Toward a National Balance: Sixtus IV to Julius II
The first della Rovere pope, Sixtus IV, quickly earned his reputation as a patron of the arts, founder of the Vatican Library, restorer of old churches, and builder of new. Spending freely, he also elevated nephews to key positions, who, like newly installed Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, established themselves as prominent patrons in their own right. That Sixtus did much for musicians is well known, particularly because the new cappella magna , as well as the enlarged choir that performed in it, has been known ever since as the Sistine Chapel. Starting out with sixteen singers when Sixtus succeeded Paul in 1471, the papal chapel, doubtless in preparation for the upcoming Jubilee Year of 1475, added five singers in August 1474, thereby increasing the size to nineteen. By the dedication of the Sistine Chapel in 1483, Sixtus had increased the size of the choir to an unprecedented (in Rome) twenty-four singers.[47]
The choir also added new members at St. Peter's, albeit more modestly and chiefly by the addition of Italian singers. Although the Italian presence increased after the first few years of Sixtus IV's papacy (Table 5) to as much as half the choir, the old hierarchy endured. Italians for the most part continued to be clerics of the basilica who were paid only 1 ducat per month, as compared to 2 or 3 for the northerners.
[46] The letter appears translated in D'Accone, "Singers of San Giovanni," 324, after the Italian published by Bianca Becherini, in "Relazioni di musici fiamminghi con la corte dei Medici," 111-12; this version is more readily accessible in Roth, "Primus in Petri aedem Sixtus perpetuae harmoniae cantores introduxit : Alcune osservazioni sul patronato musicale di Sisto IV," 233, n. 48. D'Accone also discusses it in "The Performance of Sacred Music in Italy during Josquin's Time, c. 1475-1525," 603-4, with regard to the size of performance forces.
[47] Haberl, "Die römische 'schola cantorum,'" 42-44, 53-54; Roth, "Primus in Petri ," 226-28. On the relative sizes of choirs in Italy, Flanders, and England, see Christopher Reynolds, "Sacred Polyphony," 187-88; and Starr, "Music and Music Patronage," 83ff.
Bonomo was joined by Christoforo Sancti, Hieronymus Johannes de Pazillis, and Cambio. A couple of Italians collected a wage of 2 ducats, Archangelo Blasio and Nicholas de Setia. Despite possessing the skills to join the papal chapel in 1475, Archangelo never matched the 3-ducat-per-month salaries of many of his northern colleagues.[48]
The creation of the Cappella Giulia had strong precedent in the deeds of Sixtus IV, a precedent Julius was quick to acknowledge. Prefacing his specifications for the Cappella Giulia, Julius cited first the foundation and construction of the Sistine Chapel, the ceremonial sanctuary of the Vatican Palace, begun shortly after 1475.[49] But Sixtus had also built at St. Peter's a smaller chapel dedicated to the Virgin Mary, St. Francis of Assisi, and St. Anthony of Padua, which, according to his instructions, was to house his tomb upon his death. This chapel, also known for a time as the Cappella Sistina, was consecrated on 8 December 1479.[50] Within a month Sixtus had directed the St. Peter's chapter to staff the chapel with a choir of ten singers (bull of 1 January 1480) and, following the example of Nicholas V, granted those singers all "privileges, favors, and graces" normally extended to the papal choir (doc. 1480a). The haste of Sixtus to specify a body of singers for the basilica accords with his apparent planning of the entire physical setting of his chapel, down to the iconography of his tomb.[51] Sixtus wanted to ensure that his final resting place would be appropriately dignified, both visually and aurally.
The bull of 1480 has wrongly been deemed ineffectual, due either to lack of money or lack of interest on the part of the St. Peter's chap-
[48] During the 1470s these included Guillaume des Mares, Egidius Crispini (both returned after several years in the north), Anthonius de Mota (from Rouen), Rainaldus de Meis, Johannes Marescalli, Winochus de Oudenorde, Nicholaus Ausquier, Remigius Massin, Johannes Piccardus, Johannes Alfonsus Salamantinus, and Georgius de Dunis. This last may be the composer of a textless and incomplete chanson in Seville, where the partially obscured name appears to be "Georgius Zuny"; it is transcribed in A. Moerk, "The Seville Chansonnier: An Edition of Sevilla 5-I-43 & Paris N.A. Fr. 4379 (Pt. 1)," 371.
