE , 2. Reihe, 8.2058 no. 6 (Ensslin); PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 957; Prosop. chrét . I s.v. 1, p. 1152.

V.'s interrogation on 13 December 320 by the consularis Numidiae Zenophilus is recorded in Gesta apud Zenophilum, CSEL 26.185ff.; extracts of the Gesta are found also in Aug. C. Cresc . 3.29.33 = CSEL 26.185.4-8, 186.16-187.5, 187.15-21, 188.35-189.8, 192.21-24. The Gesta includes quotations from the record of proceedings (acta ) of 19 May 303 in which V. was also involved; see below.

Questioned about his condicio by Zenophilus, V. responded, professor sum Romanarum litterarum, grammaticus Latinus (185.9-10); he is called grammaticus also at 185.6, 188.15ff., 195.7. Questioned about his dignitas , V.

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replied (185.10ff.) that his father had been a decurion of Constantina; his grandfather, a soldier in the comitatus . His family was of Moorish descent.

V. taught at Cirta (186.20f., the acta of 19 May 303) = Constantina (185.11f., the gesta of 13 Dec. 320); for the change of the city's name, cf. s.v. Probus(?), no. 127. He was at Carthage for an unknown purpose and length of time in 312; cf. 185.17ff., cum essem apud Carthaginem, Secundus episcopus cum Carthaginem tandem aliquando venisset, dicuntur invenisse Caecilianum episcopum nescio quibus non recte constitutum, illi contra alium instituerunt . A gramm. already in 303 (188.15ff., in the acta of 303), he was still teaching in 320 (the gesta of 320); it is unlikely that he was born much later than ca. 283.

A lector in the church of Cirta at the time of the Great Persecution (186.8-9, 188.29ff.), V. was accused thereafter of being a traditor (186.3ff.), i.e., one of those who handed over the Scriptures to the persecutors for destruction. Against the evidence of the acta , which implicated him (186.15ff.), V. repeatedly denied the charge, claiming that he had hidden during the persecution and that the sacred codices were removed from his house in his absence (186.4-11, 188.34, 192.21). He did, however, implicate Silvanus (192.21ff.), who had been subdeacon in 303 and was bishop in 320.

Despite his social standing (honestas , 185.14), he was threatened with torture by Zenophilus: 186.14-15, simpliciter confitere, ne strictius interrogeris .

VICTOR: see no. 272.

^* VICTORINUS: see no. 273.

+ MAXIMUS(?) VICTORINUS: see no. 274.

162. VICTORIUS. Assistant teacher. . s.IV 2/3.

RE , 2. Reihe, 8.2086 (Ensslin); Booth, "Notes" 249; PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 965.

Victorius (Auson. Prof . 22 tit., v. 1); assistant teacher, subdoctor sive proscholus (ibid. tit.), of Ausonius: v. 17, exili nostrae fucatus honore cathedrae . On the distinction between subdoctor and proscholus , cf. s.vv. Nebridius, Anonymus 5, nos. 104, 171. His post gave him a taste of being a gramm.: v. 18, libato tenuis nomine grammatici .

I here interpret nostrae of v. 17 with Booth, "Notes" 249, as a reference to Ausonius's chair of grammar, not to Bordeaux in general; contra , e.g., "in our city," trans. Evelyn-White in the Loeb edition. In either case, V. was certainly teaching in Bordeaux, and the doubts expressed on that point in PLRE I s.v. are unfounded. From Bordeaux he went to Sicily and Cumae, where he died (vv. 19-20). It is not clear whether he taught after leaving Bordeaux.

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An assistant to Ausonius when the latter was a gramm. (vv. 17-18; cf. above), V. must have taught at Bordeaux between ca. 336/37 and ca. 366/67, presumably—since Ausonius was still a gramm.—nearer the beginning of that period. His death was premature (vv. 15-16).

Ausonius says that V. neglected Cicero (i.e., rhetoric), Vergil (i.e., poetry), and Roman history in favor of his interest in religious antiquities and pontifical law (vv. 3-14). This interest suggests that V. was a pagan.

163. VIRGILIANUS. Gramm. Not before s.IV ex. / s.V.

PLRE I s.v., p. 969.

