Chapter Six
Socialization

A Conceptual Framework

A major dimension of government bureaucracy is its outputs. In what ways do its members perform their official functions? How do they behave from the standpoint of substance and style? Do they exhibit the requisite level of expertise, effectiveness, and efficiency? Are they responsive to the needs and demands of their ultimate constituency, namely, the citizenry as a whole? Do they display a judicious balance of impartiality and empathy? Whose interests are uppermost in their minds—their own personal interests, those of their bureau, those of their ministry, or those of their nation?

Although the constraints of data and other resources do not allow us to explore these key questions in our study, we can nonetheless dwell on some of the factors that may help shape the outputs of Japan's administrative elite. Of the many variables that can yield some clues, three are particularly noteworthy: (1) substantive expertise, (2) role perceptions, and (3) expediency. The linkage between expertise and performance is quite plain: for operations requiring specialized knowledge and skills, expertise is a necessary, albeit not a sufficient, condition. Role perceptions are a repertoire of learned responses to external stimuli. Finally, bureaucratic behavior may reflect "rational calculations of the individual's chances for advancement."^[1] The process by

[1] John A. Armstrong, The European Administrative Elite (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), p. 7.

which the first two are acquired can be described as socialization, broadly defined. In a narrow sense, socialization refers to the process by which societal expectations and norms help shape administrators' role perceptions. In the words of Orville Brim, the "behavior required of a person in a given position or status is considered to be his prescribed role, and the requirements themselves can be called role prescription. . . . If socialization is role learning, it follows that socialization occurs throughout an individual's life."^[2]

Although socialization is a lifelong process, childhood, particularly early childhood, is believed to be the most critical period. Adult socialization or "resocialization" is said to be "inordinately difficult if not impossible." To facilitate the determination of the kinds of socialization that are relevant for administrative elites, John A. Armstrong proposes three abstract models of administrative-elite recruitment: (1) the maximum-deferred-achievement model, (2) the maximum-ascriptive model, and (3) the progressive-equal-attrition model.^[3]

The first model "assumes that no selection is made among the male cohort until its members reach the appropriate age level for high administrative posts."^[4] When the choice is finally made, it is based on universalistic criteria, thus giving all equal access. If this model is operative, the relevant socialization processes would be "the mass socialization prevailing in the society during the four to five decades when the cohort was attaining the age required for selection for top administrative posts" and "socialization after attainment of top posts."^[5]

At the polar opposite of the first model stands the second model, which posits that "at an early age a very small portion of the male cohort is selected to occupy the top administrative posts when the individuals attain the required age." Inasmuch as "the group chosen in infancy is segregated for socialization purposes throughout its life span," the relevant socialization process becomes exclusively that of the special elite.^[6]

The third model "assumes that at each of several equal time intervals the same proportion of the male cohort is eliminated from eligibility for top administrative parts, until just the requisite number to fill available

[2] As quoted by Armstrong, ibid., p. 15.

[3] Ibid., pp. 17-23.

[4] Ibid., p. 17.

[5] Ibid., p. 18.

[6] Ibid., pp. 18-19.

posts remains when the appropriate age level is attained." Under this model, the relevant socialization processes would be "(1) the mass socialization characteristic of the population" insofar as early childhood is concerned, (2) the adolescent and early-adult socialization of the groups chosen at successive stages, and (3) socialization after induction into administrative organizations as well as after attainment of elite status.^[7]

On the basis of our inquiry into the recruitment and promotion patterns of Japan's administrative elite in the preceding chapters, how shall we characterize the Japanese case? Although none of the three models captures the idiosyncrasies of the Japanese situation perfectly, one comes closer to approximating the Japanese reality than the other two. If we define "top administrative posts" as those of section chiefs or their equivalents and above, then the maximum-deferred-achievement model is inappropriate for Japan, for the probability of attaining such posts is significantly affected by the mode of initial entry into the civil service. At the age of twenty-two or twenty-three, when a "career" civil servant typically enters the Japanese government, initial selection actually occurs. Of the 35,958 persons who became civil servants in 1985, for example, fewer than 1,500 and most probably about 800 can realistically entertain the hope of rising to the position of section chief or above in the national government after two decades or so of continuous service. These are the men and women who have passed the higher civil-service examination or its equivalent.^[8]

Nor does Japan fit the maximum ascriptive model, for, theoretically, no one is excluded from competition until he or she has taken the higher civil-service examination. There is no preselection of a small proportion of infants or children for elitist roles in the bureaucracy at a later stage.^[9] In this connection the absence of formal educational requirements for civil-service examinations is particularly noteworthy.

On the other hand, the progressive-equal-attrition model does seem to encapsulate the most salient aspects of Japan's administrative elite.

[7] Ibid., pp. 20-22.

[8] These statistics are taken from Jinji-in, Komuin hakusho , 1987, p. 46. Note that the numbers cited here refer not to the Administrative Service I but to the entire civil service. Of the 1985 appointees, 823 had passed the type-I (formerly type-A) higher civil-service examination (HCSE) and an additional 659 had passed the type-B HCSE. For statistics on the Administrative Service I only, see table 18 in the preceding chapter.

[9] According to Armstrong, though "no complex European society in recent centuries has approached [the Maximum Ascriptive Model] very closely, . . . most of the systems we examine [those of Britain, France, Germany, and Russia during the various historical periods] do tend toward this model ." Armstrong, European Administrative Elite , p. 19; emphasis added. For an elaboration of this point, see chap. 11 of his book.

At successive levels of the educational pyramid the probability of passing the higher civil-service examination becomes negligible for a large number of people. Entrance into top-rated middle schools enhances one's chances of entering top-rated high schools. Attendance of the latter in turn increases one's probability of entering top-rated universities. And students of the latter have an edge over the others in the higher civil-service examination. As we saw in chapter 4, there is a strong relationship between the type of university one attends and the probability of passing the higher civil-service examination. Table 10 showed us that national universities have consistently outperformed both public and private universities not only in absolute terms but also in the ratios of successful to all candidates. All this suggests that progressive attrition does indeed occur.

Nor does the process stop at the induction stage. As the preceding chapter has shown, attrition occurs after the civil servants have attained the rank of section chief or its equivalent. Only about a third of section chiefs belonging to the same entering class advance to the level of bureau chief. Beyond that, competition becomes even keener. Eventually, only one member of the class or, in some cases, none at all, reaches the summit the coveted post of administrative vice-minister.

Notwithstanding the above, the Japanese reality does not conform to the criteria of the progressive-equal-attrition model in two important respects: first, at successive stages attrition occurs in a relative, not an absolute, sense. What happens is not the elimination of potential candidates from competition for elite administrative posts but a significant decline in their probability of success. To take the extreme case of those who fail to enter a four-year college altogether, the door to the elite track in the civil service is not totally closed for them. In 1984, for example, 41 of the 2,958 persons who passed the type-A higher civil-service examination lacked university education. Eleven of them had not gone beyond high school, and the remainder were products of either junior colleges or higher professional and technical schools (koto senmon gakko ). In terms of success rates alone--that is, the ratio of successful to total candidates--the nonuniversity group did not lag very far behind the university group: 6.4 percent as against 8.7 percent. On the other hand, it is obvious that most people without university education took themselves out of the competition altogether.^[10]

[10] The statistics cited above were obtained from the National Personnel Authority during my visit to that agency in June 1985.

Second, to the extent that attrition occurs, it is not "equal" in the sense in which Armstrong defines it: "At each of several equal time intervals the same proportion of the male cohort is eliminated from eligibility for top administrative posts."^[11] Neither the time intervals at which attrition occurs nor the proportion of the male cohort that is virtually eliminated are equal in the Japanese case.

In sum, although all three conceptual models present problems for analysis of Japanese data, the third model seems the least objectionable of the three. Hence one need not follow rigidly the guidelines for investigating socialization processes that the progressive-equal-attrition model prescribes. Given the limits of available data, we shall first delineate briefly some general characteristics of precollegiate socialization in Japan. Next, we shall examine the socialization experiences of students in the law faculty of the University of Tokyo, the premier training ground of Japan's administrative elite. Finally, we shall discuss postentry socialization of the higher civil servants.

Socialization Of Japanese Youth: An Overview

Two Views

In most societies the principal agents of preadult socialization are the family, schools, and peer groups. Although all three are important in Japan, schools appear to play the pivotal role. According to William K. Cummings:

Education occupies a much more central place in the lives of Japanese than American youth. Japanese children believe their performance has great personal consequences; they go to school more hours out of each year; they have fewer alternate ways to spend their time. Moreover, their parents encourage them to work hard in school. It might be said that the Japanese student's relation to his school approaches that of a patient or criminal to a total institution.^[12]

What, then, are the principal values that pupils learn in Japanese primary and secondary schools? As part of the democratization program, the American Occupation authorities made a major effort to

[11] Armstrong, European Administrative Elite , p. 20. Emphasis added.

[12] William K. Cummings, Education and Equality in Japan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), p. 145.

reform the educational system. Among other things, the power of the central government to control teachers and curriculum was curtailed, locally elected educational commissions were given the power of supervision over schools, teachers were encouraged to form professional associations, and the contents as well as the methods of teaching were democratized.^[13]

The extent to which the goals of the Occupation were actually attained is debatable. That of decentralization, for example, proved to be elusive. With the restoration of full sovereignty to Japan in 1952 came a gradual revival of old ways. The national government, through the Ministry of Education, has regained much of its erstwhile authority over educational policy. Although teachers have emerged as a powerful counterweight to the government under the leadership of the radical Japan Teachers Union (JTU, or Nikkyoso), they have had only limited success in blunting the power of the increasingly conservative Ministry of Education. Nonetheless, some scholars credit JTU with having helped to diffuse democratic values among Japanese school children.^[14]

Taken as a whole, the various components of Japanese schools add up to an effective tool for creating "new values," which Cummings sums up as the "egalitarian sentiment." In his view, this sentiment consists of three parts:

1. An egalitarian orientation to jobs . This orientation stresses the ways in which all jobs contribute to the greater good and hence are deserving of respect. Grading of jobs in terms of their importance or prestige is deemphasized.

2. An orientation toward individualism . This orientation encourages the nurturance of personally conceived goals and evaluates highly striving to realize these personal goals instead of merely following the accepted way. In the work realm, this orientation toward individualism leads individuals to seek intrinsic rewards and to place less emphasis on status and income.

3. A participatory orientation . This orientation leads individuals to participate critically in groups, associations, and other collectivities. It leads one to challenge traditional patterns of hierarchical authority in the family, the work place, the community, and the polity.^[15]

Cummings argues that both preschool socialization and interactions with peer groups tend to facilitate and reinforce the internalization of

[13] Ibid., pp. 29-39. For analysis of the American Occupation authorities' policy toward higher education, see Pempel, Patterns of Japanese Policymaking , pp. 35-51.

