I. The Janus Head of Ptolemaic Kingship

Ptolemaic kingship has a Janus-like character, as can be seen in a pair of gold seals (see figs. 1a and b).^[1] They represent the portrait of the same king, the left as Greek ruler with the diadem, the fight as pharaoh with the double crown of upper and lower Egypt. Even more interesting, in the pharaonic portrait the Egyptian double crown is encircled by the Greek diadem.^[2] Thus, the king is officially seen as double-faced, the one

[1] I am obliged not only to the organizers of the conference for dragging me into a topic that, although I dearly love it, I did not want to pursue at this time any further, but also to a number of participants in the conference who discussed the topic of my paper in informal gatherings with me. I regret that I do not always recall who said what to me. Special thanks are due to S. M. Burstein, who insisted that the interpretation of P. Tebt . 703 by W. Huss (for citation see n. 41) could not be right; further to M. Ostwald and D. Shanzer, who saw an early version of this paper, and to U. Kaplony-Heckel and H.-J. Thissen, with whom I discussed the demotic evidence for the apomoira . I also wish to express my most sincere thanks to F. W. Walbank, who was the respondent to my paper but got it only at the last minute and from whose comments and publications I learned more than will be in evidence here. R. Hazzard sent me a detailed and penetrating appraisal and criticism of E. Grzybek's new book on the Macedonian calendar (see nn. 61, 96, and specifically 110). I discussed particular aspects of my interpretation of Kallimachos with G. Schwendner and with graduate students in my seminar on Hellenistic literature: I learned as much from them as, I hope, they learned from me; G. Schwendner brought additional literature to my attention; both he and K. Lord considerably improved the English of this paper; and their requests for clarification forced me to rethink and change crucial details. A. W. Bulloch, S. Hinds, T. Gagos, Donka Markovska, and D.J. Thompson carefully proofread versions of the manuscript, saving me from not only typographical errors. I wish I could have taken more of their suggestions and objections into account than is possible at this late hour.

face directed toward his Macedonian and Greek subjects and the other, the pharaonic head, toward the Egyptians; but the Egyptian viewer is at the same time reminded that the Egyptian crown is now controlled by the Greek diadem (see also n. 50 [1]); furthermore the features of the

face are individualized beyond what would be acceptable for an Egyptian artist.^[3]

Better known are two mosaics from Thmuis showing a bust of a woman crowned with the prow of a ship (figs. 2a and b). The first one is signed by the artist Sophilos in the upper left corner. Both mosaics date from about 200 BC , but they are copies of an earlier work. Until recently this image was identified as Alexandria; but as has now been argued, it is rather a representation of Berenike II, perhaps as Agathe Tyche.^[4] The woman is dressed in Hellenistic military attire. She has large eyes as the Ptolemies usually do, thus expressing her superhuman nature. In her hand she carries a mast like a scepter. A ribbon is fastened on the mast and appears behind her head like the tainiai of the royal diadem. The prow of the ship is decorated with what has been described as a sea creature, a wreath of victory, a caduceus, and probably a single cornucopia. The queen's corpulence signals prosperity and ease, in contrast to the impression given by her military attire. On the whole, this is an image of might and power, especially sea power, and of victory, wealth, and abundance. Each of the symbols is Greek, and thus the image addresses the Greeks. Yet the strong symbolism is inspired by the Egyptian tradition.^[5] In particular, the fancy and unparalleled crown reminds us of the great diversity of Egyptian crowns, including the large throne which Isis carried on her head.

Measures, images, and rhetoric, however, did not always target either the Greek or the Egyptian audience. On gold octadrachms of Arsinoe II, the second wife of Ptolemy II Philadelphos, which were struck after her death, the head of the queen appears with a diadem, a veil, and a scepter. The latter is similar to scepters in the Greek tradition, but

[3] In Ptolemaic times Egyptian art remained idealizing and symbolic; R. S. Bianchi, "The Pharaonic Art of Ptolemaic Egypt," in Cleopatra's Egypt , 55-80. The fact that the Egyptian art remained faithful to its own tradition does not preclude the possibility of Greek influence; whatever foreign influences were accepted, they became totally embedded in the Egyptian tradition.

