1. P. K. Kanosa, “Banyama—Copper Belt Myth Terrifies the Foolish,” Mutende [Lusaka] 38 (1936) (National Archives of Zambia [henceforth cited as NAZ], SEC2/429, Native Affairs: Banyama). Luanshya was the town around Roan Antelope Mine.

2. Rik Ceyssens, “Mutumbula: Mythe de l’opprimé,” Cultures et développement 7 (1975): 484–95.

3. Bruce S. Fetter, “The Lualabourg Revolt at Elisabethville,” African Historical Studies 2, 2 (1965): 273; J.-L. Vellut, “Le Katanga industriel en 1944: Malaises et anxiétés dans la société coloniale,” in Le Congo belge durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale [= Bijdragen over Belgisch-Congo tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog] (Brussels: Académie royale des sciences d’outre-mer, 1983), 501–3; and John Higginson, “Steam without a Piston Box: Strikes and Popular Unrest in Katanga, 1943–45,” Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies 21, 1 (1988): 101–2. Whether these “Americans” were actually thought to be from the United States or whether they were a gloss for ancestors is impossible to tell from the many transcriptions and translations these accounts have undergone. For both possibilities, see George Shepperson, Myth and Reality in Malawi (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1966), and Wyatt MacGaffey, “The West in Congolese Experience,” in Philip Curtin, ed., Africa and the West: Intellectual Responses to European Culture (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press), 49–74.

4. W. V. Brelsford, “The ‘Banyama’ Myth,” NADA 9, 4 (1967): 52.

5. Charles W. Coulter, “The Sociological Problem,” in J. Merle Davis, ed., Modern Industry and the African: An Enquiry into the Effect of the Copper Mines of Central Africa upon Native Society and the Work of Christian Missions Made under the Auspices of the Department of Social and Industrial Research of the International Missionary Council (London: Macmillan, 1933), 59–78.

6. Albert B. K. Matongo, “Popular Culture in a Colonial Society: Another Look at mbeni and kalela Dances on the Copperbelt, 1930–1960,” in Samuel N. Chipungu, ed., Guardians in the Time: Experiences of Zambians under Colonial Rule (London: Macmillan, 1992), 180–217. On 1930s labor protests in East and Central Africa, see Frederick Cooper, On the African Waterfront: Urban Disorder and the Transformation of Work in Colonial Mombasa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), and Ian Henderson, “Early African Leadership: The Copperbelt Disturbances of 1935 and 1940,” J. Southern Afr. Studies 2, 1 (1975): 83–97.

7. Rosaleen Smyth, “Propaganda and Politics: The History of Mutende during the Second World War,” Zambian J. of History 1 (1981): 43–60; NAZ, SEC2/1127, Native Newspapers.

8. Kanosa, “Banyama—Copper Belt Myth Terrifies the Foolish.”

9. Margery Perham, African Apprenticeship: An Autobiographical Journey in Southern Africa, 1929 (London: Faber & Faber, 1974), 217.

10. Kathryn Hulme, The Nun’s Story (Boston: Little, Brown, 1956), 214. Even tales of African cannibalism were revised to be about whites eating blacks. An American medical missionary among the Tatela in the 1920s heard the story of a “pygmy chief” who was “surprised by a visit of the State Commissioner at a time when he happened to have no meat to offer him. He determined not to fail in hospitality to the white man, so he cooked one of his nicest wives to make a feast for his guest” (Janet Miller, Jungles Preferred [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1931], 102).

