1. By "agreeable to our natures," Hakluyt means the climatological congeniality of Virginia. Cf. Edward Hayes (1592?), who speaks of the northern portions of Virginia as that part of the New World "which in Situation & temperature is nearest unto, and seem[eth] to be reserved for us" ("Discourse," 158). For more on the significance of climate in early English expansionism, see Kupperman, "Fear."

2. For a chronology of Raleigh's fall, see Rowse, Raleigh , 158-69.

3. Cf. Bednarz, Raleigh , 61.

4. One of Raleigh's poems to Elizabeth Throckmorton or "Serena"— "To His Love When He Had Obtained Her"—represents his now consummatable love as putting an end to "travail":

                             Let's then meet
Often with amorous lips, and greet
Each other till our wanton Kisses
In number pass the days Ulysses
Consum'd in travail. (19-23)

5. See the final stanza of cantos 2, 4-7, and 9-12. Other off-cited manifestations in the book of Spenser's supposed exhaustion are the limited roles of the primary heroes Cambel and Triamond (Telamond, the hero named in the headnote to the book, never even appears); the multiplication of heroes; the confusing throngs of characters throughout the book; inexplicable loose ends, like Belphoebe and Timias simply abandoning the helpless Amoret and Æmylia or Scudamour not informed about Amoret; the new prominence of feminine rhymes; and finally the assignment of the book's bravura canto, its best candidate for what C. S. Lewis calls an allegorical center (Allegory , 336)—the Temple of Venus episode (canto 10)-to a narrator separate from the author who also speaks in a nostalgic past tense.

Paul Alpers notes that the publication of minor poems such as Colin Clout between the time of the first and second editions of The Faerie Queene seems a sign of trouble: "Whereas the poems of the 1580's, collected in Complaints , can be seen as preparatory to The Faerie Queene , these later poems show Spenser going outside his epic to treat subjects and employ modes of expression that formerly would have found a place within it" ("Narration, " 35-36). But I take this implied admission by Spenser of The Faerie Queene's inadequacy to be consistent with Spenser's representations of his epic from the start.

6. See Hamilton, ed., Faerie Queene , 490 for a discussion of this problem.

7. The characterization is Cecil's: "I find him marvelous greedy to do anything to recover the conceit of his brutish offense" (quoted in Rowse, Ralegh , 167); cf. FQ 4.7.45.

Oram, "Elizabethan," 43-45 notes the significance of Æmylia's story in relation to Timias, but he considers it a reflection on Timias's lust for Amoret only (whom he identifies with Elizabeth Throckmorton), and so is hard pressed to make sense of the fact that Æmylia's social status is much higher than her lover's.

8. Judith Anderson anticipates my argument here in a number of respects, though she, like O'Connell, believes the moral of the episode to be the increasing distance between Elizabeth and her possible idealization—"at best a hope or an unrealized promise but no longer, by any stretch of the epic imagination, a present reality" ("Living," 48). My point is that Spenser considers Elizabeth's "present reality" complex: he consistently wants his readers to avoid Raleigh's mistake of imagining Elizabeth's ideal significance, her body politic, as wholly contained or realized within the limits of either her natural body or the English island.

9. This sentiment is not peculiar to book 4 but rather runs throughout the poem: see, e.g., 1.8.40, 2.2.3, 2.6.46, and 5.1.27.

10. I partly agree with Judith Anderson, then, when she claims that in book 4 the poet's voice "no longer indicates but is the alternative" (Growth , 121), but I disagree that "the more insistently visible presence of the poet" (124) in the book manifests "a turning inward which results in an assertion of self made in the face of a more public and intractable world" (115). In my view, the alternative represented by the poet himself remains political, indeed imperialist.

11. Nancy Jo Hoffman epitomizes the sentimental critical orthodoxy on Colin's career when she bemoans the fact that, in Colin , "the old relation between queen and poet, their proximity in the charmed circle of Mount Acidale and in the April eclogue, exists no longer" (Spenser's Pastorals , 120). One wonders what Hoffman can mean by "proximity": the April eclogue, again, presents Colin as already alienated from Eliza; and on Mount Acidale, from which the queen is absent, Colin begs her pardon because he is singing of someone else. In fact, the only assertion in Spenser's poetry that he ever literally saw Elizabeth appears in Colin Clout .

12. Spenser's self-restraint is an implicit answer to the critics of English colonialism in Ireland who, like Spenser's Eudoxius, "think it no good policy to have that Realm reformed or planted with English lest they should grow as undutiful as the Irish and become much more dangerous" (V 9:210). But it goes somewhat against the thrust of Irenius's own answer to this criticism in the View , when Irenius blames English backsliding on

the bad minds of the man, who having been brought up at home under a strait rule of duty and obedience being always restrained by sharp penalties from lewd behavior, so soon as they Come hither where they see laws more slackly tended and the hard Constraint which they were used unto now slacked, they grow more loose and Careless of their duty and as it is the nature of all men to love liberty So they become Libertines and fall to all Licentiousness of the Irish, more boldly daring to disobey the law through presumption of favor and friendship than any Irish dareth. (211)

Irenius insists, then, on tougher laws more rigorously kept; but for Spenser and the gentlemen he would fashion, such external constraints are redundant.

