Analysis

In what follows I shall consider selected examples of the traditional structure of this passage, proceeding half-line by half-line but remaining aware that

our examination of alliterative prosody has suggested that patterns both larger and smaller than the single verse are to be expected. Once the analysis is complete, it will be possible to propose a single, overarching theory for traditional phraseological structure that will explain the idiosyncratic form of Old English diction.

702b. Com on wanre niht ("Came in the dark night"). Comparative evidence from other Old English poems^[15] may at first sight seem to encourage one of two hypotheses about the traditional structure of this phrase:

# 1: Com [x], where x is loosely defined
#2: Com [x], where x is defined as a prepositional phrase

With the added proviso that the stable core of the phrase may include the ubiquitous adverb pa , we find numerous examples of the first formulaic system and twelve instances of the second, more limited kind of phrase, including line 702b. But while either of these two descriptions adequately symbolizes some of the connections between the half-line under examination and apparently related verses elsewhere in the poetic corpus, neither of them seems rigorous enough—that is, basic enough—to explain line 702b as a traditional element. What of the rest of the phrase? And what of the relative placement of com and the prepositional phrase?

Turning then to onwanre niht , we have no more satisfying result. The closest phrase, on sweartre niht (Chr 872a; also translated as "in the dark night"), occupies an entire half-line by itself, and the only other combination of the root wan with niht in a prepositional phrase likewise fills a verse on its own (Glc 1028b). In fact, this problem of varying "size" or "extent" furnishes us with an early glimpse of a general problem: how are we to explain phrases which serve as both half-lines and parts of half-lines in different contexts?^[16]

If the system Com [x] in either of its descriptions and the system on [x] niht cannot completely account for line 702b, we might consider further analysis of the verb cuman in order to determine whether there could be some semantic basis for the formula in an "essential idea." Once again, however, the search yields no programmatic result, since other forms of cuman behave very differently from the preterite third singular com .^[17] In addition to providing

[15] Because of space limitations, I shall cite comparative evidence only selectively, and generally in the footnotes. The interested reader may wish to consult my source for these data, Bessinger-Smith 1978; I also employ the title abbreviations advocated in that volume (pp. xiii-xv).

[16] This kind of dual function would be impossible in both ancient Greek and Serbo-Croatian epic phraseology.

[17] The plural preterite, c(w)omon (also-an ), occurs in verse-initial position 19.0 percent of the time and in verse-final position 78.6 percent, as compared to 38.5 percent and 57.8 percent, respectively, for the preterite singular c(w)om . What is more, of the verse-final occurrences, the plural form occupies only Sievers A and C types, the singular only types B and D/E.

evidence that the Com system, if that is what this phrase really is, does not allow much morphological variation, this difference in behavior tells us something significant about formulaic dynamics in Old English. It tells us that the metrical form s (a single stress) is somehow importantly different from s s^[*] (a single stress plus an unstressed syllable). If we recall the conclusions of chapter 3, we shall remember that the primary aspects of consistency in the Old English line are alliteration and stress patterns. While the extra syllable in comon would mean nothing as far as the absolute syllable count of the line is concerned, the addition of even a single unstressed syllable can interrupt the stress pattern and cause it to change. In effect, such a shift of stress pattern would mean that Parry's criterion of "under the same metrical conditions" would be violated.

But while we do not find this or other such Old English systems exhibiting much morphological variety, we can detect a definite patterning having to do with word-type placement.^[18] The monosyllabic preterite third-singular verb tends toward either the very beginning or the very end of the half-line; if it occurs at the beginning, as it does in 702b, it almost never alliterates.^[19] This phenomenon, chiefly a metrical requirement because it involves a word-type rather than a single word or semantic grouping, bears no necessary connection with what follows in the half-line, and we find a great variety of complements, from the prepositional phrase as we have it in the present example, through adverbs, to subjects of the verb, and so on. And the phrase on wanre niht , itself highly variable in that it can occupy an entire verse or part of one, is combined with the central idea, com , to comprise the first in a "rhetorical" series of three "comings."^[20]

From a traditional perspective, then, the most formulaic aspect of com seems to be its placement as a particular word-type at the beginning of the verse. The poet also has at his command a phrase we may profitably construe as on [x] niht , as long as we do not demand that it be a classically defined verse formula. Diachronically, the predisposition toward placing com first and in a non-alliterating position is accompanied by the existence of a phrase that can either fill a verse by itself or complement that placement and word-type. From a synchronic point of view, we may see the poet substituting wanre to match the alliteration of the preceding half-line. In short, although we cannot define classical systems that satisfactorily describe the structure and dynamics of 702b according to the usual notion of formulaic structure, there is no doubt that this half-line is the product of traditional processes.

703b. sceotend swæfon ("the warriors slept"). The second half of the line has

[18] Of. O'Neill 1942, and the results of analyses of word-type placement in ancient Greek and Serbo-Croatian epic phraseology, chapters 4 and 5 above, respectively.

[19] Fully fifty-two of fifty-three instances of verse-initial com in the corpus are non-alliterating.

[20] This half-line phrase provides an example of the concatenation of traditional phraseology with what we would call rhetorical structure.

enough correspondences to other diction in the corpus to permit two hypotheses regarding its formulaic system:

#1: sceotend [x]
#2: [] swæfon^[21]

The second of these possibilities will better serve our needs, since its essential idea ([x] slept) is more focused than that of the first posited system (the warriors [x]). In addition, it turns out that the very act of sleeping in the Beowulfian context is extremely important and rife with overtones—the "sleeping-feasting" theme has been recognized by a number of commentators as a traditional pattern,^[22] and so we are further justified in locating the traditional core of the phrase in swæfon .

But what does this mean for the rest of the line, since swæfon is the only word that does not alliterate in the entire line (the alliteration being in sc , or [š ])? For one thing, this situation should warn us away from making any necessary and exclusive connection between the alliterative staves and the fundamental traditional meaning of the phrase; swæfon bears the fourth stress in this line and does not participate in the "sc" series, but it is clearly the most significant word thematically. From another point of view, we may note what amounts to the converse of that observation: that is, the poet manages to harmonize all of the "non-essential" words in the same alliteration. From the core idea of "[x] slept," expressed in the second verse, he constructs a whole-line increment without the benefit of another formula or system. Is this first half-line then an example of "nonce" phraseology^[23] —of diction created for the moment with no life of its own outside this circumstance?

It would be hard to reconcile purely nonce diction with a traditional perspective. And indeed there is no reason to try to do so, for 703a, while it may have no (surviving) formulaic relatives in the sense conveyed by the classical definition, does participate in a pattern larger than the single half-line, and even than the whole line—that is, in a cluster of roots that recur together^[24] and that collectively embody the idea of the onset of night, shadows, and the ending rhythm of the diurnal cycle. To make the point, I reproduce both another occurrence from Beowulf and a section of the passage under consideration:

[21] Here and elsewhere the caret indicates the position of the alliterating element.

[22] See De Lavan 1981; Kavros 1981.