The son of Vibius Sequester (q.v., no. 254), to whom the latter dedicated his glossary De fluminibus, fontibus, lacubus, nemoribus, paludibus, montibus, gentibus per litteras (ed. Gelsomino [Leipzig, 1967]). Since the glossary concerns only names that occur in poetry (see s.v. Sequester), and since Sequester promises his son quo lecto non minimum consequeris notitiae, praesertim cure professioni tuae sit necessarium (p. 1.13f.), V.'s professio would appear to have demanded knowledge of the geographic details contained in poetic texts; i.e., he was probably a gramm. The work is unlikely to have been written before the end of s.IV. On the date, and on the misattribution of V.'s profession in PLRE I, see s.v. Sequester.

+ URBANUS: see no. 275.

164. URBANUS. Lat. gramm. . s.V 3/3 / s.VI 1/4.

PLRE II s.v. 2, p. 1188.

"L'admirable Urbanus, qui est aujourd'hui, dans cette ville impériale [= Constantinople], professeur de grammaire latine," Zach. Schol. Vie de Sévère , p. 37.8f.; cf. Kugener, ibid. n. 4, "mot à mot: 'grammairien () de la science de la langue des Romains ()'"; cf. also p. 15 n. 1.

He was baptized in Alexandria one Easter (Zach. Schol. Vie de Sévère p. 37.4ff.) when Zach. and Severus were students there, probably in 486; cf. s.v. Fl. Horapollon, no. 78. If, as is likely, U. also was a student at the time, he was probably born ca. 470. He was a gramm. at Constantinople by the time the biography of Severus was composed, i.e., sometime after 512. He is therefore probably to be identified with Urbanus the gramm. who received a doctrinal letter from Severus in 516/17; an extract preserved in a Syriac version has been published with an English translation as Ep . 44 by E. W. Brooks, PO 12.310ff. If the identification is correct, U. was a Monophysite Christian; the letter's tone is one of instruction for a coreligionist rather than of polemic against an opponent.

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165. URBICUS. Lat. and Gr. gramm. Bordeaux. s.IV med.

PLRE I s.v. 1, p. 984.

Urbicus: Auson. Prof . 21 tit., v. 11. A grammaticus Latinus et Graecus : ibid. tit.; cf. below. Where he taught is not stated, but since Staphylius (q.v., no. 140) is noted as the single exception to Ausonius's lex commemorandi in the Prof . (cf. Prof . 20.1-4; cf. also s.v. Concordius [no. 35], s.v. Staphylius), and since U. and his colleague Crispus (q.v., no. 40) are not said to have taught elsewhere, U. must have taught at Bordeaux; cf. s.v. Crispus. PLRE I gives Bordeaux as the place where Crispus taught (s.v., p. 232) but queries "(?) Bordeaux" s.v. Urbicus, p. 984. U. was probably active s.IV med.; cf. s.v. Crispus.

On the structure of Prof . 21 and the correct attribution of the skills of U. and Crispus, see s.v. Crispus. Ausonius describes U. in the following terms. His Greek was superior to his Latin (vv. 10-12). In Greek, he possessed a skill in prose and verse (v. 14, prosa . . . et versa loqui ) that was able to recall the priscos . . . heroas of Homer—the brevity of Menelaus, the volubility of Odysseus, the sweetness of Nestor (vv. 13-24). This is perhaps a reference to the genre of ethopoeia or to the school exercise of recasting in prose or in verse select passages from the classical texts; cf. Aug. Conf . 1.17. Together with his colleague Crispus, U. is further credited (vv. 25-28) with fluency in speech (loqui ladles ) and with learning in omnia carmina , in the mython plasmata , and in historia ; both men are said to have been of libertine birth (liberti ambo genus ).

Perhaps the father of Urbica, a follower of Priscillian stoned to death at Bordeaux in 385; see Prosper Chron . 1187, Chron. min . 1.462. Cf. Prosper ibid. and Auson. Prof . 5.35-38, with Booth, "Notes" 238f., for the involvement in Priscillianism of the wife and daughter of the rhetorician Delphidius of Bordeaux.

166. URSULUS. Gramm. Trier. 376.

RE , 2. Reihe, 9.1067-68 (John); PLRE I s.v. 2, p. 988.

Ursulus: Auson. Epist . 13 tit., v. 26. A grammaticus who taught six hours a day at Trier: ibid. tit., v. 10. Since his expertise is not specified, he presumably taught Latin—not Latin and Greek; Ausonius presents that combination of skills as the special glory of U.'s colleague Harmonius (q.v., no. 65): vv. 31f., Cecropiae commune decus Latiaeque camenae, / solus qui Chium miscet et Ammineum .

Through the intercession of Ausonius (ibid. tit., vv. 1-4), U. received the emperor's New Year's gift (strenae ) in the amount of six solidi : v. 5, regale nomisma, Philippos ; cf. Milne, "'Philippus.'" For the amount, cf. vv. 6-24.