13. Oram understates the case when he says of the poem's title that "it is not immediately clear where 'home' lies" (Shorter Poems , 519), as if the mystery were only a temporary confusion. As many readers have noticed, the problem is matched in the poem by repeatedly contradictory estimations of Ireland: the shepherds' flocks are "devoyd of dangers feare" (1. 54), and Ireland is a "quiet home" (686) for the shepherds also; but then the country is also a "desart" (91), a "waste" (183), and a "bar-rein soyle" (656).

14. For a specific echo between Timias and Colin, see, e.g., FQ 4.7-39 and Colin Clout , 182-83. On the interrelations between book 4 and Raleigh's writing generally, see Goldberg, Endlesse Worke , 50-51 n. 4. Commenting on the fact "that Timias's service to Belphoebe is radically incompatible, now, with service to his master," Donald Cheney concludes: "Perhaps by 1596 Spenser has come to see Elizabeth's court, like Belphoebe's, as a place of sterile dalliance not far removed from Phaedria's or Acrasia's bower" ("Spenser's Fortieth Birthday," 24, 25). I disagree only with Cheney's chronology: Spenser's criticism of Elizabeth's court is as old as The Shepheardes Calender and Mother Hubbard's Tale .

15. The exclusive praise that Colin applies to almost every woman in the Court is quite extraordinary: for example, Theana is "well worthy" of her "honourable place" "next unto" Cynthia herself (Colin Clout , 501-2), but then Mansilia is also "worthie next after Cynthia to tread" (514). Characteristically, Spenser solves the problem by seeming to ignore it: nine times in his list of the ladies at Elizabeth's court he exclaims that the one he now treats is not less praiseworthy than her predecessor (492, 504, 508, 516, 524, 532, 536, 572, and 574).

16. Amoretti 15 is a good instance of the second dilemma. In transferring the praise of Elizabeth to his private beloved, Spenser claims that "my love doth in her selfe containe / All this worlds riches that may farre be found." The "fairest" of those riches is, characteristically, "her mind adorned with vertues manifold," which, like the face and land of The Faerie Queene's second proem, "few behold." But if the beloved alone is supposed to inspire expansiveness as Elizabeth and Fairyland had once done, her reach seems constrained by the original premise of the sonnet: those merchants who "both the Indias of their treasure spoile" do so only because they are ignorant of Spenser's beloved hence they travel "so farre in vaine."

17. The only reference to Indian knowledge of Elizabeth in the Virginian accounts appears in Ralph Lane's narrative (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages 1:279).

18. "The like and a more large discourse I made to the rest of the nations both in my passing to Guiana , and to those of the borders" (Discoverie , 15). Cf. 51, 53, and 70; Keymis, Second Voyage , 444, 456, 464, and 472-73; and "Of the Voyage" (Discoverie , 144).

19. Greenblatt, for instance, describes Raleigh's "uneasiness" here as "the tension between his primitivism and his plans for the exploitation of Guiana" (Ralegh , 112). Montrose repeats this idea, but recognizes the "peculiar resonance" of Raleigh's ambivalence "in the context of an address to Elizabeth" ("Shaping," 76-77).

20. Quinn, Roanoke Voyages 1:84; cf. 122 and 2:575.

21. For Hayes, such indirection in the pursuit of gold is essential to English physiological integrity: trade with "those Countries . . . which possess the fountains of treasure"

shall purchase unto us gold & silver, dwelling under temperate & wholesome climates: Then how much better shall it be for us there to possess gold & Silver in health of body & delight,: than for greedy desire to possess the Mines, to deprive ourselves of all health & delight by dwelling in Countries within the burning zones. where the heat or Air shall be unto our complexions intemperate & contagious. (Quinn, New American World 3:163)

For the attribution of the "Discourse" to Hayes and also possibly to Christopher Carleill, see 156.

22. For Gilbert, this pretence of colonization is what will ultimately make colonization a reality: he imagines that, by means of the treasure and ships seized by those privateers who "set forth under such like color of discovery," "there may be easily such a competent company transported to the W. I. [West Indies] as may be able not only to dispossess the S. [Spaniards] thereof, but also to possess forever your Majesty and Realm therewith" (Quinn, Gilbert 1:170-75). Cf. Quinn, England , 294: "It is clear . . . that the main source of revenue on which a colony could be built was intended to be derived from the plunder of the Spanish merchant fleet and colonies."

23. Cf. Raleigh, Letters , 111; Keymis, Second Voyage , 444, 481, and 486; and "Of the Voyage" (Raleigh, Discoverie , 138-39).

24. In Hakluyt's Principal Navigations (1600), Keymis's account and Chapman's poem directly follow Raleigh's account.

Ultimately, of course, Beaumont is as eager for "glorious gold" (Metamorphosis , 1. 317) as Chapman is: tobacco in his account is, I have argued, simply a way to defer and therefore strengthen England's golden hopes.

25. The transparency of gold to spirit is a feature of the New Jerusalem: "and the city was pure gold, like unto clear glass" (Revelation 21. 18).

26. Cf. Keymis, Second Voyage , 472-73.

27. Cf. his description of a valley with "as fair ground, and as beautiful fields, as any man hath ever seen, with diverse copses scattered here and there by the river's side, and all as full of deer, as any forest or park in England, and in every lake and river the like abundance of fish and fowl" (Discoverie , 64; see also 42).