[14] Cummings is the principal proponent of this idea. Other scholars, notably Rohlen, believe that the influence of the JTU has been exaggerated. See Thomas P. Rohlen, Japan's High Schools (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), esp. p. 238 n. 12.

[15] Cummings, Education and Equality , pp. 177-78.

the egalitarian values. In his view, child-rearing practices and interpersonal relations have become "relatively egalitarian" in the postwar period, thus predisposing contemporary Japanese children "to expect egalitarian relations in other social situations."^[16] Moreover, participation in "largely school-based extracurricular activities" by middle-school children further bolsters such democratic values as "participation, expressiveness, and cooperation."^[17]

Cummings finds redeeming features even in the fierce competition in entrance examinations. He notes, for example, that entrance into top-rated universities in Japan is based solely on universalistic criteria, namely, one's scores in entrance examinations. Contrast this with the situation in the United States, where a multitude of particularistic criteria, such as being offspring of a rich alumnus or a generous contributor, enter into the equation. This implies that the examination competition serves to guarantee equality of opportunity.^[18] On the other hand, Cummings acknowledges that one's chances of success in entrance examination are enhanced to a significant extent by "the consumption of various forms of extra-education, such as attendance at juku , special high schools, yobiko , and lessons from household tutors.^[19] Because all of these things cost a considerable amount of money, not everybody can afford them, hence equality of opportunity is appreciably eroded.

A somewhat different picture emerges from a study of high schools by Thomas P. Rohlen. Although Rohlen shares the views of Cummings and other non-Japanese observers^[20] that the achievements of Japan's basic education--in terms of the proportion of school-age population that complete schooling, levels of knowledge and skills learned by students, results of achievement tests in science and mathematics, and other statistical indicators--are quite impressive, he does not share Cummings's thesis that schools help students acquire egalitarian values. As Rohlen puts it:

Japanese high schools are not training grounds for democracy, Japanese traditional values, or a new egalitarian order. Rather, they are best

[16] Ibid., p. 96.

[17] Ibid., pp. 98-99.

[18] Ibid., p. 218. Strictly speaking, it is not just scores in entrance examinations but also those in uniform preliminary examinations administered by the state, known as kyotsu ichiji (common preliminary), that help determine the outcome for applicants to national and public universities.

[19] Ibid., p. 224.

[20] See, for example Ezra F. Vogel, Japan As Number One (New York: Harper Colophon Books, 1980), pp. 158-83.

understood as shaping generations of disciplined workers for a technomeritocratic system that requires highly socialized individuals capable of performing reliably in a rigorous, hierarchical, and finely tuned organizational environment.^[21]

These two views, however, are not as irreconcilable as they may appear at first glance. As Rohlen himself points out, the differing perspectives may be a function of the levels of schools studied: primary versus high schools.^[22] It is possible that although Japanese children become exposed to and even internalize egalitarian values in primary schools, by the time they enter high schools these values are no longer salient concerns, being eclipsed by the overriding goal of preparing for university entrance examinations. What count most at this stage are "diligence, sacrifice, mastery of detailed information, endurance over the many preparatory years, willingness to postpone gratification, and competitive spirit."^[23]

Depending on the potency with which the primary-school experience propagates egalitarian values, one cannot rule out the possibility that they may survive the rigors of high-school years. Early socialization frequently proves to be more efficacious than what follows later. In short, it can be hypothesized that two sets of values, one egalitarian and the other instrumental, dominate the preadult socialization stage in Japan and that the two are not mutually exclusive.

An International Comparison

Finally, to gain some comparative perspective let us examine selected results of a world youth-survey project. Initiated in 1972, the project has collected data on the attitudes of youth between the ages of eighteen and twenty-four in eleven different countries at periodic intervals. The survey utilized the same set of questions as well as national probability samples, hence the data lend themselves to cross-national comparison to an unusual degree.^[24]

[21] Rohlen, Japan's High Schools , p. 209.

[22] Ibid., p. 6.

[23] Ibid., p. 109.

[24] For a complete description of the project, including its chronology, methodology, questionnaire, and responses, see Sorifu, Seishonen Taisaku Honbu, ed., Sekai no seinen tono hikaku kara mita Nihon no seinen: Sekai seinen ishiki chosa (dai 3-kai) hokokusho [Japanese Youths As Compared with the Youth of the World: Report on the Survey of the Attitudes of the World Youth (the Third Survey)] (Tokyo: Okurasho, Insatsukyoku, 1984).

Table 24 presents some measures of patriotism and commitment to or alienation from one's country and society. In terms of "pride" in one's own country, young people in Japan occupy a middle position among the five industrialized democracies. On the other hand, Japan ranks lowest in the proportion of youths expressing willingness to sacrifice their own personal interests for their country. Note, in particular, the gap between the United States and Japan. The proportion of Japanese youths who are either satisfied or more or less satisfied with "the way things are in [their] country" is only 35 percent, as compared with 89 percent for West Germany and 60 percent for the United States. Finally, whereas in all five countries only a tiny fraction of the

respondents said their number-one goal in life was "to work on behalf of society," the proportion of such youth in Japan was among the lowest. One way of interpreting these data is to conclude that Japanese youths have become remarkably self-centered, even more so than their counterparts in the United States and Western Europe. To the extent that preoccupation with one's personal interests bespeaks individualism, one can also argue that Japanese youths are in some ways more individualistic than their counterparts in other industrialized democracies. It is worth noting, however, that such attitudes apparently declined, rather than increased, between 1977 and 1983.

Turning to attitudes toward parents, we see in table 25 that the picture is somewhat murky in Japan. On the one hand, Japan has the lowest proportion of respondents who acknowledged having "real

clashes" with their parents and the highest proportion of respondents preferring a strict father. On the other, not only is the latter proportion (32 percent in 1983) relatively small, but it is also eclipsed by the proportion of those preferring "a father who tries to be friends with his children" (54 percent in 1983). Moreover, a greater proportion of

Japanese youth endorse a permissive father than do the youth in the four Western countries. Finally, it is rather surprising to see Japanese youth in the third place in expression of filial piety, behind their counterparts in France and the United States. Can all this be viewed as further evidence of the rise of egalitarian sentiment among Japanese youth ?

If, as noted previously, universalistic values are stressed in Japanese education, is this reflected in the attitudes of Japanese youths? Slightly less than half of the Japanese youth surveyed in 1983 cited "personal abilities" as one of the two most important ingredients of success in life, but seven in ten mentioned "personal effort." The belief that hard work can reinforce innate ability and even compensate for the lack of it seems to be widely shared among the youths of the five countries. The differential perception of the relative importance of "family position and social rank" between Japanese youths and that of the other countries is perhaps indicative of the salience of universalistic criteria in Japan. The surprisingly low proportion of Japanese youths who mentioned "good education" as one of the top two requirements for success, however, should be balanced against their responses concerning the perceived value of "having gone to a top-rated college."^[25] That more Japanese youths were sensitive to the importance of "major field of study" than were the youths of the other countries simply reflects a well-known fact of life in Japan: graduation from a faculty of law, particularly that of Todai, can provide that crucial margin of success in close matches.

All in all, the attitudes displayed by Japanese youths closely parallel those of their counterparts in the United States and the three European countries. The data do not indicate in any way that the Japanese youth are more authoritarian than the youths of the other four countries.

Socialization In Todai's Faculty of Law

The preceding chapters have documented the preponderant position of the University of Tokyo in Japan's higher civil service. In 1986, six out of ten civil servants occupying the position of section chief or higher in the national government were Todai graduates (see table 21). The

[25] In a 1984 survey of 3,948 Japanese high-school students applying for admission to universities, conducted by the Japan Recruit (sic ) Center, 68.2 percent of the respondents agreed with the statement that "it will be difficult to get a job with a first-rate company (ichiryu kigyo ) unless one has gone to a first-rate university." Asahi shinbun , 1 Feb. 1985.

proportion increases to 76 percent at the bureau-chief level and to 86.7 percent at the vice-ministerial level. What is more, an overwhelming majority of these Todai graduates (about three-quarters) were products of its faculty of law (hogakubu ;). Overall, close to half of all the senior bureaucrats were graduates of Todai's law faculty, the proportion rising to 65.5 percent at the bureau-chief level and to 72.7 percent at the vice-ministerial level (see table 22).

That Todai's law faculty is the single most important source of Japan's administrative elite is indisputable. Before one jumps to the conclusion that its principal mission is to train future elite bureaucrats, however, one needs to inquire into the career paths taken by its graduates. Of 1,218 Todai law graduates whose occupations could be verified in 1900, 33 percent were in the legal profession and 31 percent were "administrative officials" (gyosei kanri ). Nearly three-quarters of the former were "judicial officials" (judges, prosecutors, and the like), hence the actual proportion of bureaucrats increases to 55 percent. Of 9,413 Todai law alumni about whom information was available in 1926, 25.3 percent were in the legal profession, and a majority of them (1,215 out of 2,194) were serving as "judicial officials." Administrative officials numbered 2,046 or 21.7 percent of the total. But nearly four in ten Todai law alumni were found to be working either in banks or in private firms. By 1958, the proportion of Todai law alumni in banking and private firms had increased to 43.8 percent (10,681 out of 24,366), whereas their proportion in the legal profession had declined to 12.8 percent. Judicial officials still outnumbered attorneys (1,776 as against 1,345). Meanwhile, the proportion of administrative officials remained virtually unchanged from 1926 at 22.6 percent.^[26]

Of 574 persons who graduated from Todai's law faculty in the spring of 1976, only 9 percent were bound for careers in the legal profession. That bespoke not the latter's decline in popularity over the years but the extreme difficulty of passing the judicial examination, a prerequisite for admission to the Judicial Training Institute, which in turn is a sine qua non for becoming a full-fledged lawyer. The proportion of those opting for civil-service careers in the national government was 21.8 percent, which was consistent with the trend noted above. When we add those hired by public corporations and local governments, the proportion of civil servants increases to 29.3 percent, by far the largest category. The next-largest category was banking, which accounted for nearly a quarter of the law graduates.^[27]

[26] Shimizu, Tokyo Daigaku Hogakubu ;, p. 48.

[27] Tokyo Daigaku shinbun , 28 June 1976.