[23] Cf. Hieatt 1986.

[24] Cf. Ritzke-Rutherford 1981b. The "cluster" unit was earlier suggested in Foley 1974; see also, e.g., Foley 1980b.

The density of the italicized words and roots of words that recur even in this small sampling argues strongly for a cluster of morphs, a group of elements associated with a particular traditional idea—the onset of darkness and all of the terror and ravaging that it poetically connotes. Just as comparative prosody would predict, the key elements in this association are stressed roots (whether words or elements of compounds), and the particular shape they take in a given instance is (again as predicted) only very loosely controlled. The fact of their co-occurrence is not to be attributed to half-line formulaic structure, which is at a loss to explain certain phrases. But the cluster of morphs, which as indicated above is a structure consonant with the tradition-dependent character of Old English prosody, accounts both for the striking resemblances between the two passages as a whole and for elements as apparently untraditional as the two hapax legomena sceadugenga and scaduhelma , in this case an association further focused by their mutual alliterative collocation with scriðan . Although we could not imagine this sort of structure occurring in ancient Greek or Serbo-Croatian epic, the cluster of roots—a sorting of traditionally associated morphs in metrically and formulaically permissible patterns—is in fact a common feature of traditional structure in Beowulf .^[25]

Diachronically, then, we can ascribe the first half of line 703 and the association with scriðan to a cluster of roots which also occurs elsewhere in Beowulf and which bears certain connotations. These connotations are catalyzed by the juxtaposition of the "sleeping" idea, which has definite negative implications in each of the three monster-fights in Beowulf . The actual phraseology owes something to what we may style the "[] swæfon " system, but this is a half-line structure very much subject to the larger design of the cluster, as the traditional character of the hapax legomenon sceadugenga also illustrates. The poet has thus summoned the core idea of "sleeping and feasting" and linked this important mythic and thematic complex with the associative cluster connoting the onset of night and its perils.

704b. healdan scoldon ("had to guard"). The phrase healdan scoldon is a highly traditional phrase whose structure is best appreciated on a number of levels. If we posit a very generic system, [] [sculan/willan ], where x represents an in-

[25] Note that the formula and system are in effect subordinate to the duster from the point of view of expressive structures; the duster will use formulas and systems to sort the expression of its elements, but the half- and whole-line patterns are in no way determinative of the cluster's structure or meaning.

finitive beating the alliteration, we find a great many examples of second-verse phrases. In this case I believe it is helpful to postulate such a genetic level of structure,^[26] even if it has no true essential idea, because the syntax is so widespread and lends itself to so many different sorts of formulaic systems. In addition, a glimpse of different levels of structure reminds us that the synchronic model of the half-line system, summoned to explain all diction, has to be supplemented to reflect the morphological complexity and diachronic nature of the phraseology.^[27]

Within this large group, there are thirteen additional instances in which the infinitive is healdan , so we may identify a more focused system, healdan [sculan/willan , finite form], to compare with the system described above.^[28] This second-verse pattern has clearly become a traditional element in the diction, and serves a useful compositional purpose in widely different situations with a large selection of half-line partners. But while the system in 704b obviously has a diachronic identity, in both the generic and more focused forms, the same cannot be said for 704a, which merely fills a permitted metrical type. We may thus conceive of the poet as working toward a stable core in the second half-line and adjusting the first verse, with the alliterating element horn- providing the synchronic solution to the problem of whole-line structure.^[29]

706b. pa Metod nolde ("if the Ruler did not wish it"). At first sight this phrase seems to be a classically defined formula, with a verbatim repetition at Beowulf line 967b. But we may also posit a system, pa/pæt [] nolde , where x is the subject of nolde and the alliterative stave for the half-line. The first possibility is restricted to Beowulf and thus seems, on the basis of available evidence, to be an idiolectal formula, while the more genetic system also finds expression in two phrases from The Battle of Maldon —pæt se eorl nolde (6a) and pæt se cniht nolde (9b)—and thus is arguably a tradition-wide system.

But once again we gain a full understanding of the phrase only by taking the whole-line pattern into account as well. Consider these two lines from Beowulf :

[26] Cf. the Serbo-Croatian pattern of [Turkicism] uciniti studied in chapter 5, an element that had no true essential idea but that provided a way to understand the entry of Turkish words into the epic Kunstsprache under the aegis of traditional rules.

[27] Note also that sculan and willan , especially in their disyllabic forms, seek line-end; that is, they are regularly positioned as the fourth, and most frequently non-alliterating, stress in the line.

[28] It is interesting in this regard how untraditional the uses of healdan are in the Psalms, texts which are of course translations from the Latin vulgate; see P104.8.3, P120.4.2, P148.6.2.

[29] In addition, horn- is closely associated with Heorot, and the Free as a whole follows the most common of the metrical formulas discussed in chapter 3.

Clearly, the Beowulf poet is employing a whole-line pattern, with just the sort of consistency and also the kind of variability we predicted on the basis of the Anglo-Saxon alliterative meter. The first half-line shows traditional placement of the single stressed item in an a-verse configuration,^[30] and the line is filled out by the much more stable formula in the b-verse. In each case the b-verse, though informational, is also a bridge to the next line (and next alliterative pattern), and the bridging is accomplished by use of a ready-made formula. Again in each case, the poet will go on to specify the very general action of this line in a subsequent infinitive dependent on moste or mihte . One of the aspects of the utility of 706a, then, is its non-specific lead-in to a specific following action.

To summarize, this line exhibits half-line prosody and phrase patterns (placement of moste/mihte and the b-verse formula), as well as whole-line prosody and phrase patterns (collocation and the whole-line system). In effect, the entire construction reaches forward to the next line, since moste/mihte requires an infinitive to complete its sense. On the basis of available data, the phrase pa Metod nolde seems to be an idiolectal reflex of a more generic, tradition-wide formulaic system, while the whole-line pattern is the Beowulf poet's own compositional element.^[31]

707a. se s[c]ynscapa ("the injurer"). This half-line, whether construed as the manuscript synscaða or as above,^[32] has three formulaic relatives in four additional occurrences of the main word:

At least we can define a system—[x] s(c)ynscað- , where x represents one or more function words—that could theoretically underlie all of these phrases. But in ascribing the half-lines to this system, we are doing little more than conferring formulaic character on a single word. It would be better, and truer to Old English diction as we have examined it, to recognize in this regularity not a substitutable system but rather consistent placement of a word-type () at the end of a verse, with flexibility in what precedes the word. The C-Type metrical pattern institutionalizes that flexibility in a particular way, a way that in turn allows for grammatical and syntactic adaptability,

[30] In a second-verse version, we might have a pattern such as *pæt hie ne ponan moste .

[31] I do not mean that he created that pattern; it is impossible to ascertain who might be personally responsible for phraseology formed according to traditional rules, and even the successful assigning of this or that element to a given individual may be insignificant. I mean only to say that, whether within a local tradition no longer preserved or whatever, the Beowulf poet is using an element idiosyncratically, as the unique reflex of a more general system.