[49] L.D. Ettlinger considers this dating "almost certain"; see The Sistine Chapel before Michelangelo: Religious Imagery and Papal Primacy , 14. The chapel was completed in 1483.
[50] Collectionis bullarum, brevium aliorumque diplomatum Sacrosanctae Basilicae Vaticanae , 2:205-6.
[51] L.D. Ettlinger details Sixtus's active role in "Pollaiuolo's Tomb of Sixtus IV," 268ff. Ettlinger made a similarly persuasive case for the participation of Sixtus in the artistic scheme of the papal chapel in The Sistine Chapel before Michelangelo .
ter.[52] But despite the absence of Exitus records for the years 1479-82, important changes in the choir clearly took place at just this time; the annual celebrations held after 1480 in the basilica's Sistine Chapel on the feasts of St. Francis and St. Anthony were by no means the only outcome of the bull.
Of the stipulations prescribed by Sixtus, the easiest to account for concerns the size of the choir (in Table 5 the column for "Totals" gives the accumulated number of singers for the entire year; that for "Maximum" gives the largest size reached in any single month; the best indication of the overall dimensions is in the column "Average per Month"). The number specified by Sixtus, ten singers, was not achieved until the end of his papacy in 1483-84, and this includes the organist. Counting only the singers, the plateau of ten was not reached until December 1484, four months into the pontificate of Innocent VIII. Nevertheless, the consistently larger choirs in this decade clearly mark 1480 as significant. After comprising six to seven singers through the 1470s, the St. Peter's choir increased to an average of nine or ten members per month in the 1480s and early 1490s, then passed into a time of greater fluctuation. Changes in the choir's numbers correspond roughly to the lengths of papal terms: under Innocent VIII came a period of stability, while during Alexander VI's papacy (1492-1503) the size varied between two and twelve. In the years before the Cappella Giulia, the choir had once again returned to ten members.
Of Alexander VI's years, 1495 was the most turbulent, with services completely disrupted at St. Peter's as the choir dropped from ten to three singers for half of June and all of July and August. The basilica turned to singers from Santo Spirito. Charles VIII of France, who had begun his march through Italy in 1494, initially reached Rome in the first days of 1495. Despite the pleas of his companion Giuliano della Rovere, Charles did not attempt to depose Alexander VI, but instead headed south to conquer Naples. That accomplished, he delayed his return north until 20 May. By the time he reached Rome on 1 June, the pope and twenty cardinals had fled to Orvieto; and when Charles
[52] Ducrot, "Histoire de la Cappella Giulia au XVIe siècle, depuis sa fondation par Jules II (1513), jusqu'à sa restauration par Grégoire XIII (1578)," 185; and Jose Maria Llorens, Le opere musicali della Cappella Giulia I, manoscritti e edizioni fino al 1700 , vi. Ducrot errs, giving exactly the opposite impression, by claiming that during the succeeding decades "le chapitre ne trouvent que des chanteurs étrangers."
left Rome on his way toward Orvieto (3 June), Alexander and his entourage moved further away to Perugia (5 June). This time Charles did not pursue, heading instead for Siena (13 June).[53] In the absence of the pope in Rome, the members of the papal choir that had remained behind celebrated Vespers on the eve of Pentecost (5 June) in St. Peter's, rather than as customary in the Sistine Chapel. For Corpus Christi the basilica once again took part musically in the procession, something they had not been permitted to do in fifty years (docs. 1495a and b). Alexander VI chose to return on one of the great feast days of the Roman liturgical calendar, the Feast of Sts. Peter and Paul (27 June), making his entrance "cum ingenti pompa et triumpho."[54] For their part of the festivities, the St. Peter's singers had enlisted the aid of their colleagues from Santo Spirito to welcome him. Evidently expecting them the evening before, the chapter paid these extra singers to greet Alexander at the door during Vespers (26 June) as well as at Mass the next morning.[55]
The greater stability of the choir in the 1480s (evident in the "Average per Month" column of Table 5) deserves comment. Despite sharp differences in the number of singers employed annually, the monthly size remained steady.[56] Not even the devastating plague in 1485 impaired the ability of the basilica to fill its choir stalls. As in the plague of 1478, every northern singer in the choir either left or perished. Johannes Teutonicus came from Naples in May and died in June; Hugoni, also from Naples and a scribe as well as singer, appeared in June and died in July; and Bernardinus de Flandria arrived in mid-September and died two weeks later.[57] But while in 1478 the choir size slipped to five during the most dangerous months of the summer, in
[53] Pastor, History of the Popes , 5:450-74.