[4] W. A. Daszewski, Corpus of Mosaics from Egypt , vol. 1, Hellenistic and Early Roman Period , Aegyptiaca Treverensia 3 (Mainz, 1985), pls. A and B (after pp. 9 and 40), 32f., 42a, Cat. nos. 38 and 39, PP. 142-16o. Comparable ideas are expressed in Augustus' Rome when Livia appears with a mural crown and, thus, is iconographically linked to Kybele/Magna Mater (Sardonyx, after 14 AD ; cf. Ceres Augusta from the theater of Leptis Magna); see P. Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus , Jerome Lectures 16 (Ann Arbor, 1990), 234-236 with figs. 184 and 185 (Augustus und die Macht der Bilder [Munich, 1987], 236ff. and Abb. 185f.).

[5] The representation of the corpulence of rulers first occurs in Greek art with the Ptolemies; the symbolism of this motif is traditional in Egyptian art. While there is nothing un-Greek in the way the corpulence is represented, the motif and its symbolism are Egyptian. For the representation of the corpulence of Ptolemaic rulers see Kyrieleis, Bildnisse , 163f.; for the Egyptian tradition see Bianchi, "Pharaonic Art," 68f.

on closer inspection it becomes clear that the top is formed as lotus leaves and something which by parallels has been explained as a uraeus carrying the sun. Arsinoe III, the wife of Ptolemy IV, carries a similar scepter on a gold octadrachm (fig. 3a); on another gold octadrachm of this queen, the tail of the snake encircles the shaft of the scepter (fig. 3b).^[6] A description of the scepter is given in the well-known inscription from Kanopos, where in the year 238 BC the priests gathered for a synod. When princess Berenike had prematurely died during the time of the synod, the priests voted to create a cult for her. A priest was to carry her statue in processions holding her in his arms like a child, and the statue was to have a scepter, which emerged from behind the snake-shaped crown and was like the scepter of goddesses: in particular, it depicted the stern of a papyrus plant encircled by a snake.^[7] Her festival was to be similar to the festival of the daughter of the sun-god Re.^[8] The goddess protected her father.^[9] Thus, in her Egyptian cult the young princess became the protector of her father, the king. It follows that on her Greek coin Arsinoe II was shown precisely in this function: even after

[6] W. Cheshire, "Zur Deutung eines Szepters der Arsinoe II. Philadelphos," ZPE 48 (1982): 105-111 with pls. IV and V; Kyrieleis, Bildnisse , pl. 70.1 and 2 and 88.1-3.

her death, she was to be the protector of her brother and husband and his kingship. The Greek face and dress with the Greek diadem were thus combined with a symbol of Egyptian kingship.

These first impressions already permit us to stress a methodological postulate that will govern this paper. It is not sufficient to observe that the iconography, or for that matter a cult, a title, a phrase, is either Greek or Egyptian and therefore is addressed either to the Greeks or to the Egyptians. We should rather look behind the appearance and draw attention to the ideas expressed in the Greek or Egyptian forms, and on that level it becomes possible that the idea belongs to the Greek or the Egyptian tradition and yet is expressed in forms and conventions that render the idea understandable for the other segment of the population.^[10] The Greek and the Egyptian cultures remained separate to the degree that each of them had to be addressed in its forms of expression and within its own tradition, and yet the ideas behind the different forms of expression could be similar. On this level cultural influences, and even a certain acculturation, are not sufficiently measured by the images in which the ideas of Ptolemaic kingship are expressed. On the other hand, images carry their own traditions and conventions, and, by necessity, these manifestations color the message in which the ideas appear. Hence, translations of an idea from one culture into the other can only be partial, and in a new environment an idea will develop in its own right but will also carry the baggage of the other culture's traditions.

In order to explore our first impressions, let us briefly turn to the social reality of the Ptolemaic kingdom. At the outset I wish to state that the general picture which I shall try to draw will be subject to corrections in details. There was a great deal of variation from place to place and over the period of Ptolemaic rule,^[11] but it is safe to say that Ptolemaic kingship indeed had a double face. For the Greeks the king was the whose ancestors had won the land by their conquest (). While this factor quickly lost importance in Egypt, the state continued to be seen as the affairs of the king.^[12] The Greeks obeyed him, because he enabled them to have a profitable life. There

[10] For futher iconographical examples see n. 50.