[32] Emendation to scynscaða was suggested in order to match the alliterative pattern in [sc].

as the three phrases cited above demonstrate. The traditional, diachronic character of the verse lies in the placement of s[c]ynscapa and its recurrences (all but once)^[33] in the C-Type metrical pattern; synchronically these features make available to the composing poet a good deal of grammatical and syntactic latitude in the opening syllables of the verse.

A further level of structure then derives from this consistent word-type placement in verse-final position. We can describe two formulaic systems involving the same root:

#1: [x] []-sceaða-
#2: [] []-sceaða-

where x is defined as one or more function words and y is a compounding element bearing the alliteration, and a is an adjective that alliterates with y . System #1 can occur in either half-line and demonstrates great syntactic variability because of the many possibilities for function words (thus a direct object, relative clause, prepositional phrase, and other elements are observed). System #2 is restricted to the first half-line because of the double alliteration it involves, but it in turn yields a number of related phrases, such as

The first of the two systems takes a C-Type metrical configuration and occurs twenty-seven times in the corpus, whereas the second is usually a DI-Type in its sixteen instances;^[34] more significantly, there are no occurrences of compounded sceaða that do not fall into one of these two patterns. At the root of both systems is the word-type placement at verse-end.

708a. ac he wæccende ("but he, watching"). The most well-defined system that could be posited for this and ostensibly related lines is [x] [y] wæccende , where x is a function word and y a pronoun subject.^[35] Once again, this phrase seems as much an example of a traditional rule—namely, that the metrically most

[33] The exception is Gen 55: besloh synsceapan sigore and gewealde . Indeed, even this first verse is very close to a C-type.

[34] When the first element is inflected—e.g., laðra leodsceaðena (And 80a)—the metrical pattern modulates to a heavy A-Type, but this is hardly a major change.

[35] Comparative evidence may be found in pæt he wæccende (Jul 662b), gif he wæccende (Bwf 2841a).

complex elements seek verse-end except in E-Type arrangements—as the product of a formulaic system.^[36]

708b. wrapum on andan ("fiercely angry"). Here the system is [] on andan , where x is defined as the alliterating element and can be either an adverb (including a dative adverb) or a noun in the dative plural. In the line as a whole we may see the wæccende phrase as a response to the narrative surroundings, which at this point are emphasizing that all of the men slept, with the sole exception of Beowulf. Matched to that wæccende is wrapum , the substitutable word in the second-verse system. While its halves are perhaps less closely linked than some of the other half-line pairs we have examined, the line as a whole does follow the favored metrical formula and provides an alliterative bridge to the next line, to which it is also linked semantically.

709a. bad bolgenmod ("he awaited, enraged in heart"). The best hypothesis for a half-line system would be [] bolgenmod , where x is either a verb (alliterating) or function words.^[37] But since this configuration lacks a clear essential idea ("[x] enraged in heart" is hardly a well-defined concept) as well as consistent alliteration and syntax, it is difficult to see how it could have been a functional element in the poet's and tradition's working idiom. What these few phrases do have in common is the placement of the metrically extensive and complex element bolgenmod , which, like wæccende and s[c]ynscaéa in preceding lines, occurs at verse-end, this time however in a D₂ pattern.^[38]

As for bad , it behaves similarly to com as described above (line 702b). That is, this word-type—a third-singular preterite verb—seeks either the beginning or the end of a verse. In the case of bad , most instances occur at verse-end (23 of 28). Comparative analyses of swæf and bær , both examples of the same word-type, confirm this explanation and show that if such a word-type is used as an alliterating item, it must take a D configuration (in the first half-line) or a B configuration (in either verse). If non-alliterating, it will occupy the final position in an E pattern in the second half-line. These patterns of occurrence are thus due not to the formulaic system involving a particular word, or for that matter even to the behavior of a given single word, but rather to the behavior of a word-type.

Even if we cannot demonstrate a clear debt to any one formulaic system, then, line 709a certainly merits being considered a traditional element. Not only is the anger signaled by the root bolgen- conventionally associated with the hero's fight against the monster in Beowulf ,^[39] but, more importantly,

[36] Explanation of the phraseology in terms of a possible system [x] [y] [present participle] is far too abstract and provides more evidence of traditional rules (metrically extensive word-types seeking verse-end) than it does of a formulaic system.

[37] The comparative data are breat bolgenmod (Bwf 1713a) and pa him bolgenmod (Dan 209a).

[38] We should also note that bolgenmode , the same lexical entry but a different word-type because of the ending, behaves entirely differently. Cf. its use as a whole verse in And 128a and 1221a, Glc 557b.

[39] Cf., e.g., Bwf 1539b.

traditional rules of word-type placement underlie the construction of the verse.

709b. beadwa geæinges ("the battle's result"). A number of factors converge to form this half-line, among them the system [] geæinges , where x is a noun in the genitive plural (though translated here as singular) beating the alliteration. But this is not the only aspect of structure in this case; we must also cite an alliterative collocation with bolgen (cf. Bwf 1539) and, perhaps even more suggestively, an association with the verb bidan ("wait") that seems not to depend on alliteration. The comparative evidence makes the latter point:

While the passage from Elene links the roots in contiguous verses, in the Beowulf passage they occur in separate lines. What apparently underlies all three cases, then, is a sequence bidan ... [] gepinges , which the poet may or may not sort into a single line. And although we find a fairly well focused formulaic system in 709b, we miss the complexity of the overall traditional structure if we end the investigation without taking account of the collocative association with bolgen and the larger pattern involving bidan .

710a. Da com of more ("Then came out of the moor"). Like 702b, this half-line answers rules of word-type placement better than the hypothesis of an underlying formulaic system. One difference between the two phrases, however, is the prepositional complement that follows com ; in the former example, that phrase could and did stand by itself as a half-line, while in 710a of more is not long enough metrically to do so.

710b. under misthleopum ("under the misty cliffs"). A system such as under [] would have no useful meaning or function, so we must posit [x] misthleop- or, more genetically,

[x] []-hleop- ,

where x is defined as a preposition (usually under ) and y is a compounding word that supplies the alliteration. To this pattern we may add the collocation between mor- and mist- as further evidence for traditional structure.^[40] The variability of the system in the second half-line allows the poet to fill out the opening verse, itself primarily a product of traditional placement rules, with a properly alliterating element. It should also be pointed out that the second-verse system is conventionally associated in the poetic tradition with

[40] See Bwf 162 and, more generally, the association of both roots with the monsters' actions and habitats.

danger and death, that is, with actions performed in liminal areas; this conceptual link helps to account for the system's presence and function in this passage.^[41] Once again, then, a line exhibits both half-line and whole-line structure.