What emerges from the preceding analysis is that the principal mission of Todai's law faculty is neither to train lawyers nor to produce elite administrators. Rather, it is to produce Japan's future leaders in a wide range of fields, most of which are in the private sector. Nonetheless, the faculty does serve as a major training ground of Japan's administrative elite. In fact, that was its original mission when it was first established in the early Meiji period. To paraphrase Hata Ikuhiko, a 1956 graduate of Todai's law faculty and a former bureaucrat in the Finance Ministry, it is as natural for a Todai law graduate to choose a career in the government bureaucracy as it is for a graduate of an arts school to become a painter and for a graduate of a merchant-marine school to become a ship's officer.^[28]

The historical dimension merits a little more elaboration. The University of Tokyo was created in 1877, the tenth year of the Meiji reign, by the merger of Tokyo Kaisei School and Tokyo Medical School. At first, there were only four faculties—law, science, literature, and medicine—but those of engineering and agriculture were added after the name of the university was changed to the Imperial University (Teikoku Daigaku) in 1886. Actually, the term "faculty" (gakubu ) was replaced by "college" (daigaku ) from 1886 to 1919, when gakubu reappeared. In 1887 the Imperial University's college of law (Hoka Daigaku) was elevated to a privileged position: the president of the entire university was required by law to serve concurrently as its dean, and he was empowered to supervise the five other law schools that had sprung up in Tokyo. This latter' power, however, was rescinded after a little more than a year. More important, graduates of the Imperial University college of law were exempt from the bar examination (later the judicial examination) as well as from administrative (higher civil-service) examinations. With the establishment of a second imperial university in Kyoto in 1897, Todai's name was changed to Tokyo Imperial University. The privilege of exemption from the judicial examination was extended to Kyoto law graduates until it was abolished in 1923. Meanwhile, the privilege of exemption from the administrative examinations was terminated in 1894.^[29]

During the American Occupation, Todai was reorganized. Apart from the deletion of the adjective "Imperial" from its name, there was a

[28] Hata, Kanryo no kenkyu ;, p. 224.

[29] "Tokyo Daigaku no hyakunen" Henshu linkai, Tokyo Daigaku no byakunen, 1877-1977 , pp. 85-92; on the privileges of imperial-university law graduates, consult Spaulding, Imperial Japan's Higher Civil Service Examinations , pp. 39, 59-60, 91-98, 129-130, and 156.

fundamental restructuring of Todai's curriculum, of which the single most important component was the introduction of a two-year "general-education" (kyoyo ;) sequence. A new faculty of general education (kyoyo gakubu ) was established in Komaba by merging the First Higher School (Daiichi Koto Gakko) and Tokyo Higher School.^[30]

All entering students are required to spend two years on the Komaba campus taking courses in "general education" before moving to their respective faculties in Hongo. For those who choose to get their degrees in "general education," however, a wide array of advanced courses in the humanities, area studies, social sciences, and natural sciences is available in Komaba. In other words, not only does the faculty of general education serve as a preparatory school for all Todai students but it has also become a full-fledged faculty in its own right. During their two years in Komaba, all students are required to take a minimum of two courses each in the "human and literary sciences" (jinbun kagaku ), the social sciences (shakai kagaku ), and the natural sciences (shizen kagaku ). In addition, they are required to take two foreign languages, including English. The "human and literary sciences" encompass not only philosophy, history, and literature but also psychology, anthropology, geography, and education, and the social sciences include law, political science, economics, statistics, sociology, history of social thought, and international relations.^[31]

As a general rule, students aspiring to enter the faculty of law must have passed entrance examinations for Humanities Group 1 (bunka ichirui ), one of six groups into which all entering students are divided. In terms of difficulty of admission, Humanities Group 1, which has a quota of 630, shares the top position with Science Group 3 (rika sanrui ), whose students are bound for the faculty of medicine. Whereas all Humanities Group 1 students who wish to do so automatically advance to the faculty of law upon completion of two years of required work in Komaba, others must face stiff competition. Only ten or so outsiders (those from the other groups) are admitted on the basis of their grade-point average during the first three terms in Komaba.^[32]

[30] Tokyo Daigaku no hyakunen , p. 97; Tokyo Daigaku Kyoyo Gakubu, Kyoyo Gakubu no sanjunen, 1949-1979 [Thirty Years of the Faculty of General Education, 1949-1979] (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1979); Sakurai Tsuneji, Todai seikatsu, 1953-nenban [Life at the University of Tokyo, 1953 Edition] (Tokyo: Gendai Shichosha, 1952), pp. 41-46.

[31] Daigaku Sogo Kenkyu Shirizu Kikaku Henshu Iinkai, ed., Tokyo Daigaku sogo kenkyu ; [A Comprehensive Study of the University of Tokyo] (Tokyo: Nihon Rikuruto Sentaà Shuppanbu, 1979), pp. 68-71; Tokyo Daigaku Kyoyo Gakubu, Kyoyo Gakubu no sanjunen ;, pp. 158-59.

[32] Tokyo Daigaku sogo kenkyu ;, pp. 74-76; Kokuritsu Daigaku Kyokai et al., eds., Kokkoritsu daigaku gaidobukku 1985 [Guide Book for National and Public Universities, 1985] (Tokyo: Kokuritsu Daigaku Kyokai, Koritsu Daigaku Kyokai, Daigaku Nyushi Sentaà, 1984), pp. 224-25.

Strictly speaking, specialized training begins not in the third year but in the second year for most students. Those who are bound for the faculty of law, for example, start taking such courses as constitutional law, criminal law, and civil law as early as in their third semester. When they move to the Hongo campus, they must choose among three departments in the faculty of law: the First Department (private law), the Second Department (public law), and the Third Department (political science). None of these departments has a quota, and students are allowed to transfer from one to another freely. Generally speaking, those aspiring to a career in law join the First Department and those aiming for a civil-service career opt for the Second Department. These two departments usually draw the largest number of students.^[33]

In order to graduate from the faculty of law, all students must complete at least ninety units (one unit typically consists of one hour of classroom work per week for fifteen weeks), including all of the required courses (hisshu kamoku ) and four units of "elective required courses" (sentaku hisshu kamoku ). Table 27 comprises all of the required courses for the three departments in the faculty. Only five courses, totaling eighteen units, are required of all students regardless of their departmental affiliation: Constitutional Law I and II and Civil Law I, II, and III. Beyond that, requirements reflect the differing foci of the three departments. The First Department, whose students major in private law, requires the whole gamut of laws except administrative law and international law, whereas the Second Department, with its focus on public law, requires eight units each of administrative law and international law, in addition to four units each of criminal law and political science. Students of the Third Department are freed from any further requirements in law courses; instead, they are asked to concentrate on political science, political and diplomatic history, public administration, and public finance.

As for "elective required courses," all students are required to take four units from a specified group of courses. Private-law majors must choose from a set of Anglo-American Law I, French Law I, and German

[33] Tokyo Daigaku Ichiran ; [Catalogue of the University of Tokyo] (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1953), pp. 141-59; The University of Tokyo Catalogue 1980-81 (Tokyo: University of Tokyo, 1980), pp. 47-54; Sakurai, Todai seikatsu , pp. 146-48; Tokyo Daigaku, Hogakubu benran, kyoran-yo ; [A Handbook of the Faculty of Law, Display Copy] (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku, 1987), pp. 83-84 and 100-101.

Law I, each of which is worth four units. Public-law majors are also given the preceding three courses and two additional ones: Public Administration and Public Finance. Finally, political-science majors have the least amount of latitude, for they must choose either Principles of Economics or Modern Economic Theory.^[34]

Once these two sets of requirements are out of the way, students may take virtually any courses that are offered in the faculty, although, technically, elective courses are grouped into two categories for students

[34] Tokyo Daigaku, Hogakubu benran , 1987, pp. 90-95.

in each department. Because of the large number of courses listed and their variety, students are given ample choices. Basically, the whole gamut of law-related courses as well as courses in political science and economics are available to students. Hence they not only receive varying doses of legal training but also become exposed to the historical, theoretical, and institutional underpinnings of the Japanese and foreign political and economic systems.

What we have described above are the formal requirements and options that Todai law students face. Whether and to what extent these opportunities for learning will actually enrich their intellectual repertoire, broaden their horizons, and shape their values will hinge on such factors as the motivation of individual students and the amount of effort expended. An important stumbling block to intellectual growth appears to be the paucity of stimuli for independent thinking. Most courses are delivered in large lecture halls that provide few opportunities for individual contacts between instructors and students. Some of the required courses are conducted in rooms capable of accommodating five hundred or more students, in which the use of a microphone by the instructor is a necessity. In this respect, according to a former Todai law student, the situation in Todai's law faculty is as bad as or perhaps worse than that at private universities that are notorious for their "mass production" approach to education.^[35]

To be fair, opportunities for student-teacher interaction and for independent research are not totally absent. For example, a sizable number of seminars (enshu ;) are offered each semester on analysis of court decisions in the various branches of law, readings in foreign-language scholarly books, and research on specialized topics. Because the size of these seminars is deliberately kept small, enrollment can sometimes be difficult. The official handbook of Todai's faculty of law underscores the importance of these seminars, even though all of them are optional.^[36]

Insofar as motivation and effort are concerned, there is one over-arching reality: preoccupation with grades and examinations. By most accounts, Todai law students tend to be predominantly career-oriented. Because grades earned in college have a direct bearing on the probability of landing attractive jobs upon graduation, there is a keen competition

[35] Ikeda Shin'ichi, "Binbonin no ko wa Todai ni hairenai" [Children of the Poor Cannot Get into the University of Tokyo] in Kyoiku tokuhon: Tokyo Daigaku [Readings on Education: The University of Tokyo] (Tokyo: Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1983), p. 199.

[36] Tokyo Daigaku, Hogakubu benran , 1987, pp. 98-99.

to earn as many yu ; (A) as possible.^[37] This means that unlike the situation in Komaba, classes on the Hongo campus are well attended, even though attendance is never taken. In classes that begin at 8:30 A.M. , many students arrive early in order to get choice front-row seats.

Closely related to this is the preoccupation with national examinations. A majority of Todai law students take either the judicial examination or the higher civil-service examination or both, which require a great deal of preparation. As noted previously, the judicial examination is so difficult that only a handful of students pass it on their first try. Hence it calls for a prolonged period of intensive study. Although the higher civil-service examination is appreciably less demanding, it too requires careful planning and disciplined preparation. Because there is a considerable overlap in the subjects covered by both examinations, many students prepare for and take both. The price they pay is said to be a "triangular pattern of life" (sankakukei no seikatsu ) that is bounded by the classrooms, the library, and the boarding house. Daily routines for these students consist of going to classes, studying in the library until it closes at night, and returning to the boarding house, where more time is spent on study.^[38]

As seasoned veterans of "examination wars" (juken senso ;), most Todai law students can not only survive the rigors of such life but also thrive on it. Nonetheless, their "triangular" life leaves very little room for extracurricular activities and can be excruciatingly tedious. Small wonder that Todai's law faculty is often referred to as a desert (hogakubu sabaku ).^[39] But the skills that are necessary to win such "examination wars" are not necessarily creative thinking and critical

[37] Todai law students refer to yu ; (A) as sho ; (victory) and ryo ; (B) as hai ; (defeat). See Masuda Reiko, "Shin hana monogatari: Todai Hogakuba joshi gakusei no tabiji" [New Tale of Flowers: Journey of a Woman Student in the University of Tokyo Faculty of Law] in Konaka Yotaro, ed., Todai Hogakubu: Soho kyozo to jitsuzo ; [The University of Tokyo Faculty of Law: Myths and Reality] (Tokyo: Gendai Hyoronsha, 1978), p. 85; Shimizu, Tokyo Daigaku Hogakubu ;, p. 134. There are five grades at Todai's Law Faculty: yu ; (A), ryojo ; (B+), ryo ; (B), ka (C), and fuka (fail). Tokyo Daigaku, Hogakubu benran , 1987, p. 88.