11. James Ferguson, “Mobile Workers, Modernist Narratives: A Critique of the Historiography of Transition on the Zambian Copperbelt,” J. Southern Afr. Studies 16, 3 and 4 (1990): 385–412, 603–21, notes that although most colonial Copperbelt researchers asked and answered these and many more questions about long-term lives on the Copperbelt, they nevertheless accepted rhetoric about phases of migrancy and stabilization; see also George Chauncey, Jr., “The Locus of Reproduction: Women’s Labor in the Zambian Copperbelt, 1927–1953,” J. Southern Afr. Studies 7, 2 (1981): 135–64; Perham, African Apprenticeship, 233; Evidence of the Commission Appointed to Enquire into the Disturbances on the Copperbelt of Northern Rhodesia (Lusaka: Government Printer, 1935) (hereafter cited as Russell Commission), passim; Jane L. Parpart, Labour and Capital on the African Copperbelt (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983), 36, 47–48; Charles Perrings, Black Mineworkers in Central African Industry: Industrial Strategies and the Evolution of the African Proletariat in the Copperbelt, 1911–1941 (New York: Holmes & Meier; London: Heinemann, 1979), 82–89. I have argued elsewhere that stabilization is an employers’ concept that must be read against the grain; the so-called informal sector—hangers-on, brewers, and petty criminals—frequently lived in stable, if illegal, family units beyond the gaze of the mining company and the colonial state; see Luise White, The Comforts of Home: Prostitution in Colonial Nairobi (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 212–17. This chapter argues that both migrancy and stabilization are historians’ concepts that have often obscured the place of bonuses and equipment in workers’ strategies.

12. Johannes Fabian, ed. and trans., History from Below: The Vocabulary of Elisabethville by André Yav (Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1990), 76, 157.

13. Bruce Fetter, The Creation of Elisabethville (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution, 1976), 130–31; Perrings, Black Mineworkers, 102–3.

14. Fetter, Creation of Elisabethville, 80–87.

15. Perham, African Apprenticeship, 212–13; Perrings, Black Mineworkers, 101–2; Ian Henderson, “Early African Leadership: The Copperbelt Disturbances of 1935 and 1940,” J. Southern Afr. Studies 2, 1 (1975): 86–87.

16. Yona Ngalaba Seleti, “Entrepreneurs in Colonial Zambia,” in Samuel Chipungu, ed., Guardians in Their Time: Experiences of Zambians under Colonial Rule (London: Macmillan, 1992), 147–69.

17. R. L. Moffat, district commissioner, Kawambwa, tour report 1, 1938, “Lukwesa and Kapesa Areas: Rhodesian Women in the Belgian Congo” (NAZ, SEC2/872, Kawambwa Tour Reports, 1933–38).

18. P. W. M. Jelf, district officer, Fort Roseberry, tour report, June 1932 (NAZ, SEC2/888); A. R. Munday, district commissioner, Fort Roseberry, Annual Report on Native Affairs, 1934, and Fort Roseberry Annual Report, 1935–37 (NAZ/SEC2/1302). Charles Perrings, “Consciousness, Conflict and Proletarianization: an Assessment of the 1935 Mineworkers’ Strike on the Northern Rhodesian Copperbelt,” J. Southern Afr. Studies 4, 1 (1977): 40–41; Parpart, Labor and Capital, 57; Perrings, Black Mineworkers, 114–16.

19. See esp. Sholto Cross, “The Watchtower Movement in South Central Africa, 1908–1945” (Ph.D. diss., Oxford University, 1973), and Karen Fields, Revival and Rebellion in Central Africa (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985).

20. See, e.g., Charles van Onselen, “Worker Consciousness in Black Miners: Southern Rhodesia, 1900–1920,” J. Afr. History 14 (1973), and I. R. Phimister, “Origins and Aspects of African Worker Consciousness in Rhodesia,” in E. Webster, ed., Essays in Southern African Labour History (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1979), 47–63.

21. Société des Missionnaires d’Afrique, Rome, Diaire of Chilubula, 12 March 1932.

22. Dom Grégoire Coussement, Elisabethville, to X. L. Neve, 8 May 1932, Archives, Saint Andreas Abbey, Bruges.

23. Quoted in Johannes Fabian, Remembering the Present: Painting and Popular History in Zaire (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1996), 50.