711a. Grendel gongan ("Grendel going"). After 710b, which serves in effect as an alliterative bridge to this line (but which in the process brings forth some traditional associations, as we have seen), 711a completes the pattern begun with com by supplying the dependent infinitive, just as scriðan did in 703a. Indeed, we shall encounter the same pattern again with the Com of 720a and the infinitive siðian of 720b. This com ... [infinitive] sequence is a core phrase which, like the bidan ... [] gepinges sequence examined above, is not necessarily expressed in a simple whole-line form. Nor is it a unique phrase or one peculiar to Beowulf , as the following quotations illustrate:

This traditional pattern thus furnishes another example of a reasonably common phenomenon in Old English poetic diction: an association of lexical and syntactic items that is functionally independent of single-verse or single-line prosody. It may be realized within one verse or line, but its coherence as a traditional element is not dependent on such a realization. But this is nothing more than our study of the alliterative prosody would lead us to expect—a sequence or pattern of words larger than the single line.

The importance of this pattern becomes obvious when, after examination, we find that (1) no other cases of verse-initial Grendel exist (so a system based on that element is out of the question) and (2) any system involving gangan as the constant element would be of such generic definition as to be of little use in composition. Nonetheless, the poet does manage to complete the "pending" com with gangan , to match that completion with Grendel, and to do so in a metrical A-verse.

712a. mynte se manscaða ("the wicked ravager intended"). There are only three instances of the particular form mynte in the poetic corpus; all of them occur in Beowulf , and the other forms of the same verb, being different word-

[41] Cf. Bwf 820, 1409, 1427; And 1233, 1577; Dan 61; WfL 48; Ele 653. See also Fry 1986.

types, behave quite differently. Within this small sample, we can posit a system mynte [], where x represents the alliterating subject of the clause, on the basis of mynte se mæra (Bwf 762a). The second part of 712a, however, can also serve as a whole verse by itself, on the model of Bwf 707a, se s[c]ynscapa , and so the situation turns out to be analogous to 702b, in which on wanre niht served to fill out the Com phrase even though metrically it could stand by itself. From the point of view of larger patterns, we should also note that mynte seeks completion in a dependent infinitive and, as we shall see, 712b provides an alliterative bridge that leads to that infinitive. Synchronically, then, the poet has matched the mynte pattern, which involves a verse-initial alliterating item and eventual completion in an infinitive, with the same formulaic system that produces 707a.

712b. manna cynnes ("of mankind"). This is a classically defined formula, a phrase that recurs nineteen times without variation in other Old English poems. As such, it provides a phraseologically sturdy bridge from the essential and incipient action of mynte in 712a to its completion in 713a. While not a "tag," this phrase—perhaps best understood as a single word^[42] —offers the poet a metrical element that is highly adaptable contextually and therefore useful in any number of compositional situations. As the mynte . . . besyrwan idea takes shape over two lines, this formula serves as a stable configuration against which to balance the alliteration.

713b. in sele pam hean ("in that high hall"). As opposed to the first half-line, this verse seems to be an idiolectal formulaic system (virtually a formula), that is, a phrase used exclusively by the Beowulf poet. Its pattern is [in/on/to] sele pam hean ,^[43] and it occurs three additional times in the poem and nowhere else. Like manna cynnes in the preceding line, this phrase serves as a functional, adaptable element that fills out the alliteration and, while not adding necessary or crucially important action to the passage, specifies the locale of that action. AS in other lines considered above, the best way to understand 713b is to consider it in the context of the two-line sequence 712-13, wherein the poet solves the compositional problem of metrically and traditionally rendering the idea mynte . . . besyrwan (itself a traditional syntactic pattern) by an assortment

[42] See the discussion of the guslar's concept of the "word" in chapter 2 above, as well as the examples of "traditional words" in chapters 4 and 5.

of formulas, formulaic systems, alliterative bridges, and placement rules. This spectrum of diction, rather than a simple series of half-line systems, constitutes his traditional phraseology.

714a. Wod under wolcnum ("He advanced under the clouds"). Moving on to this much-discussed verse, we must first decide whether in the system postulated as underlying it and its relatives, [] under wolcnum , we should limit the alliterating element x to a verb form (as does Magoun [1953] 1968, 109) or also allow the substitution of adjectives and nouns and even the inclusion of semantically similar but formulaically unrelated phrases (as does Riedinger

1985, 297-304).^[44] In order to preserve the integrity of the phraseological unit, I would advocate drawing the line at the formulaically related phrases. But there is another question to ask as well: in short, just what is the usefulness of the system assumed to underlie 714a? Is the essential idea merely "[something] under the clouds"? And if so, how does it compare as a compositional element with phrases like [] besyrwan (e.g., 713a), where a definite idea is presented in a relatively well focused way?

Perhaps it would be better to begin by pointing out that what under wolcnum represents at a minimal level is a consistent occurrence of a phrase in the same metrical position: at verse-end in an A-Type pattern. The fact of its consistency as the core "word" in this phrase allows the tremendous semantic and syntactic flexibility that the multiform as a whole enjoys. If the pattern is employed in the opening half-line, as happens thirty-six of fifty times in the corpus, the initial element will almost always alliterate (thirty-four times) and the second half-line will of course join in the same alliteration in w .^[45] We may add to these specific observations the much more general fact that the word-type represented by under wolcnum —defined as [prep] [], where x is a noun that bears the alliteration and is the object of the preposition—seeks consistent placement either as a complement like of more (710a) to fill out a verse after a certain other kind of word-type or, if it is metrically extensive enough, as a verse in itself.

This pattern differs from the Com phrases in that it includes double alliteration, and therefore alliteration on the initial element. Its fundamental shape and morphology, although immediately attributable to a formulaic system, are best understood as deriving from traditional rules for placement of word-types. Like some other phrases discussed above, under wolcnum seeks verse-end and, from a synchronic point of view, opens up the substitutable

[44] This widening of the phraseological definition does indeed weaken the concept of formula and system as functional compositional elements. Although I agree with Riedinger that we should sense what I would term a metonymic link between phraseology and the thematic structure of the poetry, I would stop short of so loosening the idea of formula that it becomes, in effect, an untraditional element in the diction.

[45] The phrase under wolcnum also demonstrates a life of its own by recurring outside this pattern; see Chr 588, and cf. Exo 350.

first position in the opening half-line and sets the alliteration for the line as a whole. Since, as the comparative data indicate, this core recurrence has produced a pattern to which so many different metrical solutions have accrued over time, the pattern becomes a very useful compositional device, and also one heavily laden with associative meaning.^[46]

716b. Ne wæs pæt form sið ("Nor was that the first time"). With the onset of the next unit of thought we encounter a true formulaic system, [x] forms sið , where x is defined as a group of function words, usually including some form of the verb "to be," and the half-line takes a B-Type metrical configuration. This phrase answers the classical definition of the system precisely, with its stable core and adaptable first section. Because of this adaptability, it is available synchronically for syntactic adjustment; for example, it can begin a new sentence or paratactically continue an already-started one.