[11] The nature of our fragmented and anecdotal evidence in connection with the researcher's need to generalize leads to constant neglect of this obvious fact. See D. J. Crawford, "The Opium Poppy: A Study in Ptolemaic Agriculture," in Problèmes de la terre en Grèce ancienne , ed. M. I. Finley, Civilisations et Sociétés 33 (Paris, 1973), 223-251, esp. 223-228; Bagnall, "Greeks and Egyptians," 21.

were the soldiers and the military settlers with military ties to the ruler; under Philadelphos there was a group of male adolescents aged between about fourteen and seventeen who were called "Ptolemaioi." They formed an age class at a sports contest,^[13] and their name indicated that they were in a special relationship with the king. Moreover, the top ranks of the military and the administration were connected with the king by the bond of "friendship." "Friend," , was an official court title.^[14] They received not only positions of influence but sometimes large estates. Apollonios, the dioiketes or head of the Ptolemaic administration, had a of 10,000 arourai , or 6,760 acres. This is of course no indication of the kleros that a normal officer would receive; a Greek soldier could end up with, nominally, 100, 80, 70, or 20 arourai, that is, 68, 54, 47, or only 13 1/2 acres, and it is not even certain that, for example, a would indeed own 100 arourai. Most Greeks had come to Egypt in order to make a fortune and at the same time to live an enjoyable life. They came from everywhere in the Greek world. The list of victors of a local agonistic celebration of the king's birthday reads as if it were a panhellenic contest: there were the Macedonian, Thracian, Thessalian, Samian, Halicarnassian, Boiotian, and Tarentine victors as well as another victor from Naucratis, the old Greek city in Egypt.^[15] In Egypt a young man could find, in the words of Herondas, "everything there is and will be: wealth, the wrestling arena, power, peace, renown, shows, philosophers, money, young men, the temple of the Brotherly Gods, the king a good ruler, the Museion, wine, all the goods somebody may desire, and more women, by Hades' wife Kore, than the sky boasts of stars, and beautiful like the goddesses who once came to Paris to let him judge their beauty" (l.26ff.). Urbanity and culture were as much an attraction as the chance to make money, preferably in the city of Alexandria but also in the towns and villages throughout the country, where religious and civic clubs made life tolerable for Greeks. In general terms, they were the soldiers, military settlers cultivating their kleroi with the help of subfarmers, professionals, bankers, agents, administrators, and tax farmers. They were the elite. Yet not all were successful.^[16]

[13] L. Koenen, Eine agonistische Inschrift aus Ägypten und frühptolemäische Königsfeste , Beitr. z. klass. Phil. 56 (Meisenheim, 1977), 15-17. For the inscription see SEG 27 (1977): 1114 and 1305; 33 (1983): 1361; cf. J. Bingen, in Semaines philippopolitaines de l'histoire et de la culture thrace , Plodiv, 3-17 octobre 1980 IV (Sofia, 1983), 4:72-79 (non vidi ).

[14] L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt: Introduction and Prosography , Verh. AWLSK 37 (Brussels, 1975), 78.

[15] Agonistiche Inschrift ; for a photograph of the stone see E. Bernand, Recueil des inscriptions grecques du Fayoum , vol. 3 (Cairo, 1981), pl. 42; SEG 27 (1977): 1114, 1305; and SEG 33 (1983): 1361.

[16] J. Bingen, "Présence grecque et milieu rural ptolémaïque," in Problèmes de la terre , 215-222; cf: eundem, "Économie grecque et société égyptienne au III , siècle," in Das ptolemäische Ägypten: Akten des intern. Symposions , Sept. 1976, Berlin, ed. H. Maehler and V. M. Strocka (Mainz, 1978), 211-219 (stressing the Greekness of the economic system).

