1. P. M. Holt, Egypt and Fertile Crescent, 1516–1922: A Political History (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1966), 67.

2. Hourani, “Ottoman Reform,” 47–50.

3. The word Tanzimat has come to denote a vaguely delimited period in Ottoman history characterized by these changes, generally accepted to span from 1839 to 1876.

4. Halil İnalcık, “The Application of the Tanzimat and its Social Effects,” Archivum Ottomanicum 5 (1973): 127.

5. Ibid., 110.

6. As regional autonomies were eliminated, the Tanzimat leaders intended to prevent the newly appointed governors from acquiring excessive powers and setting down roots in the provinces. See Moshe Ma’oz, “The Impact of Modernization on Syrian Politics and Society during the Early Tanzimat Period,” in William R. Polk and Richard L. Chambers, Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: The Nineteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 335–42.

7. Joseph S. Szyliowicz, “Changes in the Recruitment Patterns and Career Lines of Ottoman Provincial Administrators during the Nineteenth Century,” in Studies on Palestine during the Ottoman Period, ed. Moshe Ma’oz (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1975), 264–65.

8. Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (London: Oxford University Press, 1961), 375.

9. Âli Pasha, the strongest of Tanzimat statesmen and long-time grand vizier (prime minister), was the son of a shopkeeper in İstanbul. As a child he attended the local religious school but was unable to complete it because he had to take a job to support the family as a scribe. Meanwhile, he learned some French from a Greek physician. His familiarity with French and his diligence at his job helped him to attract the attention of his superiors and to enter the Translation Bureau. İbrahim Alaettin Gövsa, Türk Meşhurları Ansiklopedisi (Ankara: Yedigün Neşriyat, n.d.), 34; İnönü Ansiklopedisi (Ankara: Maarif Matbaası, 1948), 2:92; Abdurrahman Şeref, Tarih Musahebeleri (İstanbul: Matbaa-ı Âmire, 1923), 88.

10. Stanford J. Shaw, “Some Aspects of the Aims and Achievements of the Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Reformers,” in Polk and Chambers, 37.

11. İsmail Hami Danişmend, İzahlı Osmanlı Tarihi Kronolojisi (İstanbul: Türkiye Yayınevi, 1961), 4:528. İlber Ortaylı argues that the Turkish element started to become ascendant in the administration in the eighteenth century. See İmparatorluğun En Uzun Yüzyılı (İstanbul: Hil, 1987), 58.

12. Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 9.

13. Hourani, “Ottoman Background,” 10; Sir Hamilton Gibb and Harold Bowen, Islamic Society and the West (London: Oxford University Press, 1963), (pt. 2): 83, 100.

14. See Butrus Abu Manneh, “The Islamic Roots of the Gülhane Rescript,” Die Welt des Islams 34 (1994). One âlim who kept pace with the transformation of the Ottoman institutions was the father of Sati‘ al-Husri, famous as the ideologue of twentieth-century pan-Arabism. Muhammad Hilal al-Husri, a native of Aleppo, was a graduate of al-Azhar and served for several years as kadı (judge) in Aleppo. He later passed the necessary examinations to serve in the new courts and was appointed to various posts in Arab as well as Anatolian provinces. In Husri’s home, in keeping with the tradition of Ottoman bureaucrats, the language spoken was Ottoman. See Cleveland, Sati‘ al-Husri, 12–15.

15. Confronted with the problem of distinguishing Arabs from Turks in her study of the Arab graduates of the Mülkiye (Civil Service School), Corinne Blake used “self-definition,” i.e., in which country an individual (or if already deceased, his family) chose to live after World War I. “Training Arab-Ottoman Bureaucrats: Syrian Graduates of the Mülkiye Mektebi, 1890–1920,” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1991), 291.

16. Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid Marsot, A Short History of Modern Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 53.

17. Engin Akarlı, “The Problems of External Pressures, Power Struggles, and Budgetary Deficits in Ottoman Politics under Abdulhamid II, 1876–1909: Origins and Solutions” (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1976), 20–21.