Apart from the four additional occurrences of this phrase (three of them in Beowulf ) we also find a semantically related formula, forman siðe ("on the first time or occasion"), which when compared to the system underlying 716b well illustrates the tradition-dependent character of Old English poetic diction. The second phrase, forman siðe , takes a different metrical form (an A-Type), never varies, and lacks the special syntactic flexibility of the system. The traditional word-type rule under which forms sið seeks verse-end (the word-type s s ^[*][*] ) cannot apply to forman sið because of its different stress pattern (s s ^[*] s s ^[*] ). Thus traditional rules, based on metrical strictures, are seen to be more fundamental than the lexical elements that make up an expression.

717b. ham gesohte ("he sought the home"). Evidence from the poetic corpus might lead us to consider this phrase a formula, since there are two exact repetitions:

But if we choose this route, we miss the complexity and truly traditional character of 717b. For of the thirty-three instances of the verb form gesohte , fully thirty occur in A-Type metrical patterns of the sort [] gesohte , where x represents a noun bearing the alliteration; furthermore, seventeen of these thirty have x as the direct object of gesohte . Or we may turn to the possibility ham [x], where x represents the verb taking ham as a direct object, a well-attested pattern that can involve infinitives as well as finite verb forms.

All of these levels of structure are, however, built on the foundation of traditional word-type placement rules, here chiefly the stricture that calls for

[46] See Riedinger 1985, 297ff.

verbs prefixed by ge- , and thus of the generic form ge -ROOT^[*] + ending^[*] , to tend strongly toward the end of an A-Type metrical pattern. The element to which such a word-type is joined is, of course, a stressed monosyllable or the equivalent^[47] —very often, as we have seen, the direct object of that verb form. Thus the stressed monosyllable or its equivalent comes to bear the alliteration in what is exclusively a second-verse phrase pattern. From a synchronic viewpoint, this and phrases like it provide the poet with a flexible way of handling prefixed verbs, which otherwise, especially in the first verse, can cause rather unwieldy metrical configurations. What is more, this half-line offers a good example of why the "formulaic system" concept is often quite useful and descriptive, but at the same time fundamentally inadequate to the task of demonstrating all aspects of the traditional character of a phrase. Whatever system we choose to nominate as the mold for 717b, it will conceal as much as it reveals about the essential structure of this and related half-lines; for an accurate measure of that structure we must return to the most basic traditional rules and derive levels of patterning from that point.^[48]

718a. næfre he on aldordagum ("never he in earlier days"). The fact that aldordagum is a hapax legomenon in the Old English poetic corpus may obscure the fact that this half-line belongs to one of the richest, most generative (and therefore most useful and echoic) systems in the poetry. We may define the core of the system as [x] []-dagum , where x is defined as a preposition and y is a compounding element that bears the alliteration.^[49] This phrase, one of the first to be studied as a compositional element,^[50] proves extremely plastic: it can be employed as a half-line by itself in a wide variety of different situations (in the form schematized above), or it can "add on" function words before the preposition and thus take on another whole selection of syntactic functions. Not only does it recur in both a "core" formation filling a verse and as the stable end of a longer phrase (as in 718a), but it also can take on special functions in either identity. As a whole-verse pattern, the system is perhaps most familiar to us as part of the heroic proem sequence common to a number of Anglo-Saxon poems; for example,

[47] Through expansion by resolution or ramification (see chapter 3), the stressed monosyllable may become two or more syllables, as long as the overall metrical pattern is not violated.

[48] We may note two further levels of structure involving some examples of this phrase. First, in Wds 7, as quoted above, we recognize the same genitive singular construction (Hreðcyninges ) as in 717a (Hropgares ), a correspondence that argues for a traditional linkage between the b-verse phrase and the genitive construction in the matched half-line. Second, the Christ and Satan poet has extended the ham [x] pattern—itself also based on traditional rules, as explained above—into an idiolectal whole-line system peculiar to his poem (see XSt 91, 147, 503, 551).

[49] Some idea of the extent of this formulaic system may be gained by observing that the prepositions used include in, on , and æfter , and—more tellingly—that thirty-five different compounding elements are used with some form of dæg- . Space constraints preclude presenting more than a sample of these copious data here.

[50] See Bryan 1929.

As part of an enlarged pattern, we can cite the following idiolectal usage:

In a real sense the [prep.][]-dagum phrase acts as a "word" in the diction, open to additive morphology but not to internal re-arrangement. Few phrases in Old English poetry are as self-contained as this one.^[51]

As integral a unit as this system is, however, we should also point out that traditional rules do supersede, or rather govern, its formation. In cases involving the element [y]-daguma that do not fit this formulaic system, we observe that the element still regularly seeks verse-end, in these latter cases almost always to constitute a variation on the DI-Type pattern (e.g., Gen 1072a: frod fyrndagum ). What we have, then, is a word-type, specifically [y]-dagum , as the verse-final element, which then takes on two separate identities in the tradition—one as the system underlying 718a and so many additional verses and the other underlying a DI-Type verse where the "word" customarily acts as a dative complement.

What the poet manages to accomplish in 718a, from this perspective, is to state the condition "never" (næfre ) in traditional formulaic language, using an expandable system built on the core [prep.][]-dagum and a compounding element that, while it yields a hapax legomenon, matches the alliteration of the second-verse formula.

718b. ær ne sipðan ("before or since"). Although this half-line recurs only once in the corpus, we can safely call it traditional. For besides satisfying the minimum criteria for a formula, it is related to a whole system of diction using the same words with slight variations in form and meaning. We have, for example, eighteen occurrences of the patterns sið [x] ær and ær [x] sið , where in both cases x stands for and/ond, ne ("nor"), or oppe ("or"). The difference, of course, lies in word-type: while 718b (and Chr 39b) fill a whole verse, the two metrically shorter patterns cited above must comprise only part of a half-line,^[52] most often a B-Type in place of the A-Type in the half-line under consideration.

[51] In contrast, as we saw in chapters 4 and 5, both Serbo-Croatian and ancient Greek epic phraseology have many such "words."

[52] The single exception is Glc 369a (ær oppe sið ), which is unmetrical.

720a. Com pa to recede ("Came then to the building"). This phrase shows the same general structure as 702b and 710a, as discussed above, although it should be pointed out that within this traditional pattern the poet is able to vary the complements to the action of com in a way that increases the tension of the approach: Grendel is seen first "in the dark night," then advancing "out of the moor," and finally coming "to the building."

720b. rinc siðian ("the warrior journeying"). Here the poet completes the com . . . [infinitive] pattern within a single line by taking advantage of the alliterative collocation between reced and rinc (cf. Bwf 412 and 728). Although we might posit for this half-line the system [] siðan , where x is defined as an alliterating noun with the semantic value of "man, warrior," some other analogs illustrate the more fundamental structure of the whole line:

The pattern com . . . siðian , a more focused version of the com . . . [infinitive] phrase we have encountered twice before, provides the backbone for line 720 and these three additional examples on a whole-line basis, and each verse is adjusted for alliteration with complements—in the case of 720, with a collocative pair.