[38] Mikawa Yoichiro, "Todaisei ga mite kita Todaisei" [University of Tokyo Students As Observed by a University of Tokyo Student], in Ito Satoru, ed., Todaisei hakusho [White Paper on University of Tokyo Students] (Tokyo: Sobokusha, 1981), p. 182; Yamane Kazuro, "Aru gakusei seikatsu" [The Life of a Certain Student] in Konaka, ed., Todai Hogakubu ;, p. 70. See also the articles by four former Todai law students in Juken Shinpo Henshubu, ed., Watashi no totta kokka jokyu shiken toppaho ;, pp. 60-71,110-21, 134-57.

[39] Masuda, "Shin hana monogatari," p. 83; Y. N. Sei, "Hongo karano tsushin: Hogakubu hen" [News from Hongo: The Faculty of Law] in Ito, ed., Todaisei hakusho , p. 107.

modes of analysis but good memory and problem-solving ability. Even though it is committed to the lofty objective of "producing individuals who are equipped not only with broad perspectives linking the past and the future to the present but also with knowledge that is at once deep and erudite,"^[40] Todai's law faculty may actually turn out narrow-minded technicians well versed in the fine points of legal theories and interpretation and supremely adept at taking examinations. As one writer put it, Todai law graduates who become elite bureaucrats "can see the trees but not the forest."^[41]

Two caveats are in order. First, these are broad generalizations to which numerous exceptions can be found. Second, they pertain primarily to the last two years of Todai law students, for the first two years on the Komaba campus offer abundant opportunities for extracurricular activities. Not only are there numerous clubs and circles encompassing a wide array of interests and hobbies, but the academic work load is said to be relatively light.^[42] Moreover, for Humanities Group 1 students, who are virtually assured of admission to the faculty of law after two years, there is little or no pressure to earn good grades in their courses. On the other hand, many students must work part time, typically as private tutors to high-school students preparing for university entrance examinations, and that is bound to impose constraints on their time. This condition may last throughout their university years.

Generally speaking, however, Todai students tend to come from relatively affluent families. Children of professional and managerial people are vastly overrepresented in the Todai student body, whereas those of farmers and sales people are grossly underrepresented. This reflects the fact that preparing for Todai's entrance examinations is an expensive proposition, frequently necessitating attendance at supplementary (juku ) and preparatory schools (yobiko ;) and hiring private tutors. A recent survey by Todai's Office of Student Affairs showed that over half of Todai students had some experience with juku, yobiko ;, or private tutors. Moreover, the list of the top ten or twenty high schools that produced successful applicants to Todai in recent years is dominated by private high schools and schools attached to national universi-

[40] Tokyo Daigaku sogo kenkyu ;, p. 86; Yamane, "Am gakusei seikatsu," p. 41.

[41] Okura Hisaro, "Okurasho to Todai Hogakubu" [The Finance Ministry and the University of Tokyo Faculty of Law] in Konaka, ed., Todai Hogakubu ;, p. 145.

[42] For a list of student "circles" at Todai, see Ito, ed., Todaisei hakusho , pp. 160-67. Table 3 (pp. 162-67) shows that nearly three-quarters of the circles are affiliated with the Faculty of General Education in Komaba.

ties, all of which tend to be appreciably more expensive than public high schools.^[43] On the other hand, the cost of attending Todai or any other national university is generally lower than that of attending a private university. In 1987, the estimated mean expenses of first-year students were 1,550,000 yen for national universities and 1,950,000 yen for private universities.^[44]

Given their social background, it is not surprising that the values of Todai students tend to be somewhat status-quo affirming. The data presented in the first column of table 28 are based on a survey of first-year Todai students who were enrolled in a political-science course on the Komaba campus. According to the instructor of the course, most of them were bound for the faculty of law. The table shows that there is a discernible conservative trend: whereas the Japan Socialist party was the favorite among the 1977 sample, the Liberal-Democratic party emerged at the top among the 1983 group. Although over half of the 1983 group who were willing to express a preference for a political party chose the ruling party, the proportion still lagged behind that of the general public, not to mention the bureaucrats.

The second half of the table is based on self-identification by the respondents. Here again, comparison of the first two columns discloses a conservative trend, with the proportion of Todai students describing themselves as either "progressive" or "somewhat progressive" declining by 33 percent. On the other hand, the 1983 group was evenly split between self-styled liberals and conservatives. Moreover, compared with the general public, the 1983 students were both more liberal and more conservative at the same time, for the general public chose by and large to describe their political orientation as "moderate."^[45]

Other parts of the survey not summarized in the table merit brief mention. Regarding Japan's security policy—specifically, military

[43] Ikeda, "Binbonin no ko," pp. 199-201; Inoguchi Takashi and Kabashima Ikuo, "Todai ichinensei no seiji ishiki: Genjo kotei no hensachi sedai" [Political Consciousness of University of Tokyo Freshmen: "Hensachi" Generation That Affirms the Status Quo], Chuo koron , Dec. 1983, pp. 63-64. "Hensachi" literally means "the value of deviations." It refers to a type of standardized score that can predict a student's chances of passing entrance examinations to specific high schools and universities. For a discussion of "hensachi," see NHK Shuzaihan, Nihon no joken, 11: Kyoiku, 2 —hensachi ga Nihon no mirai o shihai suru [Japan's Condition, 11: Education, 2—Hensachi Dominates the Future of Japan] (Tokyo: Nihon Hoso Shuppan Kyokai, 1983).

[44] Asahi shinbun , 19 Jan. 1987. Since the exchange rate between the Japanese yen and the U.S. dollar fluctuated between 120:1 and 150:1 in 1987, these figures were equivalent to $10,333-$12,916 and $13,000-$16,250, respectively.

[45] The Japanese term for "moderate" used in the survey was chudo ;, which literally means "the middle road."

spending and security cooperation with the United States—and the status of the Emperor in the political system, Todai students expressed an overwhelming approval of the status quo. In fact, the degree to which they opposed any change in the status quo was much higher than that of the general public. Ninety-six percent of Todai students opposed the idea of giving the Emperor a substantial say in politics, whereas only about 40 percent of the general public did so. Almost a third of the latter

had no opinion on the matter. On issues dealing with the rights of workers, social welfare, and sexual equality, however, the students tended to be somewhat more conservative than the general public. Whereas 62 percent of the general public favored giving more decision-making powers to workers in matters that are important to them, 57 percent of Todai students did so. On pensions and medical care for the aged, 72 percent of the general public thought that they should receive top priority regardless of budgetary constraints; 55 percent of Todai students concurred in this view. Finally, whereas 37 percent of the general public agreed with the statement that "the government ought to have a special mechanism for increasing the number of women in higher positions and better jobs," only 28 percent of Todai students did so.^[46]

The preceding data, it should be stressed, do not indicate that Todai students hold conservative views in an absolute sense. Rather, the data show that while the students tend to be somewhat more conservative than the general public on most issues, their overall position cannot be characterized as conservative. On social issues they tend to take fairly progressive positions. It may even be argued that the students display egalitarian values. Unfortunately, the data cited here do not permit us to make any inferences about the actual impact of the socialization experiences of Todai students in general and of Todai law students in particular.

Post-Entry Socialization

Having survived the rigors of Japan's educational system, with its emphasis on entrance examinations, and having cleared the hurdle of the higher civil-service examination, Japan's elite-track bureaucrats bring to their tasks an impressive array of skills: a basic understanding of the broad spectrum of human knowledge, an exceptional ability in memorization and problem solving, and a mastery of at least one field of specialization. The practice of decentralized recruitment whereby those who have passed the higher civil-service examination must be hired by individual ministries and agencies implies, furthermore, that each appointee brings with him or her those qualities that are particularly valued by the ministry or agency concerned. To a striking extent, the process resembles an arranged marriage: inasmuch as both sides are making commitments that are expected to endure for at least a few

[46] Inoguchi and Kabashima, "Todai ichinensei," pp. 71-72.

decades, they must scrutinize each other's qualifications with utmost care. In most cases there are other options, making the final selection contingent upon the convergence of perceptions of mutual benefit.

Notwithstanding the above, the need for postentry socialization remains. From the standpoint of the government as a whole, the adverse effects of decentralized hiring practices need to be neutralized. The new civil servant must be persuaded to view himself not as an employee of the ministry or agency that has hired him but as an employee of the nation as a whole (kuni no shokuin ). So far as the individual ministries and agencies are concerned, the new recruits must be guided step by step to internalize their organizational goals, values, and norms. In addition, the new recruits must be taught the specific skills that may be necessary or useful for the performance of their tasks during the coming years. Broadly speaking, the types of postentry socialization can be divided into two categories: on-the-job training and off-the-job training. The latter in turn consists of several subtypes: training programs run by the National Personnel Authority, sometimes in conjunction with the prime minister's office; training programs provided by individual ministries and agencies; and training that takes place in educational institutions in Japan and abroad.

On-The-Job Training

As noted previously, an important part of the backdrop against which postentry socialization takes place is the convergence of perceptions of mutual benefit by both parties, the novice bureaucrat and his employer. What is known as "self-selection" is operative here. As Armstrong puts it, "If young men may choose alternative careers, and if they have a reasonably accurate perception of the demands of those careers, each career will tend to attract those men whose personalities are best adapted to the specific career demands."^[47]

A Mainichi shinbun survey of 109 persons who were about to embark on the elite track in 1979, for example, showed that almost half (47.7 percent) chose a civil-service career out of a desire to serve the public. Thirty-seven percent also cited "an interest in the affairs of the nation" as a key motive. In terms of career prospects, 74 percent expected to rise above the rank of section chief, 35 percent anticipated an eventual promotion to the rank of bureau chief, and 6 percent to

[47] Armstrong, The European Administrative Elite , p. 94.

that of administrative vice-minister. Three percent thought that they would ultimately become cabinet ministers.^[48] Although the low return rate (46 percent) of this survey dictates caution in interpreting its findings, it is nonetheless striking that the values articulated by Japanese youth who have opted for a public-service career differ sharply from those of Japanese youth in general.