28. Keymis in fact dubs the Orenoque after the Shepherd of the Ocean, "Raleana" (Second Voyage , 476), and declares that "my self, and the remain of my few years, I have bequeathed wholly to Raleana" (481)— not to a land, that is, but to a river. He also lists the discoveries he has made as "a free and open entrance into Raleana," along with "choice of forty several great rivers (the lesser I do not reckon)" (480); while he talks of Guiana's gold and other commodities as actually "in the aforesaid rivers" (481; my emphasis). His narrative ends with "A Table of the names of the Rivers, Nations, Towns, and Casiques or Captains that in this second voyage were discovered" (490-95): river names are the most plentiful.

29. For Aeson and Medea, see, e.g., Ovid, Metamorphoses 7.162-293.

30. Keymis too recalls Virginian erotics, but with striking alterations that respond to Raleigh's disgrace in a manner quite the opposite of Chapman's: Guiana may possess "whole shires of fruitful rich grounds, lying now waste for want of people," but these shires are said to "prostitute themselves unto us," and then only like an anonymous "fair and beautiful woman, in the pride and flower of desired years" (Second Voyage , 487; my emphasis).

31. Other servants of Raleigh, like Chapman less directly involved in Raleigh's troubles with Elizabeth, also like Chapman more directly address the issue of plantation than Raleigh does; but their colonial vision is, once again like Chapman, always somehow skewed. Keymis writes, "lucky and prosperous be that right hand, that shall plant and possess a soil"; but the plants that he thinks "may fructify, increase, and grow to good" in Guiana are only England's many unemployed "Gentlemen, soldiers, and younger brothers" (Second Voyage , 489). Elsewhere Keymis envisions a Chapmanian "harvest" of "riches" (480). The anonymous author of "Of the Voyage to Guiana," possibly Harriot, speaks in somewhat more Virginian terms of the Guianans "rendering yearly to her Majesty and her successors a great tribute alloting to her use some rich mines and rivers of gold, pearl, silver, rocks of precious stones &c. with some large fruitful countries for the planting of her Colonies" (Raleigh, Discoverie , 146). Yet, in an earlier sentence similarly constructed, the incidental nature of plantation to the writer's plans is clear: "Hereby the Queen's dominions may be exceedingly enlarged, and this Realm inestimably enriched, with precious stones, gold, silver, pearl, and other commodities which those countries yield" (138).

32. Spain is, interestingly enough, Raleigh's precedent in proving that the gold of America can make a trifling nation great: "for we find that by the abundant treasure of that country [Peru] the Spanish King vexeth all the Princes of Europe, and is become in a few years from a poor king of Castille the greatest monarch of this part of the world, and likely every day to increase" (Discoverie , 18-19). Cf. Keymis, Second Voyage , 446, 483, and 487. Keymis makes clear, however, that Spain has no other potentiality besides American gold: it is "rich without men, confident without reason, proud and adventurous without means sufficient" (485); "without the Indies [it] is but a purse without money, or a painted sheath without a dagger" (486).

33. Cf. Keymis's more explicitly providentialist final sentence: "It hath pleased God of his infinite goodness, in his will and purpose to appoint and reserve this empire for us" (Second Voyage , 501; cf. 487-88).

Berreo tells Raleigh a prophecy found in Peru "that from Inglatierra those Ingas should be again in time to come restored, and delivered from the servitude" of the Spanish (Discoverie , 75). "Of the Voyage to Guiana" adds that, even if a delusion, "at least the prophecy will greatly daunt the Spaniards" (Discoverie , 139-40).

34. The relation between these two disgraces is underscored by the relation between Raleigh's two prefatory epistles. One of them discusses Raleigh's troubles with Elizabeth; the other discusses his troubles with unbelievers:

Because there have been diverse opinions conceived of the gold oar brought from Guiana , and for that an Alderman of London and an officer of her majesty's mint, hath given out that the same is of no price, I have thought good by the addition of these lines to give answer as well to the said malicious slander, as to other objections. (Discoverie , 7)

35. Drake in California (1578) had hung up a plate noting Elizabeth's claim to the country "together with her highness' picture and arms, in a piece of six pence of current English money" (PN 9:325-26). This trifling relation to the New World crumbled for Drake the year of Raleigh's voyage, when, according to Thomas Maynard, Drake during his final voyage confessed "that he was as ignorant of the Indies as my self." Implicitly in Maynard's account, America figures to Drake only as the image of the queen from whom he hopes for reward, the virgin mistress as an aging wet-nurse:

When, good gentleman, (in my conceit) it fared with him as with some care-less-living man who prodigally consumes his time fondly persuading himself that the nurse that fed him in his childhood will likewise nourish him in his old age and finding the dug dried & withered enforced then to behold his folly tormented in mind dieth with a starved body, he had beside his own adventure gaged his own reputation greatly in promising her majesty to do her honorable service and to return her a very profitable adventure and having sufficiently experienced for 7 or 8 years together, how hard it was to regain favor once ill thought of the mistress of his fortune now leaving him to yield to a discontented mind. (Andrews, Last Voyage , 101)