[54] Pastor, History of the Popes , 5:474, n. 2.
[55] Doc. 1495c. Still in October the basilica's choir needed help. The papal singers sang on the Feast of St. Simon (28 October) in 1495 "out of courtesy" (doc. 1495d).
[56] Singers present for three months or less in the 1480s include (for one month) Amaneo, Bartholomeus de Castris, Bernardinus (1483), Bernardinus (1488), Bernardinus de Flandria, Bernardus, Jacobus; (for two months) Hieronymus Sanctus Spiritus, Hugoni, Johannes Teutonicus; (for three months) Johannes de Rouen, Johannes de Tornaco, Petrus Guida Guillelmus. This does not count singers whose service at St. Peter's is indeterminate because of a break in the archival records.
[57] See, for Hugoni, Censualia 12, int. 7 (1485), fol. 75v, 31 August; and, for Bernardinus, Quietanza 12 (1485), fol. 97. This Bernardinus therefore cannot be the Bernardinus Vale active in Bruges until 1498 as suggested in Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges , 189. A payment for Easter 1485 conveys the desperation of turning to an older cleric (and former singer): "pay ... Dns. Nicolas de Setia, cleric of the basilica, for Easter for his singing in our church during Holy Week, due to the inability to find anyone who might sing" (doc. 1485a). He had already been a cleric of the basilica when he witnessed the sale of a house near San Eustachio in 1448 (Collectionis bullarum , 2:128). The course of the plague in 1485 is vividly reflected in the crescendo of monthly funerals at San Agostino: March (3), April (4), May (5), June (6), July (15), August (10), September (13), October (15), November (10), and December (5); these figures are compiled from ASP, Congregazioni religiose, busta 107, San Agostino, introitus 1474-96, fols. 55ff.
1485 there were always eight or nine singers and an organist present each month. Hiring new singers as fast as the old ones died or departed, St. Peter's employed twenty-four different musicians that year.
The expansion witnessed in the St. Peter's choir after 1480 came at a time when ecclesiastical and court chapels throughout Italy spent extravagant sums on singers, polyphonic manuscripts, and organs to build up their musical establishments. That the trend is visible in the papal chapel only emphasizes that growth was not dependent on the size of the choir during the previous decade. Where decreases occurred in any court choir, they followed some political or economic crisis; thus the assassination in Milan of Duke Galeazzo Maria Sforza in 1476, the Ferrarese-Venetian conflict in 1482, and the fall of the Medici in 1494 led respectively to declines in the choirs at the courts of Milan and Ferrara and at the SS. Annunziata in Florence.
But the growth at St. Peter's differs from that experienced at other major Italian churches. Compared to performance forces at churches in Rome, Florence, Venice, Milan, and other cities from circa 1430 to 1540, the additions at St. Peter's lag noticeably behind those at churches of a comparable ecclesiastical rank.[58] While choirs of five to seven adult singers were widespread during the 1470s, forces in the next decade swelled to ten to eighteen adults at Santa Maria del Fiore in Florence, ten to seventeen adults plus ten to fifteen boys at St. Mark's in Venice, and nine to thirteen adults with up to ten boys at the Milan Cathedral.[59] St. Peter's fared only slightly better than Padua Cathedral, which employed from four to nine adults and an unspecified number of boys during the later fifteenth century, or that at
[58] D'Accone, "The Performance of Sacred Music," 601-18.
[59] Ibid., 603-6.
Treviso, with eight adults and as many as five boys. But as D'Accone rightly observed, the choirs at each church were designed to meet the needs of widely divergent musical and social environments. St. Peter's meager showing as compared to Santa Maria del Fiore and St. Mark's in particular must take into consideration the absence of any large private chapel in Florence and Venice. In these cities the church choirs were the "focal point of musical activities,"[60] whereas in Rome, the St. Peter's choir yielded that position to the singers of the papal chapel.