18. Land grants for service in the cavalry and administration. According to Norman Itzkowitz, in the fourteenth century “most of the high ranking positions in the state were concentrated” in the hands of tımar holders. See Norman Itzkowitz, Ottoman Empire and Islamic Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 15.

19. The second Ottoman method of elite formation, based on the levy of boys from newly conquered Christian territories (devşirme), did not apply to the Arab areas.

20. Roderic Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856–1876 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1963), 228–30.

21. Alexander Schölch, “Ein Palästinischer Repräsentant der Tanzimat-Periode: Yusuf Diya’addin al-Halidi (1842–1906),” Der Islam 57 (1980): 311–21.

22. His father was an officer in Muhammad ‘Ali’s service. At sixteen Raşid went to Paris for his studies and subsequently found employment in the Translation Bureau in İstanbul. See Max L. Gross, “Ottoman Rule in the Province of Damascus, 1860–1909” (Ph.D. diss., Georgetown University, 1979), 119–25.

23. Schölch, 314.

24. Zirikli, Khayr al-Din, Al-a‘lam: qamus tarajim li ashhar al-rijal wa al-nisa’ min al-‘arab wa al-musta‘ribin wa al-mustashriqin (Cairo, 1954–1959), 2:362.

25. Filip de Tarazi, Tarikh al-sihafa al-‘arabiyya (Beirut: Al-Matba‘a al-Adabiyya, 1913), 2:269.

26. Şerif Mardin, The Genesis of Young Ottoman Thought (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962), 105, 115, 134.

27. Hourani, Arabic Thought, 67.

28. Ibid., 149–92.

29. Antonius, 47–54.

30. Hourani, Arabic Thought, 101. Butrus Abu Manneh convincingly argues that Bustani was an Arabist culturally but a committed Ottomanist politically. “The Christians Between Ottomanism and Syrian Nationalism: The Ideas of Butrus al-Bustani,” IJMES 11 (1980): 293–97.

31. Tibawi, 11; Tibi, 104.

32. Hourani, “Ottoman Reform,” 61.

33. Mumtaz Ayoub Fargo, “Arab-Turkish Relations from the Emergence of Arab Nationalism to the Arab Revolt, 1848–1916” (Ph.D. diss., University of Utah, 1969), 86. The Tanzimat governments made special provisions for schools opened in the Arab provinces. In 1867 the literary Arabic that was taught to all students in the teacher’s school in İstanbul (founded in 1847) was deemed insufficient for the purposes of instructors going to the Arab provinces. As an experiment, the Ministry of Education proposed to send ten students to Aleppo and Damascus to gain practice in colloquial Arabic. The Council of State recommended instead that ten Arab students be recruited from Syria to attend the school. Further, the council suggested that conversational Arabic be offered in the teacher’s school, to be taught by Hamid al-‘Alusi of Baghdad, who was presently at the Mülkiye. Osman Ergin, Türk Maarif Tarihi (İstanbul: Eser, 1977), 2:573.

34. Enver Ziya Karal, Osmanlı Tarihi (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1962), 8:497.

35. Niyazi Berkes, The Development of Secularism in Turkey (Montreal: McGill University, 1964), 221; Lewis, 339.

36. See I. E. Petrosyan, “On the Motive Forces of the Reformist and Constitutionalist Movement in the Ottoman Empire,” in Jean-Louis Bacqué-Grammont and Paul Dumont, eds., Economie et sociétés dans l’empire ottoman (Paris: CNRS, 1983), 13–24.

37. Robert Devereux, The First Ottoman Constitutional Period (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1963), 123. Devereux’s book is the most comprehensive existing account of the 1877–78 Parliament.

38. Ibid., 124; see also Hasan Kayalı, “Elections and the Electoral Process in the Ottoman Empire, 1877–1919,” IJMES 27 (1995): 266–71.