721a. dreamum bedæled ("bereft of joys"). At first sight we might interpret this half-line as simply an alliterative bridge, a filler that harmonizes syntactically with 720a and allows the poet to proceed on to the next important action. To be sure, it is a highly formulaic phrase, a variation on the system [] bedæled , where x is a noun bearing the alliteration and designating some positive communal value.^[53] In fact, it may well be best to consider dreamum bedæled a true formula on its own account, since the essential idea of loss of social context is so powerfully and memorably expressed.

But it is a measure of the poet's singular art that, far from being the slave of his traditional diction, he molds that diction toward aesthetic ends. While 721a is clearly meant to serve as a bridge to Duru (and thus to Grendel's bursting into Heorot) in the second verse, dreamum bedæled is hardly a throw-

[53] It is also possible to see this half-line as associated with the system dream- [verb of deprivation], of which there are numerous examples, but this is probably not the fundamental form, especially since all other such verbs also alliterate in [d].

away; by metonymic reference to the wordhoard, the poet deftly brings out another aspect of Grendel—that of Exile.^[54]

721b. Duru sona onarn ("The door immediately sprang open"). There is only one other instance of onarn in the poetic corpus, and it turns out to be an exact repetition of this phrase (And 999b). On this basis we can certainly call 721b a formula, but stopping the analysis at that point will obscure the traditional depth of the phrase and therefore its metonymic meaning. To pursue the matter in proper perspective, we must quote the passage from Andreas in which the formula appears (996b-1003; quoted from Brooks 1961):

Da se halga gebæd
bilwytne fæder, breostgehygdum
herede on hehðo heofoncyninges god,
dryhten dem[de]. Duru sons onarn
purh han[d]hrine  haliges gastes,
ond pær in eode , elnes gemyndig,
hæle  hildedeor. Hæðene  swæfon ,
dreore druncne, deaæwang rudon.

Then the holy one prayed to
the gentle Father, in his inmost thoughts
praised the Heaven-king's goodness on high,
glorified the Lord.  The door immediately sprang open
through the hand-touch  of the holy spirit,
and in there he went , mindful of valor,
the battle-brave hero . The heathens slept ,
drunk in blood, they reddened the death-place.

The italicized words and elements of compounds also occur as a group or cluster in the passage under examination from Beowulf . In addition, we may note that this cluster has a narrative basis in the action of a "warrior" invading a sanctuary where his foes are sleeping and wreaking havoc among them. In the case of Beowulf , that warrior is Grendel the Exile; in Andreas it is St. Andrew bringing revenge on the Mermedonians. Thus this duster, a traditional unit larger than the verse or line, assists in the composition of this section of the poem through the agency of associated words, and we must likewise take account of the traditional meaning of the cluster in reading both passages.^[55]

[54] See Greenfield 1955 for the first statement on "Exile" as a traditional narrative structure; a complete tabulation of all identified Anglo-Saxon themes is available below in chapter 9. See also Baird 1966.

[55] See further the discussion of Andreas in chapter 9, and note the discrepancy between the prose versions of the Andreas story and the traditional narrative poem at this juncture (as reported in Brooks 1961, 96).

722a. fyrbendum fæst ("[held] fast by fire-forged bonds"). Although fyrbend proves a hapax legomenon in the poetic corpus, we can describe a common system underlying this verse, []-bendum fæst , where x represents a compounding element bearing the alliteration. This compound takes a wide variety of forms, from the straightforward irenbendum ("iron bonds," Bwf 774b and 998b) to the more abstract hygebendum ("mind-bonds," Bwf 1878b). It occurs once in Guthlac and six times in Beowulf , with a total of seven different compounding elements. And yet this is not the end of the story, for in addition to these instances we find two related structures. First, the compound [x]-bendum can, if the initial element is metrically extensive enough, occupy a whole verse and not just part of one; thus irenbendum can either join fæst in the system under discussion (Bwf 998b) or stand by itself (Bwf 774b). Second, there are numerous compounds, many of them closely synonymous to [x]-bend- , that behave in very similar ways, some of them even participating in analogous systems with fæst . Here are two examples:

With these and other examples, two further perspectives emerge. While this system apparently has a life of its own in the poetic tradition (chiefly in Beowulf ), its first clement may be employed alone—outside the context of the formulaic system. As we saw above in the case of certain prepositional phrases that acted as complements to the com series, some traditional elements do have this ability to play different versificational roles, depending on the particular situation. This sort of multiple function is impossible in symbioses of prosody and phraseology such as those associated with the Homeric Greek hexameter and Serbo-Croatian deseterac . Interestingly, however, as we shall see in chapter 10, this twofold function is paralleled at the narrative level by story-patterns that can serve either as simplex sequences for an entire poem or as additive elements that can be combined to form longer and more complex poems.

Another insight on the compositional process is afforded by the behavior of words outside of the specific []-bendum system which nonetheless match this element in word-type. The similarity in formulaic morphology and the consistent behavior of fæst as a monosyllabic adjective seeking verse-end in this and many other situations^[56] lead us to understand that the system observed in its many manifestations is also, and fundamentally, a reflection of traditional rules. The system is a highly focused structure built on these rules, a pattern that has apparently proven useful and has developed its own identity in the

[56] Cf. cuð in 705b.

poetry. While it would be misleading not to recognize 722a as a formulaic system, it would be equally wrong not to place this pattern in the context of the rules under which it has come into prominence and under which it continues to function.^[57]

722b. sypðan he hire folmum [æth]ran ("after he touched it with his hands"). This is perhaps the most idiosyncratic verse in the passage under examination, for there is nothing in the poetic corpus that could be summoned as evidence for any kind of system. We may, however, juxtapose to that lack of apparent structure two compositional features. The first is specific to this passage and to the cluster that helps to define its structure and meaning: the inclusion of -hran ("touched"), one of the words that we noted was also associated with St. Andrew's forced entry, and folmum ("with hands"), whose synonym hand(- ) was also employed in the Andreas scene (handhrine , "hand-touch"; 1000a). The second feature is more general and typical of many verses in addition to 722b. This amounts to the simple fact that "acephalic" metrical types—that is, Sievers B and C—are much more open to variation than are other types because of their lack of a stressed element in initial position. If one or more function words can occupy first position in a metrical type, with no real restriction on semantics or grammar, then such types will of course exhibit wide variation even if the following stressed elements show regular occurrence. This is an elementary but very significant characteristic; what is more, it provides yet another reason why all half-line phrases cannot be judged equal and why, as a result, we must expect a spectrum of traditional phraseological forms.^[58]

To sum up, the central idea of these few lines can be abstracted as "The door sprang open at Grendel's touch," which is expressed by 721b and 722b using a formula and duster-words traditionally appropriate to the poetic task. Line 722a, a relatively common formulaic system with its roots in traditional rules, acts as an alliterative bridge, not absolutely necessary to the expression of the central action but, thanks to the poet's skill, an artful detail that amplifies Grendel's entry. Thus the sequence 721b-22 contains a formula, a system, a half-line we cannot ascribe to a system, and part of a traditional cluster, and all phraseological and narrative units are meshed to form a finely crafted and

[57] An interesting glimpse of how fundamental traditional rules really are is afforded by two virtually synonymous Beowulfian half-lines, both of which fulfill the final element in the traditional theme of sea-voyaging (see further chapter 9): on ancre fæst ("fast at anchor," 303a) and oncerbendum fæst ("fast by anchor-bonds," 1918a). Although these verses may be said to have the same essential idea, and although they perform the same thematic function, their phrascological shapes are entirely different. Nonetheless, note that in both verses we observe consistent placement of fæst and, further, that each in its own way follows traditional rules in sorting the repeated elements into metrically permitted form.