36. As he lay dying during his final voyage, the circumnavigator Thomas Cavendish (1592) also composed a narrative of his venture, unpublished till Purchas. It would be hard to imagine another figure in Elizabeth's later years who could have honored the ideal of material weakness so zealously. Confronted with disaster after disaster, and losing crew, food, and equipment to such an extent that "all the men left in the ship were no more than able to weigh our Anchors" ("Thomas Cavendyshe," 120), Cavendish continues to insist that his ship pursue its course rather than return home. Attempting to exhort a mutinous crew who even he admits had "many reasonable occasions to allege against me" (122), Cavendish like Shakespeare's Henry V argues that "the more we attempted being in so weak a case, the more if we performed would be to our honors" (110). His final demonstration of how failure can produce triumph is the narrative itself, written when he has "grown so weak & faint as I am scarce able to hold the pen in my hands" (120).

37. The difficulty in articulating the paradoxical idea of a laboring gentleman, a difficulty especially marked for a narrative attempting to convince its readers that Guiana possesses such treasure as would free one from labor forever, helps account for the peculiarity of Raleigh's most elaborate prospecting anecdote. At first in that anecdote, gold appears to have been readily available to the English: "Every stone that we stooped to take up, promised either gold or silver by his complexion. Your Lordships shall see of many sorts, and I hope some of them cannot be bettered under the sun." But then Raleigh qualifies the find—"and yet we had no means but with our daggers and fingers to tear them out here and there, the rocks being most hard of that mineral spar aforesaid, and is like a flint, and is altogether as hard or harder, and besides the veins lie a fathom or two deep in the rocks"—until the available "gold" is repudiated altogether: "each of [our companies] brought also several sorts of stones that appeared very fair, but were such as they found loose on the ground, and were for the most part but colored, and had not any gold fixed in them" (55). Of course, this tentativeness reflects Raleigh's worries about his samples—the merely shiny stones kept by some of his more foolish men, Raleigh claims, are the ones that have bred a bad opinion of him in England (55)—but Raleigh's wavering also reflects his desire to represent himself as at once surrounded by gold and yet having to work for it, or as working for it and yet not working too much. The hard rock or "White spar" that covers the "richest" mines is the expedient Raleigh hits upon both to excuse his lack of gold and to distance himself from the labor he must stress his gold requires: "To stay and dig out gold with our nails, had been Opus laboris , but not Ingenii " (43-44; cf. 8).

It is revealing that, though equally lacking in gold samples, Keymis apparently feels no compulsion to represent prospecting as laborious for the English: at one point, for instance, he intends to hire some Indians "for hatchets and knives to return us gold grains," and, though he can find no Indians at home, his guide "showed me in what sort without digging they gather the gold in the sand of a small river, named Macawini" (Second Voyage , 468). Moreover, Keymis twice mentions the fact that the Spanish now have black slaves in Guiana (445, 470), who, he argues, will ultimately benefit England, "since their [the Spanish] preparations of Negroes to work in the mines, their horses, cattle, and other necessaries may (by the favor of God) at our first coming, both store us with quantities of gold ore, and ease us of much trouble, pains, and travail" (445).

38. For other references to the sexual rapacity of the Spanish, see Keymis, Second Voyage , 455, 456, 463, 465, 471, and 472.

39. Indians buy women from the cannibals also; see Discoverie , 387 and 407.

40. The relation between the prominence of savage women in Raleigh's account and Raleigh's difficulties with the queen is implicit elsewhere in the Discoverie , first when Raleigh mentions his propaganda work with "the Canuri, which are governed by a woman (who is inheritrix of that province) who came far off to see our nation, and asked me diverse questions of her Majesty, being much delighted with the discourse of her Majesty's greatness, and wondering at such reports as we truly made of her highness' many virtues" (70); and second when the beleaguered courtier discusses reports of "those warlike women" the Amazons (26-27), who, when Elizabeth embraces Guiana, "shall hereby hear the name of a virgin, which is not only able to defend her own territories and her neighbors, but also to invade and conquer so great Empires and so far removed" (76). For another reference to the Amazons, see "Of the Voyage," in Discoverie , 139.

"Of the Voyage" is, incidentally, the only Elizabethan tract on America that actually raises the prospect of intermarriage: the writer of the tract recommends that the Guianans "give special hostages to be sent into England, which being civiled and converted here, upon their return and receving of others in their rooms they may be matched in marriage with English women" (146). If Raleigh's marriage to Elizabeth Throckmorton is the issue Chapman must skirt, then it is no wonder that Chapman's prophecy of Guianan liberation envisions marriages too, but between Englishmen and Englishwomen who represent a compromise between Raleigh's options—private lovers, but separated as queen and courtier are by disparity of wealth:

            all our Youth take  Hymen's  lights in hand,
And fill each roof with honor'd progeny.
There makes Society  Adamantine chains,
And joins their hearts with wealth, whom wealth disjoin'd.
                                                                  ("De Guiana," 173-76)

41. See Barbour, Jamestown Voyages 1:108 n. 1.

42. The title page of the combined Map of Virginia and Proceedings , innovative as far as New World tracts are concerned, lists Smith as the author of the Map and eight other colonists as the authors of the Proceedings . All editors of the Proceedings see Smith as a determining influence throughout, but in fact the pairing on the title page already implies a synecdochal relation between Smith and the others, especially since Smith is described as "sometimes Governor of the Country." It is significant, then, that not till the title page of the Generall Historie (1624) does Smith give himself sole credit—only later in his career does such credit become so important to him. For convenience I will henceforth refer to Smith alone as the author of the Proceedings .