39. The parliamentary records as they were made public in the official government paper, Takvim-i Vekai, were not only edited but also censored. They were collected in Hakkı Tarık Us, ed., Meclis-i Mebusan, 1293–1877, 2 vols. (İstanbul: Vakit, 1940 and 1954).

40. According to Kemal Karpat, the debates “provided a unique insight into the philosophical-ideological orientation of the Empire’s newest social group, the middle class.” “The Ottoman Parliament of 1877 and Its Social Significance,” in Actes du 1er congrès des études balkaniques et sud-est européennes (Sofia, 1969), 247.

41. Parliament was composed of a Chamber of Deputies (meclis-i mebusan) and a Senate, or Chamber of Notables (meclis-i ayan).

42. One hundred and nineteen in the first session; 113 in the second.

43. Devereux, 140–41. These statistics are based on the 1877 salname (official yearbook).

44. These disparities can be explained by the degree of politicization in the various provinces. In determining the size of contingents, İstanbul seems to have taken into consideration the interest evinced for constitutional government in (or on behalf of ) the various provinces as well. This is particularly obvious in the case of the European provinces, most of which were highly overrepresented.

45. ‘Abd al-Rahim Badran, an Arab deputy from Syria, mentions in a speech that he is originally from the ethnically mixed Diyarbakır; but he is an Arab. There is no indication that any of the deputies from the two areas with Arab “minority” populations, Adana and Diyarbakır, were of Arab descent.

46. Manuk Karaja of Aleppo was Armenian.

47. Henceforth, the word Chamber will refer to the Chamber of Deputies, the elected lower house.

48. In the selection of the one candidate to which the independent sancak of Jerusalem was entitled, for instance, Ziya al-Khalidi’s rival was a member from the other prestigious family of the town, the Husaynis, known for their conservatism. Schölch, 315.

49. He expressed his objection to the clause in the internal regulations stipulating that the presidents of the arbitrarily divided groups in Parliament be the oldest member in each group. He went on to suggest that group membership should be functional rather than arbitrary, and that each deputy should be active in a group in line with his professional qualifications.

50. Us, 1:26. I/3 (first term, third sitting), 23 March 1877.

51. Ibid., 1:37. I/5, 25 March 1877.

52. Ibid., 2:349. II/25, 8 February 1878.

53. Devereux, 182.

54. Us, 2:24–25. “Preliminary meeting,” 17 December 1877. (The second session started officially on 31 December 1877.)

55. Ibid., 2:68. II/4, 3 January 1878.

56. Ibid., 2:184. II/14, 23 January 1878; Devereux, 215.

57. Us, 2:187. II/14, 22 January 1878.

58. Ibid., 2:30–31. II/1, 31 December 1877.

59. Ibid., 2:86. II/5, 5 January 1878.

60. Ibid., 1:29. I/3, 23 March 1877.

61. During the deliberations on the draft of a press law, he proposed to replace the stipulation of one to three years’ imprisonment for press items prejudicial to the sultan’s rights and privileges with three to fifteen years’. Ibid., 1:236. I/28, 12 May 1877.

62. Ibid., 2:209. II/16, 24 January 1878.

63. For instance, in denouncing the declaration of war by Russia (Ibid., 1:173–84. I/21 and I/22, 25–26 April 1877); on elections for administrative councils (1:72. I/10, 1 April 1877); on the government policy in regard to printing presses (1:201. I/24, 7 May 1877); on tax reform (2:235–36. II/18, 28 January 1878).

64. Tibawi, 150.

65. Particularly Ahmad and ‘Abdullah in the first session. See Us, 1:117. I/15, 16 April 1877; 1:178. I/21, 25 April 1877; 1:201. I/24, 7 May 1877; 1:275. I/34, 22 May 1877; 1:318. I/41, 31 May 1877.

66. Ibid., 1:390. I/54, 21 June 1877.

67. Ibid., 1:344. I/46, 9 June 1877; 1:380. I/51, 16 June 1877.

68. Ibid., 1:363. I/49, 13 June 1877.

69. Most deputies represented landowning families and must have been concerned about issues of security pertaining to their social class. Ibid., 2:112. II/8, 10 January 1878.