[58] Although this particular kind of institutionalized inequivalence is of course impossible in the hexameter and deseterac dictions, they have, as we have seen, their own tradition-dependent spectra of phraseology.

resonant description; such is the rich inheritance of tradition and such is the art of the Beowulf poet.

723b. ða (he ge)bolgen wæs ("since he was enraged"). This verse is clearly a formula, as four verbatim or very nearly verbatim usages illustrate (Gen 54b; Bwf 1539b, 2220b, 2550b). In each case the formula is associated with a major battle, whether with God's fight against Satan and his company in Genesis , Beowulf's battle against Grendel's mother, the dragon's anger over the stolen cup, or Beowulf's fight with the dragon. In other words, this phrase seems to be associated, particularly in Beowulf , with the idea and expression of battle; and we would not be far wrong if we considered it thematically associated with the monster-fight scene in Beowulf , as a metonymic signal of the magnitude and intensity of the battle. To be gebolgen in this way is to possess battle fury, and this phrase encodes that special anger.

When we add to these observations the evidence for a collocation between the root of the verb in 723a and the highly charged word gebolgen (not to say its ritual expression in this formula),^[59] we perceive another example of a half-line formula which nevertheless has traditional associations outside the single verse. The overall picture then becomes one of the fundamental idea (-bræd... ða he gebolgen wæs , "drew or swung open... since he was enraged"), with the []-hydig compound filling out the first verse under the aegis of traditional rules. Although one half-line is a true formula and the other not demonstrably formulaic, the line as a whole is once again thoroughly traditional.

724a. recedes mupan ("the building's mouth"). Since this verse is metaphorical, denoting as it does the door of the hall, neither the general pattern recedes [x] nor the literal pattern [] muð can serve a systemic function; the first possibilitity is too generic and lacks an essential idea, while the second would need further definition of muð in the special metaphorical sense.^[60] Thus only two half-lines in the poetic corpus present themselves as possible comparands:

The first phrase describes the opening of Noah's ark, and the second serves as a variation on duru in the preceding half-line. Both phrases could in a sense be said to participate in a formulaic system with 724a were it not for the fact

[59] Bwf 1539, brægd pa beadwe heard, pa he gebolgen wæs, apparently an idiolectal collocation, but no less powerful for that.

[60] Compare the discussions of a possible X mup- system in Fry 1968b, 520; and Niles 1983, 125-26.

that they do not match it metrically. The verse from Genesis also uses a synonym for reced rather than the word itself.

Still, we may be able to show more of a connection between the Maxims and Beowulf phrases than is immediately apparent. Both verses amount to virtually the same expression connoting "door" and, apart from metrical differences and the word rum , are virtually identical. Consider for a moment the poet's essential idea, in this case one that is highly focused, metaphorical, and ostensibly traditional, and the continuing synchronic problem of metrical versification that he faces. Both phrases are successful renderings of that idea in that they conform to a permitted metrical configuration, and both use the core phrase recedes muð- . The major difference between the two is that Mx2 37a assumes a strong masculine declension for the main word (nom. mup ) while Bwf 724a assumes a weak masculine declension (nom. muða ); further evidence for both possibilities in the corpus indicates what seems to be a true ambivalence in the lexicon and therefore in the diction. For the Beowulf poet, the weak form yields a metrical verse in the accusative singular, recedes mupan (724a), while the strong form would result in a short, unmetrical half-line: *recedes mup . This is precisely the problem faced and solved by the Maxims poet, who understands mup as a strong form and adds the adjective rum to the core phrase recedes mup to give a metrical phrase, rum recedes mup .^[61] Indeed, although these two examples cannot be shown to proceed out of the same formulaic system, they are without doubt related traditional phrases. And the example of their less-than-obvious relation sheds further light on the morphology of Old English poetic diction.

726a. code yrremod ("[he] went angry in spirit"). Two patterns present themselves as possible systems: [x] []-mod,^[62] where x is a verb and y is a compounding element usually bearing the alliteration (x also alliterates in the more common first-verse pattern), and eode [], where z is an alliterating adjective modifying the implied subject of eode . If we arc willing to term the first possibility a bona fide system in spite of its lack of semantic focus and essential idea, there arc numerous examples in the poetic corpus to support interpreting 726a as a product of that system. Meanwhile, phrases like eode unforht (Exo 335a) and eode ellenrof (Bwf 358a) can be drawn on to support the second hypothesis.

Since the first pattern is so generic, and since eode participates in so many different kinds of phrases (so that it seems not to follow a specific traditional rule), the second hypothesis is a better description of the system underlying 726a. But we should note that []-mod , in obeying the traditional rule oft he

[61] If the Maxims poet had understood the word as a weak masculine and tried to apply the same solution, the result would be *rum recedes mupan , an unmetrical verse.

[62] This pattern undergoes frequent metathesis in the double-alliterating form characteristic of first-verse occurrences.

metrically more complex element seeking verse-end, constitutes the more fundamental structure of the phrase; in effect, this word placement creates the sequence eode [].

726b. him of eagum stod ("from his eyes stood out"). Phrases like pæt he on botme stod (XSt 718b) or se ðe on greote stod (And 254b) may encourage positing a system [x] [prep^[*] phrase] stod , where x represents one or more function words and the prepositional phrase, with the object alliterating, is defined only grammatically. But since such a pattern is much too generic to serve the composing poet, we would do better to point out that stod follows the traditional rule of monosyllabic preterite verb seeking final position and to see eode yrremod as an alliterative bridge (and partial variation of the preceding half-line, feond treddode ) that allows the poet to proceed smoothly from one action to the next. And while the phrase of eagum and the idea it embodies may seem ornamental, in fact the detail of a mysterious light marks all three monster-fights in Beowulf .^[63] Both the traditional phraseological rule and the "deep structure" of the monster-fight theme, then, help to shape the second half-line.

727a. ligge gelicost ("most like fire"). Underlying this half-line is the common system [] gelicost , where x is a noun in the dative singular case bearing the alliteration and the phrase as a whole constitutes an institutionalized way to construct a simile. Ten other instances occur in the poetic corpus, in a variety of poems, so we may safely assume that this system is tradition-wide rather than idiolectal. To these general comments may be added the more specific observation that this phraseological element, like many others we have examined, exists both as a unit in itself and as part of a larger pattern. An example is furnished by lines drawn from the sea-voyaging passages in Andreas and Beowulf :^[64]

The Beowulfian version of the simile also provides an alliterative bridge to the leoht of the following half-line, and thus adds a synchronic function to its traditional, diachronic identity.