43. An Indian in Martyr anticipates this sarcasm: "If your hunger of gold be so insatiable," says the prince of Comogrus to the Spanish,

that only for the desire you have thereto, you disquiet so many nations, and you yourselves also sustain so many calamities and incommodities, living like banished men out of your own country, I will show you a Region flowing with gold, where you may satisfy your ravening appetites. (Eden, Decades , 117)<

44. Percy himself notes the invidious Spanish parallel: "BALDIVIA A Spanish General being served somewhat Answerable hereunto in CHILE in the WEST INDIES who being Surprised by the Indians enforced him to drink up A certain quantity of melted gold using these words unto him now glut they self with gold BALDIVIA having there sought for gold as SICKLE-MORE did here for food" ("Trewe Relacyon," 265).

45. Cf. a later episode in which the only water Smith and his men can find in an Indian village is "such puddle that never till then, we ever knew the want of good water. We digged and searched many places but ere the end of two days we would have refused two barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water" (Smith, Works I:225).

46. Smith's animus toward the company itself comes clearer in the Generall Historie (1624), when the company is in the process of being dissolved. See in particular Smith's extraordinary letter of complaint, sent back to England near the end of 1608 (Works 2:187-90); cf. Purchas, Pilgrimes 19:3. My next chapter will treat the continuing gold love of the company in more depth.

47. For references in the Map to the Indians' love of trifles, see, e.g., Works 1:160 and 268. Smith reports that the Indians "stuff" the corpses of their kings with "copper beads. . ., hatchets and such trash" (169), and expect "beads, hatchets, copper, and tobacco" (172) as their reward in the afterlife.

According to Smith, idleness is by definition a "trifling," as when one of the colonists lets some Indians escape by "trifling away the night" (261; cf. True Relation , 31, 61, and 97). When Smith trifles away the time, on the other hand, he does it to deceive (249).

48. Later, when Smith sees gold waning as a colonial prospect, he still maintains that many settlers continue to be addicted to "present gain" and thus neglect "many things [that] might more have prevailed for their good" (Works 2:367). Now, however, the colonists hunger not for gold but tobacco, which so degenerates them that the savage comes to seem positively gentlemanly by comparison: at one point, for instance, Smith (1624) describes the Indians "employed in hunting and fowling with our fowling pieces, and our men rooting in the ground about Tobacco like swine" (2:285). For other invidious comments about tobacco, see 2:256, 262, 284, 287, 314, 327, 382, and 3:218, 220, 237, 274. Apparently Smith dislikes tobacco even as a personal habit: one cornmender declares, "I never knew a Warrior yet, but thee, / From wine, Tobacco, debts, dice, oaths, so free" (Smith, Works 1:363). What disgusts him, I would argue, is not so much tobacco's frivolousness as its addictiveness, which too closely proportions trifler to trifle.

49. For other denunciations of riches, see Works 1:344 and 360; for commendatory poems that praise Smith's antimaterialism, see 1:316, 2:49, and 3:146.

50. To Smith's mind, Newport neither understands nor cares for the "necessary business" of plantation because he is a sea captain. His sailors even extort money and goods from the landsmen at an exorbitant rate in exchange for shipboard supplies (Works 1:218); while, as the least attached or most mobile representatives of the colony, they manage to misrepresent at home both the hopes and needs of Virginia:

Those with their great words deluded the world with such strange promises as abused the business much worse than the rest. For the business being builded upon the foundations of their feigned experience, the planters, the money, time, and means have still miscarried: yet they ever returning, and the Planters so far absent, who could contradict their excuses? (1:176)

For other attacks on mariners, see 1:220, 234, 239-40, and also Strachey, "True Reportory," 28, 50-52. It is no wonder that Prospero keeps "the mariners all under hatches stowed" (Tempest 1.2.230) while his own georgic-colonial lessons proceed.

51. Works 1:217. For other references to the Indians "glutted" with trifles, see, e.g., 211 and 239-40. To Smith, the most egregious instance of his enemies' naïveté is Powhatan's coronation (234, 237), discussed in my introduction.

52. Cf. the earlier version of this anecdote in the True Relation (Works 1:71).

53. Some Jacobeans seem to have found the very idea of an Indian language amusing: see, e.g., the gibberish "Barbarian tongue" in Tonkis, Lingua 4.4 (cited in Brooks, Tobacco 2:51); and Taylor, Nipping , D3r (quoted in Brooks, Tobacco 1:522). A later and more well-known instance of mock-American appears in Massinger's City Madam (1632), when some Englishmen disguise themselves as Indians:

The roughly contemporary Fatal Marriage , which also has a fake Indian, makes Indian language sound like pidgin Latin: "Sib, a re, Crib a re, bunck a me tod, lethe, tu: hoc unge, hungarion siped ley" (51).