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Epist . 13 is probably to be dated not long after 1 January 376, when Ausonius was QSP ; cf. ibid. tit., with v. 3; see further s.v. Harmonius.

ZOSIMUS: see no. 276.

^* 167. ANONYMUS 1. Gramm. Anazarbus (Cilicia). s.IV 1/3.

Gramm. of Anazarbus whose dealings with the Arian Aetius are described in some detail at Philostorg. HE 3.15; called in the derivative passage ap . Nic. Call. HE 9.17 (PG 146.289C-D). During Aetius's wanderings, when he was making his living as a goldsmith, the gramm. received him into his house and agreed to teach him his in return for Aetius's service as a domestic: . Aetius, however, publicly embarrassed the gramm., who thereupon drove him from his house.

The gramm. was evidently a Christian, perhaps a Homoousianist, since the falling out was occasioned by Aetius's charge that the gramm. misunderstood Scripture: . Aetius was thereupon immediately received by Athanasius the Arian bishop of Anazarbus.

According to the sequence given by Philostorgius, the episode should probably be placed ca. 332. Aetius arrived in Anazarbus soon after being expelled from Antioch by the bishop Eulalius, the short-lived successor of Paulinus of Tyre; Paulinus himself had died only six months after succeeding Eustathius, who had been deposed ca. 330/31: thus Philostorg. HE 2.7 and 3.15, with the evidence of Nicetas Thesaur . 5.9; see p. 19.23ff. in Philostorgius, Kirchengeschichte ed. Bidez and Winkelmann (3d ed., Berlin, 1981). On the date of the deposition of Eustathius, cf. Devreesse, Patriarcat 115f.; LThK 3.1202 (van Roey). The chronology of the Antiochene see is, however, immensely confused for the periods immediately preceding and following the episcopacy of Eustathius. For different accounts, see Jer. Chron . s.a. 328; Soc. HE 1.24 and 2.9; Soz. HE 2.19; Theodoret. HE 1.21; Theoph. Chron . p. 29.26 de Boor. On any reckoning, A.'s encounter with Aetius must be dated after the Council of Nicaea (325).

^* 168. ANONYMUS 2. Gramm. Antioch. 329-34.

The gramm. ( for Libanius's usage, see Appendix 2) with whom Libanius read Aristoph. Acharn . when he was twenty, i.e., in late 334, by which time he had been studying with the man for five years: Or . 1.9. On the chronology, cf. Booth, "À quel âge?" Possibly identical with one or the other of the two gramm. with whom Libanius is otherwise known to have studied, Cleobulus and Didymus (qq.v., nos. 32, 46).

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^* 169. ANONYMUS 3. Gramm. Antioch. s.IV 1/3-2/3.

Father of the gramm. Calliopius (q.v., no. 25) and of Alexandra; teaching with his son at Antioch in 361: Lib. Ep . 625, 678. See further s.v. Calliopius, esp. for the family's standing and connections.

^* 170. ANONYMUS 4. Gramm. . s.IV med.

A gramm. from Africa teaching at Rome; described by Jerome, C. Rufin . 3.27. He was a vir eruditissimus , but his speech was marred by the accents of his native land, stridor linguae eius et vitia . . . oris , which one of his students thought it proper to imitate. Perhaps Jerome meant to suggest that the gramm.'s accent showed the influence of Punic; he regularly uses stridor or stridulus to characterize the sound of Semitic languages, including Punic: see esp. Ep . 130.5, stridor Punicae linguae , with Ep . 125.12, Comm. Galat . 3 prol., V. Hilarion . 22, Comm. Is . 4.11, Comm. Tit . 3; cf. also Aug. De ord . 2.45.

The anecdote must date to Jerome's days as a student at Rome, from the mid- or late 350s through the mid-360s; it is conceivable but unlikely that Jerome here refers under the cover of anonymity to his own teacher Aelius Donatus, who was possibly of African origin (see s.v., no. 52).

^* 171. ANONYMUS 5. Proscholus grammatici . Milan. 384/86.

The proscholus (attendant or assistant) of a pagan gramm.; hero of an edifying tale told by Augustine, Serm . 178.7.8 (PL 38.964), of the time of his tenure at Milan (nobis apud Mediolanum constitutis ). On the distinction between subdoctor and proscholus , see Clarke, Higher Education 27 n. 105; but cf. also Heraeus, Kleine Schriften 93f.