Another factor was more likely to have spurred the changes at St. Peter's. If a rivalry with other choirs had any bearing on the basilica's hiring of additional singers, it must be questioned whether the Sistine Chapel or choirs elsewhere in Italy would have had so competitive an influence as choirs at the larger churches and basilicas in Rome. For the last decades of the fifteenth century, archival and manuscript evidence indicates the existence of music establishments at several Roman churches. Aside from the presence of an organ, St. John Lateran evidently maintained some sort of polyphonic choir from the 1450s, when they employed the former St. Peter's singer Johannes Corbie.[61] Cardinal d'Estouteville provided exceptional support for music at both Santa Maria Maggiore and San Agostino. The choir at San Agostino had new polyphony copied for its use in April 1497, when Frater Giorgio di Sancto Apostolo notated a Te Deum, a Credo, the responsories Sub tuum praesidium and Porta caeli , and four Marian antiphons: Alma redemptoris mater, Salve regina, Regina caeli , and Ave regina caelorum (docs. 1497a and b). San Agostino also had a functioning organ by 1479, and by 1485 there was one at San Jacopo de Spagnoli, played by a Spanish organist.[62] And the choir at the Hospital of Santo Spirito, which sang at the basilica in 1495, at some time during the fifteenth century had as one of its members Gerardo di Toul, magnus cantor .[63] He may be the Hieronymus Sanctus Spiritus who temporarily filled in as tenor at St. Peter's for two months in 1488.
[60] Ibid., 602.
[61] Starr, "Music and Music Patronage." 146.
[62] ASR, Congregazioni religiose, busta 107, San Agostino, introitus 1474-96, fol. 21; and Exitus, fol. 32v.
[63] Pietro de Angelis, Musica e musicisti nell' Arcispedale di Santo Spirito in Saxia dal Quattrocento all' Ottocento , 49.
Nevertheless, increased size and consistency were not the most significant changes at St. Peter's. The basilica maintained its larger choir with a larger proportion of Italian singers. When the basilica started hiring Italians to succeed Italians—as when Augustinus Romanus replaced Hieronymus Beltrandus de Verona in 1492—a much different approach to hiring is evident than in 1475, when it had filled in for Archangelo Blasio with either Remigius Massin or Matheus Gay. A quota system evidently existed after 1480, when at least half of the personnel were Italian. The balance in the last years of Sixtus IV—seven of twelve were Italians (1481), seven of thirteen (1482), six of twelve (1483-84)—continued into the papacy of Innocent VIII—seven of twelve (1486), six often (1487), and so forth. Even in 1485 they managed to hire eleven of twenty-four. Innocent, although ill for much of his eight-year reign and politically weak, had a strong and influential adviser, who also resided in the Vatican Palace: Giuliano della Rovere, dubbed "Pope and more than Pope" by the Florentine ambassador.[64] Whether the future Julius II concerned himself with details of the St. Peter's choir may be doubted, but his interest in preserving the legacy of Sixtus assuredly did not begin in 1503.
With parity in numbers came equality in wages. Among many northern singers,[65] the Italian contingent was for the first time paid on an equal footing: Angelus Ghisleri, Dominicus Stephani, Anthonius Fabri de Verulis, Petrus Torelli, Anthonius Martinus, Hieronymus Beltrandus de Verona, Fr. Alberto Sipontino, Augustinus Romanus, Bartholomeo de Ferrara, and for 1485-89 a soprano named only Serafinus. This last is not Serafino dall'Aquila, the eminent poet-musician and familiar of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, because he was in Milan with Sforza in 1487. But he could be one of the few Italian composers of church Polyphony in the latter Quattrocento, with two possible works: a structurally unorthodox Credo by Seraphinus in Per431, a Neapoli-
[64] Pastor, History of the Popes , 5:242.
[65] Such as Bertrandus Vaqueras, Johannes de Barneston, Roberto Anglico, Johannes Cameracensis, Bernardus Besson, Petit Johannes Teutonicus, Johannes Juvenis, Matheus and Guillaume Bras, Georgius Gerardus, and Johannes Brunet. Nicholas Sardigo (1490-91) is probably the Nicholas Sarigot de Scriva who sang in Bruges from 1485 to 1489, when he made a pilgrimage to Rome; Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges , 188.
tan manuscript from the 1480s; and a lauda by Seraphinus Baldesaris in Petrucci's Laude libro II (1508).[66] Moreover, the usual allotment of St. Peter's clerics included several who sang polyphony, judging both by their salaries and indications that they sang something other than soprano: Hieronymus Johannes de Pazillis (contra) and Jacobus Antonius (tenor, and from 1490 also contrabasso).