For a more explicit instance of a word list considered trifling, see Hall's Mundus (1605), in which his traveler encounters a nation of foolish triflers called the Troverense (John Healey's translation [1609] renames them the Gew-gawiasters): "He that first devised to blow out bubbles of soap and spittle forth of the walnut shell, is of as great renown amongst them, as ever was the first Printer, or Gun-founder amongst us of Europe " (trans. Healey, 87-88). The butt of Hall's humor turns out to be Paracelsian alchemists, who believe, of course, that they can transform nugas to gold. But when Hall provides a word list of their "Supermonical" or esoteric language—"Some of the words I will set down in this place, for the good of such as shall travel those countries hereafter" (88-89)—he manages to mock the trifling of both alchemists and voyagers like Smith.

54. Uncharacteristically, Smith says he provides the Fist only to satisfy the curiosity of those who "desire to know the manner of their language" (Works 1:136; my emphasis). Cf. the far more extensive contemporary word list of William Strachey, "by which, such who shall be Employed thither may know the readier how to confer, and how to truck and Trade with the People" (Historie , 174-207).

55. The inclusion of dialogue in a vocabulary of foreign words was, of course, nothing new. Cf. a sample of the comic interchange between Torquato and Nolano in John Florio's Italian vocabulary Second Frutes (1591) (I quote only the English dialogue):

56. For other references to the availability of Indian women, see 1:168, 174, and the famous "maskerado" before Smith of thirty naked young women that ends with the "Nymphs" "crowding, and pressing, and hanging upon him, most tediously crying, love you not me?" (235-36). If a tradition reported by William Stith (1747) is true, love for Pocahontas could have seemed not only a sexual but a status extravagance: Stith says that King James "was highly offended at Mr. Rolfe, " Pocahontas's future husband, "for marrying a Princess" (History , 142).

57. White beads are favored by aristocratic Indian women (Smith, Works 1:53, 216).

58. B2v-B3r; Mercator later replies,

Indeed de Gentlewomans here buy so much vain toys,
Dat me [we?] strangers laugh a to tink wherein day have their Joys:
Fait Madonna me will search all da strange countries me can tell,
But me will have such tings dat please dese Gentlewomans veil.
                                                                                              (C4r; cf. D4r)

Cf. Francis Meres's proverb in Wits Treasury (1598): "As pigeons are taken with beans, and children enticed with balls; so women are won with toys" (quoted in Schoenbaum, Shakespeare , 189). A now-lost play (c. 1560s) was entitled Far Fetched and Dear Bought Is Good for Ladies (Chambers, Elizabethan Stage 4:400).

For other instances of the "far fetcht" proverb in New World literature, see, e.g., Nicholl, Houre Glasse , A4v, and John Gerard's Herball , which argues that tobacco grown in Europe is better for the English, "notwithstanding it is not so thought nor received of our Tabackians; for according to the English proverb; Far fetcht and dear bought is best for Ladies" (286, quoted in Brooks, Tobacco 1:346; repeated in Gardiner, Triall , 9r). William Rankins in his Mirrour of Monsters (1587) suggests that the trifling desires of women make England savage. He depicts himself as having traveled to "a country named Terralbon " (1r)—England, obviously—where he met Luxuria, who "hanged at her eyes many costly favors of folly far fet from the Indians of Anglia " (4v)—once again, England.

59. The colonialist comparison of Elizabeth to Isabella is itself Elizabethan, appearing, for example, in Hakluyt's dedication to Raleigh of his translation of Laudonnière (1587):

If Elizabeth Queen of Castile and Arragon, after her husband Ferdinando & she had emptied their coffers and exhausted their treasures in subduing the kingdom of Granada & rooting the Moors, a wicked weed, out of Spain, was nevertheless so zealous of God's honor, that (as Fernandus Columbus the Son of Christopher Columbus recordeth in the history of the deeds of his Father) she laid part of her own Jewels, which she had in great accompt, to gage, to furnish his Father forth upon his first voyage, before any foot of land of all the West Indies was discovered, what may we expect of our most magnificent & gracious prince Elizabeth of England, into whose lap the Lord hath most plentifully thrown his treasures, what may we, I say, hope of her forwardness & bounty in advancing of this your most honorable enterprise being far more certain than that of Columbus, at that time especially, and tending no less to the glory of God than that action of the Spaniards. (Taylor, Original Writings 2:375)

Cf. 456-57. For the appearance of Queen Isabella in the hortatory conclusions of various works by Smith, see Works 1:382, 406, 441, and 2:474; for nostalgia about Elizabeth, see 1:438; 2:63, 91; and 3:159, 301. Cf. Strachey on that "royal spirited Lady Isabella Princess of Castile" (Historie , 10); and Robert Hayman (1628), who during Charles's reign hopes that Queen Mary will prove "a Famous Second Isabell" (Quodlibets , 51).

Columbus himself becomes an increasingly important figure in the idealization of the English colonist. Borrowing from Gomara (Eden, Decades , 341), Sir George Peckham (1582) makes Columbus the archetype of the disgraceful New World adventurer:

By how many ways and means was he derided? Some scorned the piledness of his garments, some took occasion to jest at his simple and silly looks, others asked if this were he, that louts so low, which did take upon him to bring men into a Country that aboundeth with Gold, Pearl, and Precious stones? If he were any such man (said they) he would carry another manner of countenance with him, and look somewhat loftier. Thus some judged him by his garments and some others by his look and countenance, but none entered into the consideration of the inward man. (True Reporte , 448)

This view of Columbus got a good deal of press in 1609: see Johnson, Nova Britannia , 7-8; Gray, Good Speed , Bv; and Linton, Newes , 29-30. For a similar reference to Columbus earlier than Peckham, see Seall, Comendation .