70. Ibid., 2:132. II/9, 12 January 1878; 2:252. II/19, 29 January 1878; 2:266. II/20, 30 January 1878; 2:410. II/24, 6 February 1878. For an account of the development of Beirut in this period, see Leila T. Fawaz, Merchants and Migrants in Nineteenth-Century Beirut (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983).

71. Devereux, 247; Us, 2:410.

72. Us, 2:411. One of the five, Manuk Karaja, an Armenian Christian, was not an Arab, though he probably was Arabophone.

73. Butrus Abu Manneh, “Sultan Abdulhamid II and Shaikh Abulhuda al-Sayyadi,” Middle Eastern Studies 15 (1979): 137.

74. Us, 2:222–23. II/17, 26 January 1878.

75. Fritz Steppat, “Eine Bewegung unter den Notabeln Syriens, 1877–78,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, supplementa I, 17 (1969): 634. (See p. 33.)

76. Tarık Zafer Tunaya, Türkiye’nin Siyasi Hayatında Batılılaşma Hareketleri (İstanbul: Yedigün, 1960), 45.

77. Devereux, 240; Mümtaz Soysal, 100 Soruda Anayasa’nın Anlamı (İstanbul: Gerçek, 1969), 28.

78. S. Tufan Buzpınar, “Abdulhamid II, Islam and the Arabs: The Cases of Syria and the Hijaz (1878–1882)” (Ph.D. diss., University of Manchester, 1991), 314–15.

79. Moshe Ma’oz, Ottoman Reform in Syria and Palestine, 1840–1861 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 35.

80. Fuad Pasha, one of the Tanzimat’s three leading statesmen, together with Mustafa Reşid Pasha (whose protégé he was) and Âli Pasha, served as governor of Syria after the civil war of 1860 in Mount Lebanon and Damascus. (See Gross, 31.) Cevdet Pasha, historian, jurist, and reformer, was entrusted with the application of the 1864 Provincial Law in the newly created province of Aleppo. In 1869 Midhat Pasha was sent to Iraq with the same purpose. Serasker and Minister of the Navy Namık Pasha, Grand Vizier Kıbrıslı Mehmed Emin Pasha, Grand Vizier Mehmed Kamil Pasha, and Foreign Minister Mehmed Reşid Pasha, the friend of the Khalidi family, had careers during the Tanzimat period as governors in the provinces of Greater Syria. (See Stanford J. Shaw and Ezel Kural Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, vol. 2, Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey, 1808–1975 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977], 64–66, 164, 506; Ma’oz, “Impact of Modernization,” 355; Tibawi, 139.)

81. Shaw and Shaw, 85; Ma’oz, Ottoman Reform, 45–57.

82. Ma’oz, Ottoman Reform, 81–86.

83. Ma’oz, “Impact of Modernization,” 343.

84. Holt, 253.

85. Karal, 331.

86. Britain concluded agreements with the Sultan of Oman in 1891 and the shaykh of Kuwait in 1899, supported in Najd ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn al-Sa‘ud against the İstanbul-backed Rashidi family, and established friendly relations with the Zaydi imam of Yemen. (See Yusuf Hikmet Bayur, Türk İnkilabı Tarihi [Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1983], 1:133–36, 147–49). For an extensive account of the British presence in the Persian Gulf, see Briton Cooper Busch, Britain and the Persian Gulf (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967). As Feroz Ahmad argues, the informal British agreement with Shaykh Mubarak of Kuwait was not recognized internationally. See “A Note on the International Status of Kuwait before November 1914,” IJMES 24 (1992): 181–85.

87. Colmar Freiherrn von der Goltz, “Stärke und Schwäche des türkischen Reiches,” Deutsche Rundschau, 93 (1897), 114–16; Antonius, 78.