24. Gervas Clay, district commissioner, Isoka District, “Memorandum Concerning ‘banyama’ and ‘mafyeka’ with Special Reference to Provincial Commissioner, Kasama’s Confidential File on Banyama and to Incidents in Isoka District during the Latter Part of 1943” (NAZ, SEC2/429, Native Affairs: Banyama, 24 January 1944). By the late 1940s, the kidnapping of children was a widespread anxiety on the Copperbelt, and an Ila novelist noted that parents would pay 30/- for a lost child returned to the mine office; this, of course, gave rise to kidnappers taking children simply to be paid the 30/-. See Enoch Kaavu, Namusiya in the Mines, trans. from the Ila by R. Nabulgato and C. R. Hopgood (London: Longmans, 1949), 66. I am grateful to Bryan Callahan for bringing this passage to my attention.

25. Brelsford, “‘Banyama’ Myth,” 52.

26. Ian Cunnison’s field notes, March 1949. I am grateful to Professor Cunnison for making these available to me.

27. Mwelwa C. Musambachime, “The Impact of Rumor: The Case of Banyama (Vampire Men) in Northern Rhodesia, 1930–1960,” Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies 21, 1 (1988): 205–7n.

28. G. Howe, provincial commissioner, Northern Province, to chief secretary, Lusaka, 8 June 1944 (NAZ, SEC1/1072, Survey of Helminthic Diseases; I am grateful to Bryan Callahan for taking notes on this file for me).

29. Not all accusations against individuals spread beyond a locality however. In 1934, in Isoka District, Harold Cartmel-Robinson was accused of collecting blood for banyama when he ordered a smallpox vaccination campaign; see S. R. Denny, “Up and Down the Great North Road” (typescript, 1970, Rhodes House, Oxford, RH MSS Afr. r. 112), 27–28. A year later, he was appointed to the Russell Commission without incident or accusations that survive, but he developed a healthy respect for the relationship between invasive medical procedures and banyama accusations. In 1944, he warned a British parasitologist about his research on the Copperbelt as “the dangers that such tests might be misunderstood is obvious” (H. F. Cartmel-Robinson, acting chief secretary, to provincial commissioner, Western Province, 20 May 1944, NAZ, SEC1/1072, Survey of Helminthic Diseases). S. R. Denny was the editor of Mutende who commissioned P. K. Kanosa’s “Banyama—Copper Belt Myth Terrifies the Foolish,” the essay about the foolishness of banyama quoted earlier in this chapter.

30. Perrings, Black Mineworkers, 111–12.

31. Sidney Bray, assistant inspector of mines, Evidence, Russell Commission, 810. He was like many others derisive of the skills of white miners, whom he compared unfavorably to the Africans on the training course. White miners were licensed when they showed they had worked on other mines. Brian Goodwin, a miners’ union activist, said it was government policy to allow Africans to sit for blasting licenses in the late 1930s (interview with Jane Parpart, Lusaka, 28 June 1976).

32. E. A. G. Robinson, “The Economic Problem,” in J. Merle Davis, ed., Modern Industry and the African (London: Macmillan, 1933), 131–226, at 164.

33. On the Copperbelt, Town Bemba included rapidly evolving and often short-lived slang words and temporary meanings; see Mubanga E. Kashoki, “Town Bemba: A Sketch of Its Main Structure,” African Social Research 13 (1972): 176–83; A. L. Epstein, “Linguistic Innovation and Culture on the Copperbelt,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 15 (1959): 235–53.

34. T. Dunbar Moodie and Vivienne Ndatshe, Going for Gold: Men, Mines, and Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1994), 61–73. According to a man describing underground conditions in the 1940s, “If you started as a lasher, you lashed until you finished your contract—unless you assaulted the boss boy and took all those first aid badges and put them on yourself and said ‘Hey, lash’” (66–67).

35. See Musambachime, “Impact of Rumor”; Luise White, “Vampire Priests of Central Africa: African Debates about Labor and Religion in Colonial Northern Zambia,” Comp. Stud. Soc. and Hist. 35, 4 (1933): 744–70, and “Tsetse Visions: Narratives of Blood and Bugs in Colonial Northern Rhodesia, 1931–39,” J. Afr. History 36 (1995): 219–45.