"Self-selection," however, does not tell the whole story, for the selection of a civil servant is obviously a two-way process. The hiring organization tends to select only those who measure up to its own standards and criteria of excellence. The latter not only vary from agency to agency but also change in the course of time. The Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI), for example, is said to have alternated its preference between "aggressive action-oriented types" and "internationally oriented gentleman types" over the years. One quality that MITI has consistently valued in its new recruits for the elite track is said to be boundless energy, a willingness to work harder than any other civil servant. When those who have passed the first stage of the higher civil-service examination make their customary rounds in Kasumigaseki in search of prospective employers, they are said to get a blunt message from MITI: "Anyone who doesn't like to work overtime, please look elsewhere." Only those who answer enthusiastically that they love overtime work will be given opportunities to explore further.^[49]

[48] Mainichi Shinbun Shakaibu, Kanryo: Sono fushoku no kozo [Bureaucrats: Structure of Their Corrosion] (Tokyo: Tairiku Shobo, 1980), pp. 41-46. Note the contrast between the results of this survey and those of the youth survey reported in table 24. The contrast, in my view, underscores both the self-selection mechanism and the "select" nature of the 109 persons questioned in the Mainichi survey. Nonetheless, the validity of the responses summarized here is open to question.

[49] "Kancho daikaibo, 1: This Is Tsusan-sho!" [Great Autopsy on Government Agencies, 1: This Is MITI], Shukan Yomiuri , 18 Nov. 1984, p. 29. Although working overtime is a way of life for all higher civil servants, MITI does seem to stand out among the crowd. MITI bureaucrats have renamed their ministry Tsujo Zangyosho in lieu of the official Tsusho Sangyosho . The former means the Ministry of Regular Overtime. See Kakuma Takashi, Dokyumento Tsusansho, part I: Shin Kanryo no jidai [Document on the Ministry of International Trade and Industry, Part I: The Era of New Bureaucrats] (Tokyo: PHP Kenkyujo, 1979), pp. 62-63. Legally, civil servants are entitled to receive compensation for overtime work at either 25 or 50 percent above the regular rate. The latter applies to work performed between 10:00 P.M. and 5:00 A.M. See art. 16 of the Law Concerning the Compensation of Regular Service Employees in Jinji-in, Ninmen kankei horeishu , 1984 ed., p. 63. Although civil servants above the rank of section chief are not entitled to overtime pay, they receive special allowances for managerial positions (kanri shoku teate ), which can amount to 25 percent of their basic salary. Koitabashi, "Sengo umare" erito kanryo no sugao, pp. 63 and 98.

Aspirants for positions in the Ministry of Home Affairs, on the other hand, are allegedly screened on the basis of their ability to listen to other people with empathy while managing to get their position across and their ability to lead other people effectively. Although the ministry minimizes the importance of grades earned in college and in the higher civil-service examination, it nonetheless attracts people with high grade-point averages. Of the fifteen persons who were hired by the ministry in 1985, thirteen were graduates of Todai's law faculty with outstanding scholastic records: on average, 70 percent of their grades were A's. According to knowledgeable observers, a conspicuous attribute of Home Ministry bureaucrats is their ability to change colors according to the dictates of the situation: when they are serving as responsible officials of local governments, in accordance with the policy of rotation, they become ardent spokesmen for local interests, criticizing the policies of the national government to such an extent that even progressive Diet members cannot match their zeal. Even when they serve in the ministry headquarters, they continue to advocate the viewpoints of localities. In their own dealings with local governments, however, the Home Ministry bureaucrats undergo a metamorphosis, becoming "rulers" who interfere in all phases of local government.^[50]

Although the degree to which on-the-job training is structured varies widely, one common denominator appears to be the policy of rotation. The general idea behind the policy seems to be to give the novice bureaucrats the widest possible exposure to the organization, its structure, personnel, tasks, and modus operandi. As we saw in the preceding chapter, the Ministry of Finance processes its elite-track entrants through a fairly well-structured training course lasting six to seven years. A unique feature of the Finance Ministry training program is that every first-year career bureaucrat is paired with someone who is one year senior to him. The senpai (senior) becomes the novice's guide, teacher, companion, and patron. Not only does the senpai provide guidance on the job but he is expected to entertain his kohai (junior) after working hours as well, buying meals and drinks. By custom, the senpai even buys the kohai's lunches until the latter receives his first monthly salary. The financial burden of all this on the senpai is by no

[50] "Kancho daikaibo, 10: This Is Jichi-sho!" [Great Autopsy on Government Agencies, 10: This Is the Ministry of Home Affairs!], Shukan Yomiuri , 28 Apr. 1985, p. 142.

means light; the kohai , who must reverse roles in the following year, must plan ahead, saving part of his meager salary throughout the first year for the anticipated expenses in the second year.^[51]

Another interesting aspect of the Finance Ministry's training program is the practice of using members of its freshman class as "question-takers" in the National Diet. Specifically, when the Diet convenes its annual session, attention is focused on the interpellations of government officials by Diet members in the budget committee. Because the sessions are frequently televised and receive wide coverage in the press, no cabinet minister or his ranking deputy wants to be caught off guard. Hence every effort is made to anticipate questions and to prepare for them as fully as possible.

Whereas all other ministries and agencies rely on seasoned veterans for their respective intelligence-gathering operations in the Diet, the Finance Ministry is unique in having its freshman career bureaucrats perform the thankless task. The latter serve stints of two weeks on a rotating basis. With the help of five "noncareer" Finance Ministry bureaucrats who are stationed in the Diet full time, these novices roam around, talking with various Diet members in an effort to learn what questions the latter are planning to ask. For their part, many Diet members find it expedient or gratifying to let the bureaucrats know the general thrust of their questions in advance. The Diet members call their talks with Finance Ministry freshman bureaucrats reku (lecture), maintaining the lofty posture of teacher vis-à-vis the bureaucrats. Such experiences are indeed designed to perform an important teaching function for the bureaucrats: to enable them to learn firsthand about the politics of the Diet at the beginning of their careers.^[52]

We have already noted that in the second year most Finance Ministry trainees are dispatched to the field to learn about "front-line work" in internal revenue and finances as "inspectors" (chosakan ). Chiefs of tax bureaus in the localities and other senior officials play the role of mentor, frequently "preaching to" the trainee about various matters over drinks in the evenings. In the third year, all trainees are expected to devote full time to study. A few of them are selected to go abroad to pursue graduate study, but the majority undergo formal training at home. Their focus of study is economics. The faculty, drawn from the outside, is said to be superb, and the program of study exceedingly

[51] Jin, Okura kanryo , p. 98; Mainichi Shinbun, Kanryo , pp. 21-22.

[52] Ibid., pp. 19-21.

rigorous. Finance Ministry officials claim that the one-year training program is comparable to a graduate program in economics leading to a master's degree in economics. The ministry takes this theoretical training so seriously that the trainees are left undisturbed throughout the year; even during the ministry's busiest period, September through December, when work on the next year's budget requires all the help it can muster, the ministry allows the third-year civil servants to concentrate on their studies exclusively.^[53]

After receiving further exposure to substantive work of the ministry in Tokyo, first as a senior member of a sub-section (shunin ) and then as chief of a subsection (kakaricho ), the trainee assumes in the sixth and final year of formal on-the-job training (minarai kikan ) the position of chief of a local tax office (zeimushocho ). For the first time, the trainee is put in charge of a government office in the field that not only has several dozen employees but also performs a significant function. As such, he becomes part of the local establishment and must interact with leaders in various walks of life as an equal. To be the head of an organization, however small, is a challenge of considerable proportions for a novice bureaucrat still in his twenties. A former Finance Ministry bureaucrat writes that it was the most memorable experience of his life.^[54]

Aware of the risks involved, the Finance Ministry takes pains to minimize them. For one thing, the privilege is denied to women bureaucrats on its career track. According to the Finance Ministry's reasoning, in view of the fact that most localities in Japan tend to lag behind metropolitan areas in social change, few are ready for a woman tax chief. Nonetheless, a "noncareer" woman in the Finance Ministry, with thirty-seven years of service in the National Tax Administration Agency, was appointed a local tax chief in 1981.^[55]

Another precaution taken by the ministry is to select as the novices' training ground only those localities where there are no major problems in tax collection. Additionally, the ministry makes certain that the tax offices chosen have deputy directors and chiefs of general-affairs sections who are particularly suited to serve as "guardians" (omamori yaku ) of their prospective young bosses. These are veteran "noncareer" civil servants. The other people in the localities concerned usually make

[53] Sakakibara, Nihon o enshutsu sum shin kanryozo , pp. 41-44; Kanayama Bunji, "Sei'iki no okite: Kanryodo no kenkyu" [Laws of a Sanctuary: A Study of the Ways of Bureaucrats], Chuo koron , July 1978, p. 234.

[54] Sakakibara, Niho o enshutsu suru , p. 47.

[55] Sano, Josei kanryo , pp. 97-134 and 138.

the young trainees feel both welcome and important, for they are well aware that the trainees may one day become bureau chiefs and even vice-ministers. So far as the trainees themselves are concerned, what they get out of this experience is not only an exercise in leadership but also self-confidence and a heightened consciousness of their elite status.^[56] Not only do the actual experiences of trainees vary from case to case, but the timing of appointment as a local tax-office chief also varies from class to class and sometimes within the same class. In the 1950s it occurred in the seventh year. From 1958 to 1962 it occurred in the sixth year for most trainees. Since 1963, it has occurred in the fifth year more often than not.^[57]

A major feature of the on-the-job training appears to be self-learning, of which the Finance Ministry's use of first-year bureaucrats as "question-takers" in the Diet is a notable example. That is to say, one is sometimes dispatched to the "combat zone" alone and compelled to fend for oneself. What undoubtedly eases the anxiety of the Finance Ministry freshmen bureaucrat, however, is the senpai-kohai system mentioned earlier. In the case of the Diet assignment, the availability of "noncareer" veterans provides another cushion.

Novices in other ministries, however, point to the need for surreptitious learning. As a first-year career woman in MITI confided, "when one is in the dark as to how things should be done, one should not ask someone but try to figure them out on one's own or observe how other people do things. For example, one can learn what kind of work others are doing by looking at the files left on their desks in the evening when everyone has left and by studying the material one is asked to duplicate." Conceding that such behavior resembles that of a "cat that steals" (dorobo neko ), she argued that "there is no other way." Her views are echoed by a first-year career man in the Home Ministry, who says that he was compelled to learn about the flow and handling of documents entirely on his own and to eavesdrop on telephone conversations in order to learn how to handle telephone inquiries.^[58]

[56] Kanayama, "Sei'iki no okite," pp. 235-36. The care with which the Finance Ministry selects local tax offices for its trainees is reminiscent of a similar practice in France. The Ecole Nationale d'Administration takes pains to ensure that the prefectures to which its first-year students are dispatched for prolonged on-the-job training are capable of giving them a meaningful learning experience. A département headed by a particularly capable prefect who is enthusiastic about the training program will be entrusted with two trainees, notwithstanding the rule of one trainee per département . See Parris, "Twenty Years of l'Ecole Nationale d'Administration," pp. 309-10.

[57] These impressions are based on a review of the career background of Finance Ministry officials listed in Showa 62-nenban Okurasho meikan .