60. The first erotic reference to women as Indian-like triflers appears around the same time as the Map and the True Relation . Welford in Beaumont and Fletcher's Scornful Lady (acted 1623-16) declares that "certainly I am arrived amongst a Nation of new found fools: in a Land where no Navigator has yet planted wit. If I had foreseen it, I would have laded my breeches with bells, knives, copper and glasses to trade with the women for their virginities" (1.1.287-91). Cf. Drayton's "Of His Lady's Not Coming to London" (1627) (Works 3:205) and Carew's "To A.D. Unreasonable Distrustful of Her Own Beauty" (1640) (Poems , 84). Before that time, Alexander in Aurora (1604) likens Aurora to the gold that "sun-parch'd people" "dis-esteem" (song 9.46-54). Constable in "To My Ladie Rich" (MS c. 1592) attempts the same conceit, though in imagining Indians adoring the "treasure" that is Lady Rich, he incompetently implies that Lady Rich is a trifle (Poems , 150). (All these references are cited in Cawley, Voyagers , 350-51.) Whether or not Smith's references to Pocahontas, the first instance of erotic trifling in English travel literature, directly produced Welford's analogy, the relatively late appearance of the analogy seems indicative of English resistance to the idea of erotic mixture with Indians. I will address this issue more fully in chapter 6.

61. Cf. Thomas Fuller's less generous appraisal of Smith (1662) as "having a Prince's mind imprisoned in a poor man's purse" (History , 180).

For Smith, if there is any nation that can still see the value in immateriality, it is the Dutch, who "have neither matter to build ships, nor merchandize to set them forth; yet by their industry they as much increase, as other Nations decay" (Works 1:424; cf. 2:439). At times in Smith's work, Holland even takes England's place as the trifling alternative to golden Spain:

Who doth not know that the poor Hollanders, chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labor in all weathers in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy, and industrious? and by the venting this poor commodity to the Easterlings for as mean [commodities], which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tar, Resin, Cordage, and such like (which they exchange again, to the French, Spaniards, Portugales, and English, etc. for what they want) are made so mighty, strong and rich, as no State but Venice, [which is] of twice their magnitude, is so well furnished with so many fair Cities, goodly Towns, strong Fortresses, and that abundance of shipping and all sorts of merchandize, as well of Gold, Silver, Pearls, Diamonds, Precious stones, Silks, Velvets, and Cloth of gold: as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such gross commodities? What Voyages and Discoveries, East and West, North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an Army by Sea and Land, have they long maintained in despite of one of the greatest Princes of the world? And never could the Spaniard with all his Mines of gold and Silver, pay his debts, his friends, and army, half so truly, as the Hollanders still have done by this contemptible trade of fish. (1:330-31; cf. 2:409)

For other instances of Smith's enthusiasm about Holland, see 1:159, 333, 377, 396-97; 2:114, 411, 437-38, 466; and 3:291, 298. For the growing interest of Smith's contemporaries in "contemptible" commodities, see Shammas, "English Commercial Development." At one point Smith raises the possibility that he might work for Holland: he writes to Bacon (1618) that the Dutch, among others, "have made me large offers" (Works 1:377).

62. Smith continues, "Yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary Gentlemen would do more in a day than 100 of the rest that must be prest to it by compulsion." Cf. Prince Ferdinand the "patient log-man" in The Tempest 3.1; and Smith, Works 1:347-48.

63. The version of the proverb that Tilley chooses as archetypical— "Help, Hands, for I have no lands" (Proverbs , H116)—is revealing in its quite different emphasis on hands securing one's fortune rather than simply taking that fortune's place.

64. Cf. Works 3:51 and 146-48.

65. Cf. Smith's account of this history in New Englands Trials (1620) (Works 1:398-99).

66. Writing as a work of the hands already receives implicit recognition in T. A.'s otherwise mysterious dedication "To the Hand," but becomes far more prominent a topos in Smith's dedication of the Historie to Frances Howard. "This History," Smith begins, ". . . might and ought to have been clad in better robes than my rude military hand can cut out in Paper Ornaments"; or again, "I confess, my hand, though able to wield a weapon among the Barbarous, yet well may tremble in handling a Pen among so many Judidous" (Works 2:41). In what Smith's editor Philip Barbour calls "the first instance in Smith's writings of a definite statement of his authorship," Smith ends the second book of his history with the subscription, "John Smith writ this with his own hand" (129); the gesture is repeated four more times in Smith's works (2:437, 468, and 3:29, 302).

67. Smith calls himself the father of England's colonies (Works 1:434, 3:223), while he styles King Charles only their godfather (1:309, 3:278).