36. Thomas Fox-Pitt, “Cannibalism and Christianity” (MS, 1953, Thomas Fox-Pitt Papers, Correspondence, 1952–53, MS 6/5, School of Oriental and African Studies Library, University of London). Fox-Pitt had not been on the Copperbelt in 1930 and reported the official understanding of this panic: “[I]t was thought by the authorities that this scare originated from the visits of a feeble minded European youth to the compounds where he frightened women by sticking them with a blind worm.”

37. Perrings, Black Mineworkers, 106 ff.

38. Evidence, Russell Commission, passim.

39. Laborers sharing tickets, working alternate days, or changing jobs within a mine under a new name were common problems for mine management in colonial Africa; see Jeff Crisp, “Productivity and Protest: Scientific Management in the Ghanaian Gold Mines, 1947–1956,” in Frederick Cooper, ed., Struggle for the City: Migrant Labor, Capital, and the State in Urban Africa (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1983), 91–129.

40. African names did worry officials in Northern Rhodesia. In 1939, the district officer of Luwingu complained about “the native propensity to call himself by any name he thinks his employer may be able to pronounce.” Worse still, African workers called themselves by the name of whatever ancestor they wanted to appease, so it was often impossible to tell from names when family members were related (C. H. Rawstorne, tour report 1/1939, NAZ, SEC2804, Luwingu Tour Reports, 1933–39). Patrick Harris, Work, Culture, Identity: Migrant Laborers in Mozambique and South Africa, c. 1860–1910 (Portsmouth, N.H.: Heinemann, 1994), 59–60, argues that, like their names at home, the names Africans gave themselves in the workplace had to do with individual identities and affiliations.

41. Fabian, History from Below, 154.

42. Perrings, Black Mineworkers, 104. Margery Perham’s reading of this bungled corporate policy inscribes it with the hope of industrialization and the pride of craftsmanship. She writes of visiting a training workshop in Panda:

I could not help comparing…what I had seen of technical instruction in South Africa where the missions try to run workshops to instruct the boys. There is in all of them an atmosphere of unreality, a lack of vitality, because there is no certainty that the boys will be able to continue that work but every certainty that they will never be able to go very far with it. But here I saw genuine apprenticeship, with no limitations upon the native but those inherent in himself.…The reason is quite simple.…There is no permanent white working class to feel themselves being ousted. The white workmen are imported from Belgium and go back to Belgium. (African Apprenticeship, 223)

In 1955 however the newspaper in Lualabourg complained that the Congo had produced neither a black middle class nor black artisans; see Crawford Young, Politics in the Congo: Decolonization and Independence (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1965), 44.

43. John Higginson, A Working Class in the Making: Belgian Colonial Labor Policy, Private Enterprise, and the African Mineworker, 1907–1951 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), 130–45, 257; Perrings, Black Mineworkers, 123–26. Fetter reports another consumption story about how specialized status—the status that carried supervisory status, better wages, and better housing—was allocated. This was done by the European camp manager. There was “no single set of qualifications…established for this position. Thus [a] would-be MOI/S had to find some way of ingratiating himself with his white headmen. Some tried fawning servility while others resorted to black magic. One popular technique was to throw a ritually slaughtered chicken at the white chief’s house. Given the social distance between the personnel department and the African miners, this method was as effective an influence as any other, particularly if the white man could find out which African wanted the job badly enough to sacrifice a Sunday dinner!” (Elisabethville, 148–49).

44. See Moodie and Ndatshe, Going for Gold, passim, and Jeff Guy, “Technology, Ethnicity, and Ideology: Basotho Miners and Shaft Sinking on the South African Gold Mines,” J. Southern Afr. Studies 14, 2 (1988): 254–70.

45. Dom Grégoire Coussement, letters to his mother, 26 July 1931; to Mgsr. G. C. de Hemptinne, 20 July 1931 and 19 July 1932; to the Foyer social indigène, Elisabethville, 19 October 1935 (Archives, Saint Andreas Abbey, Bruges). Johannes Fabian has suggested that the transformation of African miners in TB hospitals may have been a point of origin for rumors about Africans being fattened (personal communication, 22 March 1992).