Once Alexander VI succeeded Innocent VIII, this equilibrium between singers who were Italian and those who were not yielded to a three-way division between Italians, northerners, and Spaniards. The new group of Spanish singers in the 1490s came largely at the expense of northern musicians, who found their number greatly reduced, culminating in the replacement of Anthonius Waltheri with Theodericus in 1497.[67] But St. Peter's also employed one or two fewer Italians every year, a decline from six, seven, and eight Italians a year before Alexander to four, five, and six. For several years the Spanish contingent made up a full third of the choir, a far greater percentage than then existed in the Sistine Chapel.[68] Whoever hired singers at the basilica was as eager to employ Spaniards as he was determined not to exceed the choir size established in the early 1480s. These changes reached the top of the administration when the cardinal archpriest Battista Zeno died in 1501 after serving the basilica for thirty-one years. Alexander VI appointed a Spaniard, Cardinal Giovanni Lopez, as his (short-termed) successor.
With the Spanish musicians and clergy came a new performance style, especially for Holy Week music. At St. Peter's and in the papal
[66] Atlas, Music at the Aragonese Court of Naples , 131; see also Allan Atlas, "On the Neapolitan Provenance of the Manuscript Perugia, Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, 431 (G20)," 64-65; and Giulio Cattin, "Il repertorio polifonico sacro nelle fonti napoletane del Quattrocento," who disputes Atlas's identification of Per431 as the product of a Benedictine monastery; instead, he proposes a Franciscan origin on the basis of two Franciscan texts in the manuscript. Since I argue below (chapter 7) that Faugues worked at St. Peter's, it may also be relevant that the Seraphinus Credo quotes three voices from Faugues's Missa Je suis en la mer ; see Christopher Reynolds, "The Counterpoint of Allusion in Fifteenth-Century Masses," 234-36.
[67] Before summer 1499 northerners may have included only Fr. Anthonius Waltheri and Petrus Paulus de Mastaing (both future Sistine Chapel members), as well as Petrus Johannes (?) and Guy.
[68] Spanish singers may have included Valentinus de Peynetis, Diecho, Francisco Scarafanfara, Thomas de Licio (?), Theodericus, Rodorico, and Assalon.
chapel, Spanish singers introduced new performances of the Passion and the Lamentations of Jeremiah. From the first year of Alexander's papacy the papal singers presented portions of the Matins for Holy Wednesday, that is, the Lamentations, "more hispanico" (in Spanish style).[69] The vogue was such that by 1499 one could hear the papal musicians sing the Lamentations in the Sistine Chapel during Matins for Wednesday through Good Friday, or in St. Peter's at a second reading of the Good Friday Matins.[70] One year earlier the St. Peter's choir had prepared its own performance. On the Friday before Palm Sunday (6 April 1498), the singer Theodorico received more than three ducats for "collating, binding, and covering the Lamentations" (doc. 1498b). Judging from Theodorico's name, the basilica also embraced the Spanish style, a style Schuler theorized may have featured a four-voice, falsobordone technique. The Lamentations that Theodorico prepared may have been used again the next year when all six members of the choir collected an extra ducat for their singing of Matins during Holy Week in April 1499.[71]
Within two weeks of that performance, someone at St. Peter's decided to reinstate the earlier north-south balance among the singers. That, at any rate, is the impression given by the complete reversion to former ways over the next year. The choir of April 1499, perhaps composed entirely of Italians and Spaniards, disbanded at the end of the month.[72] In May everyone but the organist Aloviso de Spiritu and the boy Gabriele de Gabrielis left. Perhaps in order to prepare for the invasion of northern pilgrims in the Jubilee of 1500, the choir was reconstituted between October and December with a reinvigorated
[69] See Manfred Schuler, "Spanische Musikeinflüsse in Rom um 1500," 27-36; and Richard Sherr, "The Papal Chapel ca. 1492-1513 and Its Polyphonic Sources," 96ff. The description of the Lamentations is from Burchard, Liber notarum , 1:414.
[70] Burchard, Liber notarum , 2:133; Schuler, "Spanische Musikeinflüsse," 33f.
[71] Censualia 16, int. 6, fol. 55, 15 April 1499: "pro matutinis Cantatis in hebdomoda Sancta ducatum unum." The chapter's first expenditures for Passions occur in 1497, listing a total of four (one for each Gospel?) during Holy Week. Those on Palm Sunday, Tuesday, and Wednesday were sung by clerics, while that on Thursday included two singers, Francisco Scarafanfara and Guglielmo de Amelia; Censualia 16, int. 2, fol. 48v, 3 April 1497.