68. The Generall Historie reprints "a little book" that Smith wrote about Pocahontas, in which he states that "during the time of two or three years, she next under God, was still the instrument to preserve this Colony from death, famine and utter confusion" (Works 2:258-59). The book is itself a version of Columbus before Isabella, since it is addressed to Queen Anne, soliciting her favor in order to make good the embarrassingly low "estate" of Pocahontas's husband John Rolfe. John Chamberlain (1617), sending a copy of the famous portrait of Pocahontas to his correspondent Dudley Carleton, expresses the dismissive view of her that Smith presumably wants to combat: "Here is a fine picture of no fair Lady and yet with her tricking up and high style and titles you might think her and her worshipful husband to be somebody, if you do not know that the poor company of Virginia out of their poverty are fain to allow her four pound a week for her maintenance" (Letters 2:56-57).

For Pocahontas's expanded role in the Generall Historie , see also Smith's Works 2:146-52, 182-3, 198-9, 203-4, 243-46, and 260-62.

69. "You did promise Powhatan what was yours should be his, and he the like to you; you called him father being in his land a stranger, and by the same reason so must I do you: which though I [Smith] would have excused, I durst not allow of that title, because she was a King's daughter; with a well set countenance she said, Were you not afraid to come into my father's Country, and caused fear in him and all his people (but me) and fear you here I should call you father; I tell you then I will, and you shall call me child, and so I will be for ever and ever your Countryman" (Smith, Works 2:261). Hulme rejects the old, and to his mind "romantic," interpretation of this characteristically self-deprecating, self-aggrandizing passage in favor of a more modern type of sentimentality: "Nothing is stranger than that Smith should have reported in direct quotation what so obviously meant nothing to him at all, almost as if he recognized, even if only fleetingly, the extent of his ignorance of this woman and her culture and, as a final gesture, perhaps a sort of homage, recorded her alien words in his text" (Colonial Encounters , 151-52; my emphasis).

70. For the case that the Legend does indeed mock Smith in particular, see Vaughan, "John Smith." Jones's restraint regarding women is not the only manifestation of his chastity. Having landed in America, Jones finds only "a dry and desert soil, nor grain nor grass, / Nor drink, but water had they here, nor bread / For thrice twelve months" (5). To get his food, he does battle with the Indians, two thousand of whom he defeats with his twenty-five men, and kills six native kings in the process; Lloyd comments,

Here some may ask what came of all the wealth,
(For Jones  brought nothing home besides himself)
This conquest gain'd; Sure many precious things
Must needs attend the death of six such Kings.
I answer briefly; His heroic desire
Ascends above earth's excrements as fire:
Nor can descend to Crowns.
                                                                                (6)

An expanded version of the Legend (1648) more fully develops the anachronistic Elizabethan setting—Jones, for instance, meets one famous Elizabethan adventurer after another (cf. Smith, Works 3:301)—and also produces the episode with the Queen of No-land to which the first version merely alludes. She turns out to be "a Maiden Queen" whom neither kings nor princes can move to love, until, of course, she sees Jones. Lloyd is relatively plain about the fact that this "black" queen represents a strange negation of Elizabeth herself: "Jones is resolv'd to see and to be seen / Of this great Princess, that our virgin Queen / Might know when he returns what form, what port / This royal virgin carried in her Court" (58). It seems, then, that Lloyd mocks excessively romantic Elizabethan England too: while on his voyages, Jones had "read to him the ancient stories / Of our old English Worthies, and their glories; / How our S. George did the fell Dragon gore: / The like achievement of Sir Eglemore: / Topas ' hard quest after th'elf-queen to Barwick, " etc. (27). For an account of the sources and the effects of such a critical view, see my epilogue.

71. Fuller, History , 180, first pagination; for the question of Smith's veracity, see Smith, Works 1:lxiii-iv, lxx-lxxi, and the notes passim. On the basis of his own extravagant and materially uncorroborated claims, Raleigh's detractors decided that he had never sailed farther than Cornwall (Discoverie , 4), that his golden empire existed nowhere but in his book. E1 Dorado is, of course, not the only fabulous-sounding feature of Raleigh's Discoverie , which reports sightings of headless men and Amazons, and critics have long assumed that Raleigh thought he could persuade his readers to believe in El Dorado by making the fabulous seem more credible generally. Yet this line of argument fails to explain why, throughout the Discoverie , Raleigh takes pride in lying. He continually boasts that he has successfully deceived not just the Spanish and the Guianans but his own men; in order to keep the crew of his boat rowing, for instance, "we evermore commanded our Pilots to promise an end the next day" (40). No doubt Raleigh hoped that El Dorado truly did exist, and he wanted to persuade his readers, as Spenser wanted to persuade his, "that of the world least part to us is red" (FQ 2.proem.2); but it is difficult to escape the implication that Raleigh was willing to grant the fictionality of E1 Dorado for those readers who needed less material incentives to empire than gold. If this hypothesis is correct, Raleigh can be understood once again to have exaggerated Spenserian logic, by turning the "vele" that "shad-owes" Spenser's otherworld from a trifle to a lie.

72. Cf. the Advertisements , in which Smith bemoans the colonial work of not just writing but circulating books: "I had divulged to my great labor, cost, and loss, more than seven thousand Books and Maps" (Works 3:281). The topos of the travail endured in compiling a book of travels had earlier appeared in Hakluyt, who never traveled to America: see Taylor, Original Writings 2:398, 426, and esp. 433-34.