46. Nancy Rose Hunt, “Negotiated Colonialism: Domesticity, Hygiene, and Birth Work in the Belgian Congo” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin–Madison, 1992, 65–66); id., “‘Le bébé en brousse’: European Women, African Birth Spacing, and Colonial Intervention in Breast Feeding in the Belgian Congo,” Int. J. Afr. Hist. Studies 21 (1988), 401–32; Fetter, Creation of Elisabethville, 145–46.

47. Ceyssens, “Mutumbula,” passim; Dom Grégoire Coussement to Abbot Jean-Baptiste Neve, Saint Andreas, 10 June 1932.

48. Thèrese Mwadi, Katuba, Lubumbashi, 31 March 1991. This is one of four interviews collected for Bogumil Jewsiewicki in Lubumbashi in 1991 that mention batumbula, which he graciously gave to me. I only have the sections referring to batumbula, and I know little about the speakers’ personal histories, but it is not clear how much, if at all, my analysis would change if I knew that one speaker had come to Katanga in 1938, for example, or whether another had been married twice before she came to live in the camp.

49. Kasongo Ngoiy, Cité Gécamines, 9 January 1991.

50. Higginson, “Steam without a Piston Box,” 101–2.

51. Kasongo Ngoiy, Cité Gécamines, 9 January 1991.

52. Joseph Kabila Kiomba Alona, Lubumbashi, 28 March 1991.

53. See, e.g., Ferguson, “Mobile Workers, Modernist Narratives.”

54. H. A. Watmore, tour reports, 3/1932 (NAZ, SEC2/835, Tour Reports, Mpika District, 1931–33); see also Keith Hart, “Heads or Tails? Two Sides of the Coin,” Man, n.s., 21 (1986): 637–56.

55. J. W. Sharratt-Horne, district commissioner, tour report, 6/1932 (NAZ, SEC2/767, Isoka Tour Reports, 1932–33). White ants do eat paper money; see Sharon Hutchinson, “The Cattle of Money and the Cattle of Girls among the Nuer, 1930–1983,” American Ethnologist 19, 2 (1992): 294–316. Africans worried that the new paper notes would be food for insects, while officials worried about what would happen to the hygiene of paper money carried on African bodies; see Keith Breckenridge, “‘Money with Dignity’: Migrants, Minelords, and the Cultural Politics of the South African Gold Standard Crisis, 1920–33,” J. Afr. Hist. 36 (1995): 271–304.

56. Société des Missionnaires d’Afrique, Rome, Diaire de Chilubula, 10, 14, and 24 February 1932.

57. Musambachime, “Impact of Rumor,” 204; Annual Report on Native Affairs, Chinsali District, 1935 (NAZ, SEC2/1298, Annual Report on Native Affairs, 1935–37); Shepperson, Myth and Reality, 7–15, passim; see also Breckenridge, “‘Money with Dignity.’”

58. Perrings, Black Mineworkers, xvii; Perham, African Apprenticeship, 217–18; Fabian, History from Below, 121, 156.

59. George Wellington Rex Lange, safety officer, Nkana Mine, 20 August 1935 (Russell Commission, Evidence, 494).

60. Perham, African Apprenticeship, 224.

61. George Wellington Rex Lange, safety officer, Nkana Mine (Russell Commission, Evidence, 496.)

62. Russell Commission, Report, 34–37. In these pages, “thirty shifts,” “a month,” and “a ticket” are used interchangeably.

63. 53. Michael O’Shea, Missionaries and Miners: A History of the Beginings of the Catholic Church in Zambia with Particular Reference to the Copperbelt (Ndola: Mission Press, 1986), 255–56.

64. George Wellington Rex Lange, safety officer, Nkana Mine (Russell Commission, Evidence, 494–97).

65. James Mutali, Mufulira; Frank Ashton Ayer, Luanshya (Russell Commission, Evidence, passim). Ayer did point out that “naturally what everybody would like to have is the money and the clothing too. This is not confined to natives” (711).