He was plane Christianus and pauperrimus . The pagan gramm. was probably not Verecundus; the proscholus was almost certainly not Augustine's friend Nebridius; see s.vv. Nebridius, Verecundus, nos. 104, 159; cf. s.v. Anonymus 6, no. 172.

If constitutis in Serm . 178.7.8 refers to Augustine's position as an official rhetorician at Milan, the episode can be dated between autumn 384 and autumn 386. If the meaning is less precise, the term . a. q . will be mid-387.

^* 172. ANONYMUS 6. Gramm. Milan. 384/86.

A gramm. of Milan in a story told by Augustine, Serm . 178.7.8 (PL 38.964), of the time of his tenure in that city (nobis apud Mediolanum constitutis ). A paganus himself, he had a Christian assistant (= Anonymus 5, no. 171). It has been suggested that A. is Augustine's friend Verecundus, but that is probably wrong; see s.v. Verecundus, no. 159.

For the term. a. q . of the anecdote, see s.v. Anonymus 5.

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^* 173. ANONYMUS 7. Gramm. Egypt (Hermopolis?). s.V 2/2.

"The lord grammarian," , mentioned in a letter (SB 12.11084 = Maehler, "Menander" 305ff. = Pap.) dated On the basis of the script (Maehler, "Menander" 305) to s.V 2/2 and sent by Victor, apparently an advocate or rhetorician at Hermopolis (cf. Pap. 6-8), to Theognostus, probably of the same profession: cf. Pap. 4, . Victor reminds Theognostus to return certain rhetorical handbooks that he had borrowed: Pap. 9ff. and verso, with Maehler, "Menander" 308ff. "Elias . . . the slave of the lord grammarian" (Pap. 4ff.) is to act as courier. It is not stated whether Elias has been sent on the errand from Hermopolis or is to come directly from the unnamed place of Theognostus's residence. The former seems more likely, since Victor offers the services of Elias; the opening clause, (Pap. 4ff.), might suggest that Elias himself brought the letter to Theognostus. If so, Elias's master is possibly one of the two gramm. attested at Hermopolis in s.V 2/2, Fl. Her. . . and Fl. Pythiodorus (qq.v., nos. 68, 128).

^* 174. ANONYMUS (ANONYMI?) 8. Gramm. Egypt. s.V / s.VI.

In an account, PSI 8.891.10, , "one solidus to the grammaticus "—or grammatici ? Cf. Vitelli, ed., ad loc ., "forse i due k indicano un plurale (?)." Note, however, that every other payment in the account is to one person, and that no one receives less than one solidus . The purpose and the source of the payments are not specified, although the paying agents in the separate parts of the account are named in lines 2, 8, 14, and 17.

^* 175. ANONYMUS 9. Gramm. Aphrodito(?). s.VI.

"My master the gramm.," mentioned in a private letter from an unknown writer to an unknown recipient, concerning(?) an accident and injury suffered by another unknown party: PCairMasp . 1.67077.13ff., . . . .

^* 176. ANONYMUS 10. Schoolmaster. Rome. s.IV 2/2 / s.VI.

A [ma ]gister ludi , Christian: ICVR 1.1242 = CIL 6.9530 (cf. ILCV 718 n.) = ICVR , n.s., 2.5129.

^* 177. ANONYMUS 11. Schoolmaster. Rome. s. VI init.(?).

A [m ]agister ludi litterarii , Christian, died 516: ICVR 1.1167 = CIL 6.9529 = ILCV 717 = ICVR , n.s., 2.5020, line 2, [NO]N. FEB. CON. FL. PET[RI] = an. 516; so De Rossi ad loc . in ICVR , against the reading FL. PH[ILIPPI] = an. 348 or 408.

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+ 178. ANONYMUS 12. Schoolmaster. Syceon (Galatia I). s.VI 2/3-3/4.

Teacher at Syceon in the hinterland of Anastasiopolis, ca. 19 km from the city in Galatia I; cf. Georg. presb. Vie de Théodore de Sykéon , ed. Festugière, §5, ; §7, . He taught Theodore his letters from his eighth until his twelfth year: §5, and ; §10, . He was active, therefore, in s.Vl 2/3-3/4, since Theodore was born in the reign of Justinian. He held class in the morning and in the afternoon, with a break for the midday meal. Theodore's desire to fast and his attempts to avoid returning home at mealtime brought the teacher into conflict with Theodore's mother.

Cf. s.v. Philumenus, no. 120.

^* ANONYMI 13-17: see nos. 277-81.

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