[72] In March and April 1499 it consisted of Bernardinus Ladei de Narnia, Gerundinus de Fabriano, Rodorico, Bernardinus de Neapoli, Johannes, Jacobus Antonius, Aloviso de Spiritu, and Gabriele de Gabrielis.
northern presence. For the first time since Gregorio in the 1460s, the chapter may have hired a northerner and charged him with recruiting new singers. The Fleming Nicholas de Furnis participated at the Octave of Corpus Christi in June, was paid for ten days of July, before leaving for August and September. He then returned to head a choir—as scribe, singer, and eventually teacher of boys—that by January was essentially half northern, half Italian, with a token Spaniard.[73] Sometime in 1500, after Assalon departed, the Spanish presence ended.
Until the foundation of the Cappella Giulia, that balance appears to have held (although only records from 1506 and 1507 survive). Even the duties of leading the choir were split along national lines, with both Nicholas de Furnis and Bernardinus Mutinensis (de Modena) designated as magister.[74] This is precisely the juncture when the Julian initiatives at St. Peter's had begun, both construction on the new basilica and financial assistance for the choir. Indeed, one of the best justifications for the large endowment awarded the Cappella Giulia is the progress of work on the new St. Peter's. Though the building plans approved by Julius called for a gradual destruction of the old Constantinian basilica, the pace was sufficiently quick to earn Bramante the nickname "maestro ruinante." Not long after Julius had laid the first stone on 18 April 1506, entries in the diary of Paride de Grassis testify to the growing discomfort of holding services in the basilica. The pope heard Mass on All Saints of 1507 against the better judgment of de Grassis, but by Epiphany of 1508 services usually heard in St. Peter's began to be moved to the Sistine Chapel.[75] By 1513 even Christmas
[73] Nicholas de Furnis, Johannes Pipelare, Jacobus Piccardus, and Michael, with the (presumably) Spanish singer Assalon, and three Italians, Sebastiano da Ravenna, Johannes Tarentinus, and Hieronymus Venetus (plus the Italian organist Aloviso de Spiritu and Gabriele).
[74] Northerners include Johannes Lezelier, Guillaume Dufay (!), Guillaume Leultier, Ludovicus Coysi, and Anthonius Camarescho (Piccardo); Italians are Dns. Philippo Dionysio (see p. 121, n. 30), Georgio Asculano, Hieronimus Florentino, Julio Romano, Placentino, and Laurentio de Gaeta. Table 5 for 1506 and 1507 counts two unnamed boys who sang with Aloviso de Spiritu as unknown; but as all other boys named at this time were Italian, these probably were as well.
[75] These references are among those cited in Christoph Frommel, "Die Peterskirche unter Papst Julius II, im Licht neuer Dokumente," 57-136; see his docs. nos. 92 and 106. The progress of the construction also required that the organ of Alexander VI be relocated in the basilica (Dec. 1507-Jan. 1508); docs. nos. 102 and 107.
Eve services had to be celebrated in the Sistine Chapel and not in the basilica "propter ruinam illius."[76] Soon after the destruction started, Julius began to issue bulls supporting the singers of St. Peter's. In addition to that of 1513, he had previously offered assistance circa 1507, and again in 1511 and 1512.[77]
The sustained decline in northern influence at St. Peter's is thus the most important musical ramification of the bull of 1480, particularly since the implementation of that bull during Innocent VIII's papacy may have played a formative role on Julius's conception of his chapel. When Sixtus published his plans for the singers at St. Peter's, he did so within a month of the dedication of his recently constructed St. Peter's chapel. Even though there is no provision specifying a balance of Italians and northerners in Sixtus's founding bull, the hiring practices of the ensuing decades primarily benefited Italians, except during the first years of Alexander VI. Northerners were by no means excluded from the Cappella Giulia—in the papacy of Paul III (1534-49) northern influence would enjoy an Indian summer with Arcadelt, François Roussel, and others as members—but the conditions that had made possible the northern dominance of dozens of singers, composers, and scribes in the decades before 1480 had long since passed.
[76] This is again according to de Grassis; see Ducrot, "Histoire de la Cappella Giulia," 186-87.
[77] Ibid., 180-85.