88. Von der Goltz, 109.

89. Antonius, 79. See, for instance, Shimon Shamir, “Midhat Pasha and Anti-Turkish Agitation in Syria,” Middle Eastern Studies 10 (1974).

90. Antonius, 86. See also Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 52; Steppat, 637–40.

91. Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 54.

92. Tibawi disagrees with Antonius’s claim that these placards were written and distributed by the Christians and that they had a revolutionary aim. (Tibawi, 166).

93. Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 53.

94. Jacob M. Landau, “An Arab Anti-Turk Handbill, 1881,” Turcica 9 (1977): 215–27.

95. John Dickson’s dispatch to the Foreign Office, quoted in Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 58.

96. Shamir, 124.

97. Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 54.

98. Tibawi, 159, quotes PRO. FO 78/1389. J. Skene to P. Alison (31 July 1858); also Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 59. The consul mentioned that “[t]he Mussulman population of northern Syria hope for a separation from the Ottoman Empire and the formation of a new Arabian state under the sovereignty of the sharif of Mecca.”

99. The handbill examined by Landau had made its way to European consulates in Algeria, Khartoum, and Baghdad. As Landau surmises, this did not signify a widespread movement but an attempt to recruit [Europe’s] support.

100. Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 53.

101. Khoury, 23–30.

102. Ibid., 47.

103. Karal, 332.

104. Butrus Abu Manneh, “The Rise of the Sanjak of Jerusalem in the Late Nineteenth Century,” in The Palestinians and the Middle East Conflict, ed. Gabriel Ben-Dor (Ramat Gan, 1978), 26.

105. Khoury, 51.

106. Berkes, 263; Buzpınar, 31–32.

107. “Arap milletinden neşet etmiş bir milletiz.”

108. Us, 2:210. II/16, 24 January 1878.

109. Hourani, Arabic Thought, 139.

110. Ibid., 269.

111. Sylvia G. Haim, ed., Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1964), 27; Tibawi, 184; Hourani, Arabic Thought, 272.

112. Dawn, Ottomanism, 135–41.

113. Berkes, 314–15; David Kushner, The Rise of Turkish Nationalism, 1876–1908 (London: Frank Cass, 1977), 27–30.

114. A. D. Jeltyakov [Zheltiakov], Türkiye’nin Sosyo-Politik ve Kültürel Hayatında Basın (1729–1908 Yılları) (İstanbul [?]: Hürriyet, n.d.), 70–71.

115. Ercümend Kuran, “The Impact of Nationalism on the Turkish Elite in the Nineteenth Century,” in Polk and Chambers, 114.

116. Abu Manneh, “Sayyadi,” 148. Most literary activity occurred in Egypt and was carried out by Syrian immigrants who fled censorship.

117. Karal, 543; Shaw and Shaw, 260.

118. In 1900 the Turcologist Necib Asım wrote, “We must…turn first, like the Arabs, the French, and all European nations, to our own ‘mother tongue.’ ” Kushner, 44.

119. Yusuf Akçura, Üç Tarz-ı Siyaset (İstanbul: Matbaa-ı Kader, 1327 [1911]) (first published in 1904 in the newspaper Türk in serialized form); Berkes, 322; E. Kuran, 116.

120. Hourani, Arabic Thought, 278–79.

121. However, the expressions Young Ottoman and Young Turk are used here too, as well as in established scholarship, to refer to the two distinct periods of the opposition movement. See also Karal, 511, for a discussion on the use of these terms and Karl Blind, “The Prorogued Turkish Parliament,” North American Review 175 (1902): 42.

122. One such attempt took the life of its principal perpetrator, Ali Suavi, who had been one of the leading Young Ottomans. See Mardin, Genesis, 360–84. Another member of the early circle, Ali Şefkati, barely saved his life after a second aborted attempt and fled to Geneva. Ahmed Bedevi Kuran, İnkılap Tarihimiz ve Jön Türkler (İstanbul: Tan, 1945), 18–23.