[58] "Komuin to natte: Jokyu shiken saiyosha zadankai" [On Becoming Civil Servants: A Roundtable Discussion of Appointees Who Have Passed the Higher (Civil-Service) Examination], Jinji-in geppo 312 (Feb. 1977): 6-7.

In all of the on-the-job training programs, either structured or unstructured, an overriding aim is to instill in the minds of the novice bureaucrats a sense of identification with the organization that they have joined. This is frequently accompanied by the inculcation of a sense of pride, a goal whose attainment will hinge to a great extent on the relative prestige of the organization concerned. Regardless of their relative prestige, however, all government agencies seem to have a large measure of success in generating a sense of commitment and loyalty to them. In a significant sense, this may be a function of sheer necessity on the part of the bureaucrats: having made long-term commitments based on considerations of expediency as well as other factors, they have a stake in the well-being of their new employer. On the other hand, too strong a sense of identification with individual ministries can be dysfunctional for the government as a whole. We now turn to programs designed to foster supraorganizational loyalties and cross-organizational friendships.

Off-The-Job Training

The number of off-the-job training programs has increased dramatically over the years. In 1972 there were 4,790 such programs, in which 16.6 percent of all regular-service (ippan shoku ) national civil servants participated. By 1977 the number of programs had increased to 6,241 and the proportion of regular-service participants to 20.8 percent. In 1986, there were 9,725 programs, in which 38.5 percent of all regular-service national civil servants participated.^[59] But what interests us most are those programs that are specifically tailored to elite-track civil servants. Since 1956, four such programs have been initiated and conducted by the national government, each of which is available to civil servants at different stages of their career: (1) new appointees, (2) subsection chiefs, (3) assistant section chiefs, and (4) section chiefs.

Joint Training of New Appointees

Conducted annually since 1967 under the joint auspices of the National Personnel Authority and the Bureau of Personnel (which had been part of the prime minister's office

[59] "Kokka komuin kenshu no kihon mondai ni kansuru kekka no hokoku" [A Report on the Results of an Investigation into the Basic Problems in the Training of National Civil Servants], Jinji-in geppo 347 (Jan. 1980): 19; Jinji-in, Nenji hokokusho , 1983, p. 108; Jinji-in, Komuin hakusho , 1988, p. 108.

until 1984, when it was absorbed by the Management and Coordination Agency), the joint training of new appointees (kyodo shonin kenshu ) is the only program that brings together all elite-track civil servants in the same stage of their careers. It has the dual aim of helping them to realize that they are the servants of the entire nation (kokumin zentai no hoshisha ) and of generating a sense of solidarity among its participants. Taking place in the first week of April, this program is tantamount to an orientation for the new appointees, who spend four days together during which they follow a tight schedule. The schedule includes listening to lectures on various topics by senior officials, retired officials, and scholars; participating in small group discussions; visiting the Diet and the prime minister's residence; and taking part in recreational and athletic activities.^[60]

The reaction to the program by former participants has been generally favorable. In an evaluation survey conducted in the first class (N = 685), 59 percent indicated that the experience had been "meaningful" and that the duration of the program had been "just right." The same sentiment was echoed by a number of new appointees in a round-table discussion ten years later. One found the experience "morale-boosting," and another indicated that the experience of spending "five days [sic ] with persons in entirely different fields" had been very rewarding. On the other hand, the brevity of the program was criticized by some former participants (20 percent of the first class), and others voiced the hope that there would be more emphasis on small group discussion and informal interactions among the participants. One even complained of the total ban on alcoholic beverages, even during the evening hours, a ban that is imposed by the regulations of the Olympic Youth Center, where the trainees are housed.^[61]

Training of Sub-Section Chiefs

Initiated in 1956, the "administrative training" (gyosei kenshu ) of subsection chiefs is the oldest of the four programs. Whereas the program for new appointees is all-inclusive, this program accommodates only about 30 percent of the eligible bureaucrats. Until 1984, it was held three times a year, each session lasting eight weeks. As in the other training programs, the participants, who average about eighty per session, spend all of their time together in the training camp, which is the National Personnel Authority's Public-service Training Institute (Komuin Kenshujo) located in Iruma city,

[60] "Dai ikkai kyodo shonin kenshu o jisshi shite" [Implementation of the First Joint Training of New Appointees], Jinji-in geppo 197 (July 1967): 20-23.

[61] Ibid., pp. 21-22; "Komuin to natte," p. 6.

Saitama prefecture. In addition to the twin goals of inculcating a sense of mission to the nation as a whole (transcending the parochial perspectives of individual ministries and agencies) and of fostering a sense of solidarity and a network of friendship among the participants, this program aims at imparting specialized knowledge to the fledgling higher civil servants. Until its reorganization in 1985, the program consisted of two tracks: course A for persons with expertise in law, economics, the humanities, and the social sciences and course B for specialists in the natural sciences and engineering. A sizable number of lectures, seminars, and joint research projects were common to both tracks; they dealt with such topics as administrative law, international relations, national security, economic theory, economic planning, fiscal and monetary policies, international economy, public administration and citizens, population problems, policy science, public management, personnel management, and labor relations. The lecturers were predominantly from the academic world, with a sprinkling of senior officials.^[62]

Judging from the comments of its participants, the program seems to accomplish its intended purposes. Not only does it provide a broadening experience, in terms of one's perspectives, intellectual horizons, and network of friends and acquaintances, but it also furnishes a welcome relief from the pressure-cooker atmosphere of Kasumigaseki. In a rustic setting far removed from the hustle and bustle of Tokyo, the participants can relax both their minds and their bodies, enjoying the luxury of reflection and study. The allocation of almost equal amounts of time to lectures and seminars, moreover, ensures that the participants have ample opportunities to think on their own and to interact intellectually with their peers and instructors.^[63] In an evaluation survey administered to seventy participants in March 1984, all but three indicated that the program had been worthwhile, and half of the respondents said that it had been "unusually productive." Moreover, 91 percent said that when they became section chiefs, they would make every effort to send their subordinates to the training program even if it should interfere with the work of the section.^[64]Mainichi shinbun reporters who interviewed

[62] Okada Maki, "110 tai 102: Gyosei kenshu (kakaricho kyu) inshoki" [110 vs. 102: Impressions of Administrative Training (Subsection-Chief Level)], Jinji-in geppo , 356 (Oct. 1980): 21-25. The numbers refer to 110 hours of lectures vs. 102 hours of seminars (enshu ).

[63] Ibid., pp. 21-23.

[64] "Showa 58-nendo gyosei kenshu no jisshi jokyo: Tai 81-kai gyosei kenshu (kakaricho kyu) o chushin to shite" [The Situation Regarding the Implementation of Administrative Training in Fiscal Year 1983: With Emphasis on the 81st Administrative Training Session (Subsection-Chief Level)], Jinji-in geppo 401 (June 1984): 6-7.

trainees in January 1979 found that the program was indeed engendering the feeling of Kasumigaseki ikka (one Kasumigaseki family), namely, cross-organizational solidarity among the participants. "The biggest harvest of all is making acquaintance with people from all kinds of ministries and agencies" was a sentiment shared by all the trainees. Some even expressed the desire for a longer training period, lasting six months instead of two.^[65]

As noted previously, the program was reorganized in 1985. Its length was shortened from eight to four weeks, and the frequency of its sessions was reduced from three to two per year. In lieu of courses A and B, three new tracks dealing respectively with public administration, law, and economics were established. This was in response to the requests of many ministries and agencies for more specialized training. The duration having been cut in half, the training became more intensive than before. All three tracks have in common segments on the "administrative process," dealing primarily with public policy; "administrative management"; "administrative environment"; physical fitness; general education (kyoyo ); and individualized research. The amount of training time devoted to individualized research varies from 27 to 45 hours (out of 122 hours) depending on one's track. In addition, a separate training program for subsection chiefs who are not on the traditional elite track was created. This seems to be a major concession to the "noncareer" civil servants, who constitute over 95 percent of all national civil servants. Known as the basic course in administrative training (subsection-chief level) (gyosei kenshu kiso katei [kakaricho kyu ]), the new program is open to civil servants who have passed the lower and intermediate civil-service examinations, have compiled outstanding records of performance, and show promise of leadership. Its session lasts about five weeks.^[66]

Training of Assistant Section Chiefs

Under the 1985 reorganization plan, the training of assistant section chiefs was given the principal emphasis. Whereas in the past only about 20 percent of the eligible persons received government-wide training at this level, the new plan calls for the eventual accommodation of practically all eligible persons. The number of participants thus doubled in fiscal year 1985, from 150

[65] Mainichi Shinbun, Kanryo , pp. 32-35.

[66] "Showa 60-nendo Jinji-in kenshu no jisshi keikaku" [A Plan for the Implementation of Training Programs Administered by the National Personnel Authority in Fiscal Year 1985], Jinji-in geppo 412 (May 1985): 10-14; Jinji-in, Komuin hakusho , 1987, pp. 135-37.

to 300, and the frequency of sessions also increased, from three to six per year. On the other hand, the length of each session was reduced from four to three weeks. The rationale for that reduction was that the pivotal role played by assistant section chiefs in their respective units made it impractical to prolong their absence from work. In terms of curriculum, there is an increased emphasis on the "environment of public administration," which has become more complex and multifaceted than ever before.^[67]

An interesting feature of this program is that it occasionally invites participants from the private sector. Of the 50 persons who participated in the program's forty-third session in May 1981, for example, 4 were employees of major corporations: Toyota Motor Company, Shin Nippon Steel Company, Mitsubishi Shoji, and Toshiba Electric Company. In a jointly authored article, the four private-sector participants gave rave reviews to the program. They praised the timeliness of the topics covered and the pedagogy used, particularly the emphasis on seminars in which individualized research and small group discussion play the major part. Of 120 hours devoted to study, only 21 were consumed by straight lectures. On the average, each participant was required to serve as a discussion leader three or four times during the session. The layout of the dormitory, which contained both single rooms and Japanese-style rooms accommodating three persons, facilitated close interpersonal relationships. Rooms and roommates were changed every week. Extracurricular activities, such as softball and tennis tournaments, contributed to the development of camaraderie.^[68]

All in all, this program, too, performs useful functions for its participants: it simultaneously broadens their intellectual horizons and helps them forge personal ties with their peers in the other parts of the national government and, occasionally, in the private sector as well.

Training of Section Chiefs

The training program for section chiefs, known as "managers' study session" (kanrisha kenkyukai ), accommodates only 10 percent of all eligible persons. Initiated in 1963, the program is open to civil servants who are serving as section chiefs or their equivalents in the national-government ministries and agencies. It is held about four times a year and, like the program for assistant section chiefs, allows the participation of private-sector personnel who

[67] "Showa 60-nendo Jinji-in kenshu," pp. 10-11. In fiscal year 1986, a total of 258 assistant section chiefs took part in this program in six separate sessions. Jinji-in, Komuin hakusho , 1987, pp. 137-38.