66. Perrings, “Consciousness, Conflict, and Proletarianization,” 46–47.

67. Parpart, Labor and Capital, 66; see also Russell Commission, Evidence, passim.

68. Kanosa, “Banyama—Copper Belt Myth Terrifies the Foolish.”

69. See, e.g., Edgar Morin, Rumor in Orleans, trans. Peter Green (New York: Random House, 1971); Frederick Koenig, Rumor in the Marketplace: The Social Psychology of Commercial Hearsay (Dover, Mass.: Auburn House, 1985), passim; Jean-Noël Kapferer, Rumors: Uses, Interpretations, and Images, trans. Bruce Fink (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1990), passim; Gary Alan Fine, Manufacturing Tales: Sex and Money in Contemporary Legends (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1992), 141–88; Patricia A. Turner, I Heard It through the Grapevine: Rumor in African-American Culture(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993), 108–36, 165–79.

70. Fabian, Remembering, 49–50.

71. Kasongo Ngoiy, Cité Gécamines, 9 January 1991.

72. M. d’Hertefelt, in discussion of William Friedland, “Some Urban Myths of East Africa,” in Allie Dubb, ed., “Myth in Modern Africa” (Proceedings of the 14th Conference of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute for Social Research, mimeographed, Lusaka, 1960), 146.

73. Ceyssens, “Mutumbula,” 489.

74. Moukadi Louis, Katuba III, Lubumbashi, 30 January 1991.

75. Kasongo Ngoiy, Cité Gécamines, 9 January 1991.

76. Karen Tranberg Hansen, “Dealing with Used Clothing: Salaula and the Construction of Identity in Zambia’s Third Republic,” Public Culture 6 (1994): 503–22, and “Transnational Biographies and Local Meanings: Used Clothing Practices in Lusaka,” J. Southern Afr. Studies 21, 1 (1995): 131–45.

77. Quoted in O’Shea, Missionaries, 272.

78. Fabian, History from Below, 107.

79. Mumba Nedi, interviewed in 1966, in Bruce Fetter, field notes, Memorial Library, University of Wisconsin–Madison.

80. Fabian, History from Below, passim.

81. Higginson, Working Class, 182–83.

82. Ibid., 189.

83. Donnay, “Note pour Monsieur Deforny, directeur des mines, incidents Sofwe–Mwale, 17 février 1943” (Archives du personnel, Gécamines, Lubumbashi).The threatening African UMHK workers at Sofwe and Mwale used tu for “you.” For the language used between white managers and African workers, see Higginson, “Steam without a Piston Box.” Copies of the memoranda cited in nn. 83, 84, and 85 here were kindly supplied to me by Dr. T. K. Biaya.

84. E. Toussaint, directeur MOI, “Note pour directeur generale, incidents à Mwale, février 1943” (Archives du personnel, Gécamines, Lubumbashi).

85. S. Schammo, Sofwe camp, “Note pour Monsieur Toussaint, directeur department MOI: Rapport sûr événements survenus au camp Mwale la 14/2/43” (Archives du personnel, Gécamines, Lubumbashi).

86. Joseph Kabila Kiomba Alona, Lubumbashi, 28 March 1991.

87. John Barnes, Fort Jameson, letter to J. Clyde Mitchell, 10 October 1948 (J. Clyde Mitchell Papers, Rhodes House, Oxford, RH MSS Afr. s. 1998/4/1). In the late 1930s, according to one man, Eustace Njbovu, banyama on the Copperbelt used a twig or branch to make Africans follow them (Kapani, Luangwa, 22 July 1990).

88. Peter Fraenkel, Wayaleshi (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson 1959), 200.

89. Hortense Powdermaker, Copper Town: The Human Situation on the Rhodesian Copperbelt (New York: Harper & Row, 1962), 64; Timothy Burke, Lifebuoy Men, Lux Women, Commodification, Consumption and Cleanliness in Modern Zimbabwe (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1996), 161–62; Fraenkel, Wayaleshi, 197–200.

90. Fraenkel, Wayaleshi, 198; Henry Swanzy, “Quarterly Notes,” African Affairs 52, 207 (1953): 111.

91. G. R. Brooks, welfare officer to African personnel manager, Rhodesian Broken Hill Development Co., Ltd., 1 January–7 February 1957. I am grateful to Carter Roeber for making these notes available to me.