728a. Geseah he in recede ("In the building he saw"). Although we may posit a system Geseah [x], where x is a prepositional phrase, this pattern has no more validity as a compositional construct than does the similar pattern

[63] See also the strange light emanating from Grendel's mother's cave (1516b-17) and the more obvious light of the dragon's fiery breath (2582-83b). I owe the mention of this characteristic of the monster-fight to Robert P. Creed.

[64] See further chapter 9. Since it depends on multiform traditional diction rather than direct echoing, this example would argue against direct borrowing and in favor of a shared diction.

initially proposed for the half-lines involving com . More to the point is the consistent behavior of the verb geseah , which in eighty occurrences in the poetic corpus seeks verse-initial position thirty times and verse-final position forty-nine times.^[65] This verb form can occupy either slot in either verse and very seldom takes part in the alliterative structure of the line. To put the same matter another way, this word—and word-type—can be and is used outside formulaic systems and the alliterative complications they regularly entail. In so employing this word-type, the poet is beginning a construction that, again like the Com pattern, demands closure in an infinitive;^[66] he will bridge the gap between Geseah and that infinitive with an alliterative collocation and a formulaic system.

728b. rinca manige ("many warriors"). The formulaic system is rinca [x ], where x is a noun or adjective that specifies the group denoted by the genitive plural rinca . The alliterative collocation consists of the pair rinc and reced , which the poet has matched twice before in Beowulf , at lines 412 and 720. We begin to see the whole-line pattern as well as a continuation to the next line through the central action of Geseah ... swefan . The infinitive swefan , of course, will participate in its own alliterative and formulaic series in addition to providing closure for Geseah .

729a. swefan sibbegedriht ("the band of kinsmen sleeping"). Just as the relatively independent word and word-type geseah took on an alliterative series with a built-in (that is, traditional) collocation in line 728, so the infinitive swefan not only completes the action of Geseah but also takes on an analogous series of its own. For while we find some support for positing a system [] sibbegedriht , where x is an infinitive, that same evidence (Bwf 387) also argues for a more extensive pattern:

seon sibbegdriht samod ælgædere
to see the band of kinsmen all together

To call this correspondence a half-line system overlooks both the second verse and the whole-line pattern. In addition, two other examples, both of them from outside Beowulf , demonstrate the central significance of the collocation (as opposed to possible systems) and the pan-traditional character of the alliterative link:

[65] The single exception to this traditional rule occurs in the Psalms (P101 .17.3), which, as we saw earlier, often demonstrate quite untraditional diction.

[66] Of the thirty verse-initial occurrences of geseah , eighteen are followed by an infinitive; although the selection of infinitives is naturally weighted toward those involving a visual impression, a variety of words are used to close the expression. As for those instances of geseah not followed by an infinitive, the favored constructions are a direct object and indirect statement.

The line from Exodus shows that the relationship between the alliterating elements is not dependent on the first-verse system, while the example from Guthlac illustrates independence of the collocation from the second-verse formula.^[67]

729b. samod ætgædere ("all together"). This phrase is of course a common formula in the Old English tradition, occurring seventeen times in a variety of poems. Once again, then, we have an instance of a unit—this time a half-line formula—that has a life of its own in the tradition and yet can also combine with other phraseological elements to produce a larger pattern that has its own identity. In the other direction, we note that ætgædere always occurs in either. verse- or line-final position,^[68] as its metrically extensive word-type would lead us to expect. Thus the formula observed in 729b is erected on the basis of traditional rules.

To sum up, the central action begun in 728a by Geseah and completed by swefan in 729a is filled out in each line by an alliterative collocation, the latter of these also assuming the form of an idiolectal whole-line system in Beowulf . Evidence from outside Beowulf helps us to see what the poet's contribution has been to this series, and once more we encounter a hierarchy of structure, from a two-line series through collocations, a whole-line system, a formulaic system, a formula, and traditional rules. It is the poet's achievement to use the materials of his tradition to convey the central action with such power and resonance.

730a. magorinca heap ("a troop of young warriors"). A variation on rinca manige and sibbegedriht , this half-line may be assigned to a system [] heap , where x is an alliterating noun denoting "warriors, troops" in the genitive plural (partitive construction). This pattern can stand by itself if the noun is sufficiently extensive metrically and can form a part of another system if it is not. While not as well defined as many formulaic systems, the [] heap phrase does express a focused essential idea and proves useful in many different situations. It is also a more specific example of the general pattern of [partitive gen. pl.] [number/group noun] observed throughout the poetry.^[69]

[67] The hapax legomenon somudeard ("together-" or "common land") may be understood as a reflex of the collocation between sib(be)gedriht and somod , in other words as just the sort of neologism one might expect when certain words or elements of compounds are associated in the context of Old English prosody and then used in a divergent narrative situation.

[68] All thirty-one instances are verse- or line-final, twenty-seven occurring at line-end and four at the end of the first half-line.

[69] Although further analysis is beyond the scope of this chapter, we may note in passing that the poet employs the [m]-alliterating magorinca to harmonize with a half-line system in 730b: system = Ða [x ] mod ahlog , giving þa his mod ahlog (Bwf 730b) and Ða ure mod ahloh (And 454b).

Quantitative Analysis

Table 21 will serve as a reference point for the foregoing discussion, recording the status of each half-line in the passage (whether formula, formulaic system, or neither) and the traditional rules that apply to each verse (abbreviations are explained in the following discussion). Two caveats are necessary: first, my judgment of whether a phrase is a formula or a system is developed from the analysis presented selectively above and may not agree at all points with the definitions of other investigators;^[70] second, designating a phrase as belonging to one or another category of diction hardly explains its entire traditional identity and context. As a practical matter, if a phrase can be termed a formula on the basis of available evidence, I have not indicated in this table whether we can also call it formulaic.^[71] Nonetheless, it may be instructive to compare the figures we derive with the perspective offered by traditional rules.

In purely quantitative terms, the passage consists of 19.5 percent formulas, 51.8 percent formulaic systems, and 28.6 percent verses that cannot be satisfactorily explained as belonging to either category. As mentioned in chapters 1 and 2 and earlier in this chapter, I cannot accept the premise that such quantitative analysis determines the oral or written provenance of this or any other passage, first because of the criteria of tradition-dependence and text-dependence that are two of the guiding principles of my approach to the study of comparative oral and oral-derived epic. On the basis of the line-by-line investigation and its results, we may add another reason to question the density test: if all systems are not equal in complexity and usefulness, and further if the system hypothesis does not fully explain the traditional character of many of the half-lines, how then can we expect it to serve as an unambiguous measure of a given text's orality?

What should be emphasized about table 21 is the absolute consistency of traditional rules; not a single verse is left unexplained by this more fundamental level of structure, while the formula/formulaic system model leaves more than a quarter of the passage unexplained as traditional phraseology. We shall finish our discussion with a summary and codification of traditional rules, the foundation on which a viable aesthetics can in the future be erected.