[68] Imai Fukuzo et al., "'Moeru shudan' ni mi o tojite" [Joining a "Burning Group"], Jinji-in geppo 366 (July 1981): 12-17.

hold equivalent positions. Each session lasts about three weeks, of which ten days are spent on individualized research and a week on group activities. Only during the final week do the participants live together in a camp. A typical session has between twenty and twenty-five participants and a common theme. The range of topics covered by individualized research, however, is somewhat broader. The ninety-first session, held from 17 September to 4 October 1986, for example, focused on the theme of "procedural guarantees in public administration," but the participants prepared research papers on "theories of management" (kanrisha ron ). In addition, there were lectures and discussions on such topics as "the recent international situation," "the ideology of business management" (kigyo keiei no rinen ), "the economic situation," "theories of modem society," and "mental hygiene in the workplace."^[69]

The small size of each class may compensate for the brevity of the session. Former participants cite as one of the principal benefits of the program the establishment of horizontal linkages with their peers in the other ministries and agencies. An official of the Construction Ministry recalls, for example, that as a section chief in charge of budgetary matters, he was able to call up a Finance Ministry official who had been a fellow trainee and obtain valuable assistance. Other participants state that learning about what their peers in other parts of the government are doing and being able to exchange ideas with them did indeed help engender a sense of solidarity and an awareness of their status as "public servants of the entire nation" (kuni no komuin ).^[70]

Other Training Programs

A number of ministries and agencies conduct off-the-job training programs on their own. A few of them even have their own training institutes, notably the Finance Ministry, the Foreign Ministry, the prime minister's office, and the Environment Agency. Most of these programs are geared to specialized training in such fields as accounting and finance, statistics, environmental pollution, and foreign languages.^[71]

[69] "Showa 58-nendo Jinji-in kenshu no jisshi keikaku (kaiyo)" [A Plan for the Implementation of Training Programs by the National Personnel Authority in Fiscal Year 1983 (Outline)], Jinji-in geppo 388 (May 1983): 6; "Showa 60-nendo Jinji-in kenshu," p. 14; Jinji-in, Komuin hakusho , 1987, pp. 139-40.

[70] "Zadankai: Komuin kenshu no arikata" [Roundtable Discussion: Ideal of Civil Servants' Training], Jinji-in geppo 317 (July 1977): 13-21.

[71] "Showa 58-nendo Jinji-in kenshu," p. 29; Jinji-in, Jinji gyosei sanjunen no ayumi , pp. 323-40.

Specialized training is also provided by educational institutions outside the Japanese government. Graduate schools at Tsukuba and Saitama universities have been utilized for the training of elite-track civil servants in management, policy science, and other subjects. Initiated in 1976, this program allows those who meet the standards of both their respective agencies and the graduate schools to work toward master's degrees for two years. During the twelve-year period from 1976 to 1987, a total of 114 civil servants took part in the program.^[72]

Finally, foreign institutions and experiences can provide both specialized training and socializing influences to Japan's administrative elite. There are both long-term and short-term programs. The former, initiated in 1966, allows selected individuals to study abroad for two years, usually in pursuit of master's degrees, and the latter, initiated in 1974, allows about 30 civil servants a year to do research on specific topics in foreign countries for six months.^[73]

From 1966 to 1988 a total of 680 persons participated in the long-term overseas-training program. Over 60 percent of them studied in major graduate schools in the United States, and the remainder attended major institutions of higher learning in Britain, France, West Germany, Canada, and Australia. Candidates must survive a stringent selection process, including recommendation by their respective ministries or agencies and an examination conducted by the National Personnel Authority. Arrangements are made with foreign educational institutions in accordance with the preferences of both candidates and their agencies as well as the candidates' linguistic ability. Candidates usually undergo a brief training in Japan prior to their departure for their destinations. They are also encouraged to go to their chosen countries two months prior to the commencement of their studies in order to receive intensive language training. Despite such careful preparations, many of them encounter a substantial language barrier during the first several months.^[74]

With the exception of those who go to European countries in which educational systems differ substantially from Japan's, however, nearly all of the trainees succeed in earning master's degrees. Besides knowledge and skills, they also gain an understanding of foreign cultures and a network of friends and acquaintances abroad. The government's

[72] Jinji-in, Komuin hakusho , 1987, pp. 146-47.

[73] Ibid., pp. 143-46.

[74] Ibid., 1988, pp. 117-18; "Ichinen tatta zaigai kenkyu no jokyo" [The Condition of Overseas Research After One Year], Jinji-in geppo 203 (Jan. 1968): 10-13.

objective of turning out higher civil servants capable of functioning effectively in the international arena appears to be succeeding.^[75]

The short-term overseas-research program differs from the long-term program in that the participants are affiliated not with universities but with government agencies, international organizations, and, occasionally, research institutes. Since its inception in 1974, a majority of the participants have chosen the United States as the site of their research, the remainder going to Western Europe, Canada, and Australia. They have investigated a wide range of problems. The short-term visitors to the United States have investigated such problems as U.S. policy toward technology transfer, the treatment and rehabilitation of drug abusers, land-use policy, deregulation of the airlines industry, conflict resolution in inner cities, and judicial activism and judicial restraint.^[76] Its short duration notwithstanding, the program does expose its participants to ways of life that are different from their own and allows them to study an aspect of foreign society in reasonable depth. At a minimum, it can generate a comparative perspective of sorts and broaden the intellectual horizons of the participants to some degree.^[77]

In addition to the above, there is an informal but nonetheless effective method of acquiring education abroad. Civil servants can make their own arrangements, subject to the approval of their superiors. Both short-term and long-term stays abroad can be arranged. To give a few examples of self-arranged training abroad: a woman assistant section chief in the prime minister's office, a Todai graduate and an eleventh-year career civil servant, went to Harvard in 1980 to do research on American women executives for eight months. The Japanese government paid for her round-trip air fare but the remaining expenses were her own responsibility. Another woman graduate of Todai, in her second year at the Finance Ministry, won a French-government scholarship on her own and studied economics in France for six months in 1967. Still another woman, also a Todai graduate in the Finance Ministry, obtained a scholarship from Brown University in her third year, earning a master's degree there after three years of study

[75] "Ninenkan o furi kaette: Kikoku shita zaigai kenkyuin dai nikaisei no kaiko" [Looking Back Upon Two Years: Recollections of the Second Group of Returned Overseas Research Students], Jinji-in geppo 227, (Jan. 1970): 24-26; Ueyama Shin'ichi, "Purinsuton Daigaku no ninenkan" [Two Years at Princeton University], ibid. 412 (May 1985): 21-23.

[76] "Tanki zaigai kenkyuin seido" [The Short-term Overseas Researcher System], Jinji-in geppo 401 (June 1984) 29-32.

[77] See, for example, Nakajima Sachiko, "Watashi no kaimamita Igirisu" [The England I Caught a Glimpse of], Jinji-in geppo 365 (May 1981) 21-24; Fujii Ryoko, "Amerika zakkan" [Miscellaneous Impressions of America], ibid., 378 (July 1982) 22-24.

(1979-82).^[78] In the Finance Ministry, almost as many third-year civil servants go abroad for graduate study on scholarships obtained on their own as they do on Japanese-government scholarships.^[79]

For obvious reasons, opportunities to study abroad are highly sought after by Japanese civil servants. In the Mainichi shinbun survey of new appointees cited earlier, almost half of the respondents indicated a wish to study abroad after they entered the government service.^[80] In reality, only a small minority have their wish fulfilled, for the total number of long-term and short-term overseas trainees, both official (that is, government-sponsored) and unofficial, rarely exceeds one hundred a year. For those who make it, however, the rewards seem to be substantial. A steady increase in the pool of elite bureaucrats who can deal effectively with their counterparts in other parts of the world, moreover, is a welcome development for the Japanese government as a whole. If foreign experience helps to increase empathy on the part of Japan's administrative elite, as seems likely, then it can have only salutary effects on the conduct of Japan's public policy in this era of internationalization (kokusaika jidai ).

Conclusion

Although no abstract model can represent the complexity and subtleties of Japanese reality, the progressive-equal-attrition model nonetheless highlights a major dimension of that reality: the probability of induction into Japan's administrative elite diminishes to a vanishing point for an overwhelming majority of Japanese youth at the successive stages of their progression in the educational system. Consequently, the relevant socialization experiences of Japan's administrative elite include (1) their preadult socialization, (2) socialization in universities, and (3) socialization in the postinduction stage.

Among the various agents of preadult socialization, schools play a particularly potent role in Japan. In primary schools, there is an overwhelming emphasis on the inculcation of egalitarian values, notably an egalitarian orientation to jobs, an orientation toward individualism, and a participatory orientation. In high schools, on the other hand, instrumental values become more salient. The latter include diligence, sacrifice, mastery of detailed information, perseverence, asceticism, and a competitive spirit. These values are internalized in the course of the

[78] Sano, Josei kanryo , pp. 28, 104-5, and 127-29.

[79] Jin, Okura kanryo , pp. 99-101.

[80] Mainichi Shinbun, Kanryo , p. 42.

students' single-minded pursuit of an overriding goal: passing entrance examinations to "first-rate" universities.

The extent to which these two sets of values are embraced by the Japanese youth, of course, varies widely from individual to individual and among different subsets of the population. Data collected in a world youth-survey project show that the Japanese youth do indeed display a pronounced degree of individualistic and instrumental orientation. The data suggest that they are virtually indistinguishable from their counterparts in the United States, Britain, France, and West Germany in their commitment to universalistic values, aversion to authoritarianism, and preoccupation with individualistic pursuits.

In trying to understand socialization in universities, we have focused our attention on the faculty of law of the University of Tokyo, the single most important training ground of Japan's administrative elite. In terms of formal requirements, all Todai law students receive two years of "general education" consisting of courses in the humanities, the social sciences, the natural sciences, and foreign languages. As for specialized training, the number of law-related courses one takes is a function of one's career plans; those contemplating entry into the legal profession take the most, and those leaning toward "political" or other careers (political-science majors) take the fewest. Most students who aspire for careers in the civil service not only take a large number of law-related courses but also immerse themselves in law and other subjects on their own for a prolonged period of time in order to prepare for the higher civil-service examination.

Preparing for examinations, either judicial or administrative or both, is so arduous, in fact, that it necessitates a "triangular pattern of life" that revolves around classrooms, the library, and the boardinghouse. The numerical preponderance of students following such routines contributes to the "desertlike" atmosphere of Todai's law faculty. Although opportunities for seminars do exist, most courses permit little interaction between professors and students. In short, the qualities that tend to be accentuated in Todai's law faculty are not so much creative thinking and critical modes of analysis as discipline, hard work, good memory, and problem-solving ability.

Those who are inducted into Japan's administrative elite, after passing the exceedingly competitive higher civil-service examination, then, can be presumed to possess an array of substantive skills essential for their prospective duties: an understanding of a broad spectrum of human knowledge, a proven ability in memorization and problem-solving, and a mastery of a chosen field of specialization. The practice of

decentralized hiring implies, further, that their role perceptions have been judged to be consistent with the preferences of their employers.