92. Brelsford, “‘Banyama’ Myth,” 55.

93. K. D. Leaver, “The ‘Transformation of Men to Meat’ Story,” Native Affairs Dept. Information Sheet No. 20 (Salisbury, November 1960, National Archives of Zimbabwe, No. 36413); Brelsford, “‘Banyama’ Myth,” 53. “Burumatara” is probably Bula Mutari—“breaker of rocks”—the rueful and ironic Congolese name for the officials of the colonial state. By the 1950s, however, it may have carried another meaning: starting in 1946, new production techniques on the Northern Rhodesian Copperbelt created a new category of skilled white labor—the rockbreaker—who was allowed “a personal boy” underground, an African who carried his equipment and ran his errands; see Charles Perrings, “A Moment in the ‘Proletarianization’ of the New Middle Class: Race, Value, and the Division of Labour in the Copperbelt, 1946–1966,” JSAS 17, 2 (1990): 183–213. Pigs, on the other hand, may have had different meanings in the Belgian Congo and Southern Rhodesia. Pigs have long been part of rural rumors in Southern Africa; see Helen Bradford, A Taste of Freedom: The ICU in Rural South Africa, 1924–1930 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), 212, 218, 225–33, 237–41. I would assume that these are categorically different from the pigs of UMHK folklore.

94. A. L. Epstein, “Gossip, Norms, and Social Network” (1969), in id., Scenes from African Urban Life (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992), 88–98.

95. John V. Taylor and Dorothea A. Lehmann, Christians of the Copperbelt: The Growth of the Church in Northern Rhodesia (London: SCM Press, 1961), 114–16.

96. O’Shea, Missionaries, 283–85.

97. Shepperson, Myth and Reality, 8–9, suggests that the Cholo riots of 1953—anothor banyama incident—began with accusations by children who worked in fruit plantations.

98. Kapferer, Rumors, 76–77.

99. I take this point not from folklore but from classics; see Paul Veyne, Did the Greeks Believe in Their Myths? An Essay on the Constitutive Imagination, trans. Paula Wissing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), 79.

100. The “multi-racial Capricorn Africa Society…dispensed hope, cash and cocktails with impartial liberality at meetings from Makerere University in Uganda to the Jameson Hotel lounge in Salisbury,” according to a liberal journalist; see John Parker, Rhodesia—Little White Island (London: Pitman, 1972), 81.

101. Musambachime, “Impact of Rumor,” 211–12. Thomas Fox-Pitt to secretary, Capricorn Society, Lusaka, 26 September 1956 (Thomas Fox-Pitt Papers, Correspondence, 1953–56, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Library, PP. MS 5/5).

102. Fraenkel, Wayaleshi, 196–99; Fox-Pitt letter cited in preceding note.

103. S. E. Wilmer, “Northern Rhodesian African Opposition to the Federation” (BA thesis, Oxford University, 1973, quoted in Musambachime, “Impact of Rumor,” 212). “Vampire men” is the English translation of banyama that appears in documentary sources after 1931; whether this was an English term used by African politicians in the late 1950s or an official translation I cannot tell.

104. Fraenkel, Wayaleshi, 202.

105. Ibid., 202–7.

106. “Five Years for African Who Threatened to Kill Broadcasters,” Central African Post [Lusaka], 27 January 1953; Musambachime, “Impact of Rumor,” 204n; Fraenkel, Wayaleshi, 203.

107. Fraenkel, Wayaleshi, 203–4. The Central African Broadcasting Service asked the same question, and in January 1953, it started publishing profiles of its African announcers, although Peter Fraenkel told me that this was planned before the rumors became widespread (interview, 16 March 1992). See “Nkhata and His Quartet,” African Listener 13 (January 1953): 15, and “A Quiet Man with a Guitar,” African Listener 14 (February 1953): 6.

108. Fraenkel, Wayaleshi, 205.

109. Quoted in Musambachime, “Impact of Rumor,” 213.