123. On the pan-Islamic thrust of this journal, see Jacob M. Landau, The Politics of Pan-Islam (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 60–62.

124. M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, The Young Turks in Opposition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 41–42. This is a revised translation of Hanioğlu’s Osmanlı İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyeti ve Jön Türklük, 1889–1902 (İstanbul: İletişim, 1986). The author also discusses Arabs in the liberal movement in his “The Young Turks and the Arabs before the Revolution of 1908,” in Khalidi et al., 31–49. See also A. B. Kuran, Jön Türkler, 24.

125. Caesar Farah, “Censorship and Freedom of Expression in Syria and Egypt,” in Nationalism in a Non-National State, ed. William Haddad and William Ochsenwald (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1977), 161.

126. Tarazi, 2:264.

127. Farah, 161; Zirikli, 6:115.

128. Tarazi, 2:250–53; Hourani, Arabic Thought, 269. For a retrospective accusation of these intellectuals, who explicitly or implicitly upheld Arab-Islamic ideas, for having exploited national feeling to further their personal interests, see Muhammad Jamil Bayhum, Qawafil al-‘urubba wa mawakibuha khilal al-‘usur (Beirut: Matba‘a Kashaf, 1950), (pt. 2): 19. Sabunji also published a journal called Al-ittihad al-‘arabi (Arab Unity).

129. Tarazi, 2:270–71.

130. Şerif Mardin, Jön Türklerin Siyasi Fikirleri, 1895–1908 (Ankara, 1964), 17; Karl Blind, “Young Turkey,” Fortnightly Review 66 (1896): 835.

131. Mardin mentions, however, that Ghanem was in charge of the French bulletin La France Internationale, which was published in France with funding from Abdülhamid (Jön Türklerin, 17).

132. Hourani, Arabic Thought, 264.

133. See his memoirs, Ahmed Rıza Bey’in Anıları (İstanbul: Arba, 1988), 10. Ahmed Rıza was the leader of the procentralization faction of the Young Turks. His ideological influence in the 1908 Revolution was paramount, but after 1908 he was phased out of positions of power in the government and in the CUP.

134. Berkes, 307; Karal, 527.

135. E. E. Ramsaur, The Young Turks: Prelude to the Revolution of 1908 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1957), 24, 37, 52.

136. Kuran, Jön Türkler, 29; Erik Jan Zürcher, The Unionist Factor: The Role of the Committee of Union and Progress in the Turkish National Movement (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1984), 16.

137. Mehmed Murad Bey was better known as Mizancı Murad because he edited a paper called Mizan (Balance).

138. In 1897 Faris capitulated to Hamidian enticement to accept the concession for the water supply of the city of Beirut and abandoned opposition temporarily. See Hanioğlu, Young Turks in Opposition, 43–44.

139. Mardin, Jön Türklerin, 18; Hanioğlu, Young Turks in Opposition, 45–46.

140. Hanioğlu, İttihad ve Terakki, 105–8.

141. Abu Manneh, “Sayyadi,” 145–46.

142. Abu Manneh, “Christians,” 299.

143. Rıza refrained from a closer cooperation with Faris, possibly because he viewed the latter’s Parti Constitutionnel to be too Syria-centered to further the broader aims of the Union and Progress Society.

144. Sina Akşin, 100 Soruda Jön Türkler ve İttihat ve Terakki (İstanbul: Gerçek, 1980), 28.

145. Hans Kohn, Western Civilization in the Near East (New York: Columbia University Press, 1936), 264; Elie Kedourie, “The Impact of the Young Turk Revolution on the Arabic-Speaking Provinces of the Ottoman Empire,” in Arabic Political Memoirs and Other Studies, by E. Kedourie (London: Frank Cass, 1974), 125–26.