Nonetheless, there remains the need for inculcating a sense of identification with the ministry or agency they have joined and teaching them the fundamentals of its mores and modus operandi. Given the notorious "sectionalism" of the various governmental agencies, moreover, the national government sees a pressing need to bring home to the inductees the primacy of their transorganizational bonds and loyalty. No less important is the need to expose the civil servants in the various stages of their careers to developments both in the operational environment of the Japanese government and in the research frontiers in the relevant disciplines. The opportunity to escape from the daily grind of Kasumigaseki—to collect one's thoughts and reflect on issues, large and small, and to enjoy the companionship of one's peers in other parts of the government and, occasionally, in the private sector as well is deemed to be of value in its own right. All this has led to the proliferation of training programs for civil servants, conducted by the individual ministries, the National Personnel Authority, and institutions of higher learning.

In fact, in terms of the sheer quantity of in-service training programs and the proportion of civil servants who participate in them, Japan probably has few rivals. To what extent their intended goals materialize, however, remains uncertain. Surveys conducted by the government as well as testimony of participants indicate that the goal of encouraging the development of cross-organizational bonds is being attained to some degree.

Regarding the overall effectiveness of the multitude of training programs, however, Tsuji Kiyoaki, a leading expert on Japanese bureaucracy with wide experience on the postentry training programs, is highly skeptical. He finds that the substantive contents of training programs, that is, courses offered, do not really reflect the cutting edge of research and practice but duplicate the curriculum of faculties of law and economics in Japanese universities, thus turning the programs into "minicolleges of law and economics" (mini hokei daigaku ). Tsuji also believes that there is need to increase the proportion of seminars at the expense of lectures. As for the selection of trainees, Tsuji feels that the "horizontal-type training" (suihei-gata kenshu ) in which all the participants are of the same rank, should be replaced by a "vertical-type training" (suichoku-gata kenshu ) in which participants will represent a mix of different ranks. In his view, the latter reproduces the reality of Japanese bureaucracy more faithfully and will be conducive to effective

training. Finally, Tsuji underscores the value of practical training on the pattern of the French Ecole Nationale d'Administration. As he sees it, most of what happens in Japan is not so much practical training (jitchi kenshu ) as "practical observation" (jitchi kengaku ).^[81]

Let us examine the Western patterns briefly. If we focus on direct socialization, that is, efforts to transmit a set of values and skills to those who have opted for a public-service career, then we find variations among the industrialized democracies in a number of dimensions—timing, duration, contents, and relative emphasis. As for timing, whether training takes place before or after induction into the public service depends on how "induction" is defined. If it is defined legalistically to refer to formal appointment as an official, then most training programs occur in the preinduction period. Japan and Britain depart from the pattern in that official training programs in these countries do not begin until after formal appointment. From a substantive standpoint, however, the difference in timing may be minimal, for nearly all of the preappointment trainees in France, West Germany, and the United States go on to become full-fledged officials upon completion of their training.

As we have already seen, in West Germany the preinduction training for an aspiring higher civil servant includes (1) university education, normally in law, followed by the passing of a state examination and (2) two-and-a-half years of preparatory service under the auspices of the Lander administrations, capped by the passing of a second state examination. All this leads to certification as a full-fledged jurist and an assessor, which in turn allows the candidate to seek an appointment as a probationary official. Only after a probationary period of one-and-a-half to five years will the candidate be formally admitted to the higher civil service.^[82]

It is theoretically possible for nonlaw graduates to enter the higher service in West Germany. Those who have completed their university studies in the social sciences must enter a preparatory service, during which they receive an "in-service training [that] is specifically tailored to public administration." They must spend one semester at the Graduate School of Administrative Sciences in Speyer in the state of Rhineland-Palatinate. The curriculum at Speyer includes formal

[81] Tsuji Kiyoaki, "Komu kenshu" [Public-Service Training], in Tsuji Kiyoaki, ed., Gyoseigaku koza, dai 4-kan: gyosei to soshiki [Lectures on Public Administration, vol. 4: Public Administration and Organization] (Tokyo: Tokyo Daigaku Shuppankai, 1976), pp. 285-91. Emphasis added.

[82] Johnson, State and Government in the Federal Republic of Germany , pp. 182-83.

courses, discussion groups (colloquia), seminars, and visits to "important government agencies or organizations of special interest." Students are also required to engage in an in-depth study of "an unusual administrative problem or undertaking," during which they are given a chance to study all the available documents and hear lectures from key participants in the case under study. At the end of their training, which lasts two and a half years, the nonjurist applicants for the higher service must take a "career examination." In practice, the demand for nonjurists is rather low, hence the phenomenon of Juristenmonopol persists.^[83]

In France, training for the higher civil service takes place under the auspices of the Ecole Nationale d'Administration (ENA), which supervises a two-and-a-half-year training program for a select group of 150 or so students a year. This number, as we saw in chapter 4, was scheduled to be cut in half by 1987. The program places a heavy emphasis on practical training, rotation of assignments, and group projects. Given its stringent entrance examinations, the ENA has structured its curriculum on the assumption that the entering students have already acquired a thorough grounding in theoretical matters and need primarily to be exposed to the practical world of administration. Hence, during their first year, students are dispatched to local-government units for practical training. This means, in most cases, apprenticeship in a prefecture in the provinces. Some students spend part of the first year in foreign countries such as West Germany, Britain, Spain, Canada, and the United States, learning the operation of local-government agencies in those countries. A novel aspect of the ENA curriculum is the requirement that all students spend about three months in a nongovernmental organization, usually a business firm. With respect to study, emphasis is on quantitative analytic techniques, problem solving, and policy analysis. As part of a seminar, students, in groups of ten, must carry out in-depth studies of a policy problem and submit a sixty-page report recommending and justifying a fresh policy option. Preparation of the seminar report takes about six months, during which students must interview officials and other types of people and reach a consensus among themselves. Learning to work together in a group is said to be a significant side benefit of this experience. In

[83] Klaus Konig, "Education and Advanced Training for the Public Service in the Federal Republic of Germany," International Review of Administrative Sciences 49, no. 2(1983): 204-9; Fritz Motsrein Marx, "German Administration and the Speyer Academy," Public Administration Review 27, no. 5(Dec. 1967): 406-8. See also Becker and Kruger, "Personnel Administration," p. 259.

addition to the group research project, there is even a group examination in some courses.^[84]

As for the United States, Presidential Management Intern Program (PMIP), inaugurated in 1977, is the single most important training program for higher civil servants. Inasmuch as all PMIs have received graduate training in management or related fields, the two-year internship program consists entirely of practical training. All interns must be hired by individual agencies but are nonetheless exposed to common experiences: "an initial orientation, evening seminars, a three-day seminar at the end of the first and second years, and cluster group meetings which are held several times a year." Led by high-level federal managers, cluster-group meetings "seek to provide a unique perspective on how federal programs are managed and to give interns insight into the application of management techniques within the working environment." At the agency level, the interns design their own "Development Plan," of which the principal component tends to be on-the-job training in a specific functional area as well as on a rotational basis. Just as finalists in the PMIP competition must obtain a Federal position on their own to begin their internship, so those who successfully complete the internship, too, must take the initiative in finding permanent employment in the federal government. It is in this sense that initial appointment as PMIs can only be characterized as tentative; hence the training received by the interns technically occurs prior to permanent appointment.^[85]

As noted, Great Britain deviates from the preceding patterns by relying on postentry training. Notwithstanding their title, administrative trainees (ATs) should be viewed as inductees into the higher civil service for all practical purposes. Their number has gradually declined over the years. In the early 1970s, when the AT program was first launched, about 300 ATs were recruited each year, but by the latter part of the decade the number had declined to 160. With the restructuring of the program in the early 1980s, the number of ATs plummeted: in 1982 there were only 44 AT entrants.^[86]

[84] Tashiro Ku, "Nihon gyoseikan kenkyu—gyoseikan no ikusei: Kakkoku betsu ni mita sono seido" [A Study of Japanese Public Administrators—nurturing Public Administrators: Systems in Various Countries], Kankai , Oct. 1981, p. 76; "Furansu jokyu komuin no shonin kyoiku: Rainichi no Kokuritsu Gyosei Gakuin (ENA) sei ni kiku" [Early Education of French Higher Civil Servants: Interview with Students of the Ecole Nationale d'Administration Who Are Visiting Japan], Jinji-in geppo 266(July 1981): 6-11; Parris, "Twenty Years of l'Ecole Nationale d'Administration," pp. 308-11.

[85] U.S. Office of Personnel Management, The Presidential Management Intern Program Bulletin (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1984), pp. 1-9.

[86] Geoffrey K. Fry, The Changing Civil Service (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1985), p. 56.

What has remained constant, however, is that all ATs receive a two-year probationary appointment. Initially assigned to individual departments, ATs until 1981 participated in ten-week-long training programs at the Civil Service College at Sunningdale, England, at the end of their first and second years. During their probationary period, they were given at least three different types of work, and their performance was evaluated by their superiors. On the basis of evaluation, about a third of ATs were "fast-streamed" and the remainder became "mainstreamers." The former in effect became an elite among the elite, with vastly enhanced opportunities for interesting assignments and the assurance of a fast-paced promotion. Since 1981, however, all ATs have become fast-stream entrants and their course of training at the Civil Service College has been changed. It now consists of twelve "modules" requiring a total of twenty-two weeks of training. The training begins earlier than before, for ATs can take "an induction course in administration" after about three months in their departments. The course consists of three modules dealing, respectively, with "communication and the use of information (one week), Parliament, government and the civil service (two weeks), and finance and control of public expenditures (one week)." After their second year of service, ATs can take up to six modules: "quantitative skills (two weeks), economics, government and the administrator (two weeks), principles of accounts (one week), the social role of government (three weeks), government and industry (three weeks), and international relations and the United Kingdom interests (three weeks)." Three more modules focusing on resource management may be taken in the fifth year of service. It is noteworthy that attendance at any of these courses is not mandatory, and "there is a high rate of withdrawal from courses because of the demands of the work—it is usually work in a minister's private office."^[87]

The variations among the four countries analyzed above are closely bound up with the idiosyncrasies of their educational systems, their methods of recruiting higher civil servants, and budgetary and other constraints in each country. Cross-national comparison of the "effectiveness" of training programs, then, becomes singularly elusive. The relevant question to ask appears to be: to what extent are the goals of training in each system being attained? Viewed in this light, the Japanese system may not be as ineffectual as its domestic critics would have us believe.

[87] Ibid., pp. 63-69; Tashiro, "Nihon gyoseikan kenkyu—gyoseikan no ikusei," p. 77; Kellner and Crowther-Hunt, The Civil Servants , pp. 138-46. The quoted passages are from Fry, The Changing Civil Service , p. 68.