146. Mardin, Jön Türklerin, 91.

147. Ibid., 18–20.

148. Ghanem said: “We Arabs know that if [the Franks (al-afranj )] enter our country, in a couple of years our territories will be in their hands; and they will rule it [ yatasarrafuna] as they wish. As for Turks, they believe in our religion and are acquainted with our customs. In their four centuries [ajyal ] of rule they did not take an inch of our property to their possession. They left to the inhabitants their land, their property, their industry, and their commerce. The Arabs have benefitted from the trade of the Turks and from our uninterrupted bond. Would it be right for us to replace them with someone else?…It is only those who want to curry favor with the ruler who accuse the Muslims with the [wish to] establish an Arab state and the Christians with conspiring with the foreign ers.…The Arab intellectuals and notables have no wish for their umma to live other than within the domain of Ottoman interests.” Al-mu’tamar al-‘arabi al-awwal (Cairo: al-Matba‘a al-Salafiyya, 1913), 61; Bayhum, 19.

149. Karal, 517.

150. Ramsaur, 81–90; Lewis, 201.

151. Blind, “Turkish Parliament,” 42; Ramsaur, 68.

152. Ramsaur, 125.

153. These included the aforementioned Tunisian reformer Khayr al-Din Pasha (grand vizier) and al-Qudsi (second secretary) as well as ‘Izzat al-‘Abid (later second secretary), Abulhuda al-Sayyadi (Aleppine Sufi propagandist), Muhammad Zafir (Tunisian Islamic propagandist), and Najib Malhama. See Karal, 544–45; Landau, Pan-Islam, 70–71; and Engin Akarlı, “Abdülhamid II’s Attempt to Integrate Arabs into the Ottoman System,” in Palestine in the Late Ottoman Period: Political, Social, and Economic Transformation, ed. David Kushner (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, 1986), 77–78.

154. The sultan employed Christian Arabs in his service (rather than members of the less-trusted Christian groups) to demonstrate that he did not forsake the empire’s non-Muslim population.

155. İbrahim Temo, İttihad ve Terakki Cemiyetinin Teşekkülü ve Hidemat-ı Vataniye ve İnkilab-ı Milliye Dair Hatıratım (Mecidiye, 1939), 151. The brother of Najib, Salim, was minister of the mines. See Akarlı, “Abdülhamid II’s Attempt,” 78.

156. Those whose property had been confiscated because of their refusal to abandon their damaging antigovernment publications and to return to the empire included the names of Salim Sarkis and Najib Hindi, a Chaldean from Syria. (A. B. Kuran, Jön Türkler, 148.) Others like Faris, Sabunji, and Muwaylihi were rewarded with government posts and economic concessions for leaving the ranks of the opposition. See also M. Şükrü Hanioğlu, Doktor Abdullah Cevdet ve Dönemi (İstanbul: Üçdal, n.d. [1982]), 210.

157. Ibid., 210.

158. Tarık Zafer Tunaya, Türkiye’de Siyasi Partiler, 1859–1952 (İstanbul, 1952), 109; Temo, 45; Kuran, Jön Türkler, 31. According to Kuran, he was known as “Arap Ahmedi” in İstanbul.

159. Ahmed Bedevi Kuran, İnkılap Tarihimiz ve İttihat ve Terakki (İstanbul: Tan, 1948), 160.

160. Ibid., 62.

161. Temo, 51.

162. This group survived a crackdown by the Hamidian police in 1907. In 1909, when they graduated from the War Academy soon after the abortive counterrevolution in April (see chapter 2), they were arrested for their sympathies for Prince Sabahaddin. Several of them escaped from İstanbul to go to Morocco and accepted duties as officers in the Moroccan army. Of ten officers whose names are cited, three were from Arab provinces: Ramzi and Hilmi from Damascus and Mahmud Nadim from Tripoli. See Kuran, Jön Türkler, 221–31, 282–85.

163. Hourani, Arabic Thought, 205.

164. See Mardin, Jön Türklerin, 59–65; A. B. Kuran, İttihat ve Terakki, 158, on fluctuations in the khedivial policy vis-à-vis the Young Turks. The Prince Sabahaddin group contacted the khedive in 1902 to seek his assistance for an attempt to dethrone Abdülhamid. ‘Abbas Hilmi received the plan favorably, but it did not materialize for other reasons. See Kuran, Jön Türkler, 160.

165. Rıza, 19; Kuran, İttihat ve Terakki, 136–37, 204–5, 215–17; M. Hanefi Bostan, Said Halim Paşa (İstanbul: İrfan Yayınevi, 1992), 21–26.

166. Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 50–51; Hanioğlu, Abdullah Cevdet, 54.

167. Hanioğlu, Abdullah Cevdet, 134–42.

168. Wajih Kawtharani, Al-ittijahat al-ijtima‘iyya al-siyasiyya fi jabal lubnan wa al-mashraq al-‘arabi, 1860–1920 (Beirut: Ma‘had al-Inma’ al-‘Arabi, 1978), 163.

169. Zeine, Arab Nationalism, 50–51.

170. A. B. Kuran, İttihat ve Terakki, 216.

171. Akşin, 53.

172. A. B. Kuran, İttihat ve Terakki, 131, 186.

173. Kawtharani, 152; Mustafa al-Shihabi, Muhadarat fi al-isti‘mar (Cairo: Matba‘a Nahda, 1957), 37.

174. For an account of this deportation, see Ali Fahri, Emel Yolunda (İstanbul: Müşterek el Menfaa Osmanlı Şirketi Matbaası, 1328 [1910]).

175. Zürcher, 19, cites the following organizations: Medeniyet-i İslamiye Cemiyeti of Rodoslu Süleyman in Syria, the Arabian Revolutionary Committee of Kuşçubaşı Eşref in the Hijaz, and Vatan Cemiyeti of Mustafa (Cantekin) in Damascus. See also Kuran, Jön Türkler, 32.

176. Hanioğlu, “Young Turks and Arabs,” 38. Maghmumi became one of the key figures in the early Unionist movement in Europe. See also Hanioğlu, Young Turks in Opposition, 106–9.

177. See David Commins, “Religious Reformers and Arabists in Damascus, 1885–1914,” IJMES, 18 (1986): 405–25, and Islamic Reform: Politics and Change in Late Ottoman Syria (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).

178. Commins, “Religious Reformers,” 410; Mustafa al-Shihabi, Muhadarat ‘an al-qawmiyya al-‘arabiyya (Cairo [?]: al-Jami‘a al-‘Arabiyya, 1959), 50.

179. Al-Shihabi, Muhadarat fi al-isti‘mar (Cairo, 1957), 2:36; Commins, Islamic Reform, 93. Bedri Bey, a teacher at the military school, was appointed governor of Monastir after the 1908 Revolution. See Muhammad Sa‘id al-Bani, Tanwir al-basa’ir bi sirah al-shaykh tahir ([Damascus]: Matba‘a al-hukuma al-‘arabiyya al-suriyya, 1920), 127–28.

180. Commins, “Religious Reformers,” 411, quoting Fakhri al-Barudi, Mudhakkirat al-barudi (Beirut: 1951–52), 1:29–32.

181. İbrahim Temo, an Albanian student at the medical school and one of the founders of the Ottoman Union, reports a particular exchange of blows that ended in the imprisonment of the winners, the provincial contingent. Temo, 12.

182. Although many of the Arab students were from prominent families, they were from the less well off branches of these families. See Commins, “Religious Reformers,” 412; Khoury, 68.

183. Mardin, Jön Türklerin, 40.

184. Ergin, 3:892–94.

185. Ali Çankaya, Mülkiye Tarihi ve Mülkiyeliler (Ankara: Örnek, 1954), 356–57.

186. Ibid., 3:892.

187. Ergin, 2:617.

188. Also, an Aşiret Mektebi (Tribal School) was established with this purpose in 1892. Karal, 401. On Abdülhamid’s personal relationship with Arab chiefs, see Akarlı, “Abdülhamid II’s Attempt,” 81, 86.

189. Hourani, Arabic Thought, 264–65, 275.