On the other side, there were also relatively well-to-do Egyptians, frequently from priestly families with close ties to the still rich temples, which continued to keep control over and receive the revenues from their land ^[17] and from the state, thus maintaining economic as well as social influence. The temples provided secure and in many cases substantial revenues to their priests, especially since individuals and families could collect the revenues and revenue shares from several priestly functions; the priests enjoyed a number of privileges.^[18] Even with the restricted nature of our documentation—many more Greek than demotic papyri have been published—we find some Egyptians in the administration, hence also in functions that gave them control over Greeks; we find indications that there were many more Egyptians in such positions, but, at least since the second century BC , Egyptians tended to use Greek names when they executed Greek administrative functions (as Greeks could use Egyptian names when dealing with Egyptian affairs).^[19] Some Egyptians, including priests, served in the regular

[18] On the economic power of the temples, partly visible in the enormous building programs of Egyptian temples, as well as on the economic and social influence of the priests, see J. Quaegebeur, "Documents égyptiens et role économique du clergé en Égypte hellénistique," in State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East , ed. E. Lipinski^[*] , Orient. Lov. Anal. 6 (Louvain, 1979), 707-729; J. H. Johnson, "The Role of the Egyptian Priesthood in Ptolemaic Egypt," in Egyptological Studies in Honor of R. A. Parker , ed. L. H. Lesko (Hanover and London, 1986), 70-84.

[19] See Clarysse, "Ptolemaeïsch Egypte," 21-38; eundem, "Hakoris, an Egyptian Nobleman and his Family," AncSoc 22 (1991): 235-243, and "Some Greeks in Egypt," in Life in a Multi-Cultural Society: Egypt from Cambyses to Constantine and Beyond , ed. J. H. Johnson, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations 51 (Chicago, 1992), 327-341. Among a number of case studies presented in the first of these articles Clarysse points to two brothers, Polemon and Menches alias Asklepiades, sons of Petesouchos alias Ammonios and his wife Thasis, both heads of the village administration of Kerkeosiris in the Fayum toward the end of the second century: the former performed the office of epistates, which was usually administered by persons with Greek names; his brother was the village secretary, the office which almost always was controlled by men with Egyptian names. Polemon, the epistates, named his son Petesouchos, after the Egyptian name of the son's grandfather Petesouchos alias Ammonios. Clarysse concludes that in Ptolemaic Egypt there were indeed two cultures, Greek and Egyptian, which did not meld; yet there was also a group of the population which was at home in both cultures: "'s Morgens gaan ze naar her gymnasium, speken Grieks, lezen Homeros en kleden sich als Grieken, en's middags gaan ze naar de tempel en zingen ze misschien Egyptische hymnen. En wanneer ze sterven laten ze zich mummificeren naar aloud Egytisch gebruik" (p. 35). In this situation names are not a sufficient indication as to whether an official is Greek or Egyptian. Whereas the names would indicate that at the beginning of the Ptolemaic rule and again in the second and first centuries BC more Egyptians served in leading positions than during most of the third century BC , this is no longer a certain conclusion. Moreover, even if our statistics should be correct, this would not necessarily indicate a deliberate change of policy during the reign of Philadelphos. For obvious reasons it may have been easier for people already in authority when Alexander and then the Ptolemies took over to continue in positions of influence than for the next generation of Egyptians to enter high office. For the evidence see W. Peremans, "Étrangers et Égyptiens en Égypte sous le règne de Ptolémée 1 ," AncSoc 11/ 12 (1980/81): 213-226; R. S. Bianchi, "Ptolemaic Egypt and Rome: An Overview," in Cleopatra's Egypt , 13-20, esp. 13; Koenen, "Adaption," 152 n. 26; for Egyptians in military service see n. 20.

army as officers and soldiers, others, it appears, in special Egyptian elite units.^[20] There also were Egyptians in trade or managing their estates, notwithstanding the fact that the king nominally claimed ultimate ownership of all landholdings and that the size of Egyptian estates was much smaller than that of Greek estates. According to the surviving evidence,

in one case the holdings amounted to 80 arourai, or about 55 acres. Only when they belonged to the class of cavalry soldiers could they assemble larger holdings (100 arourai, i.e., about 68 acres): they were then regarded as Greek.^[21]

It is sometimes difficult to distinguish between the Egyptian middle and lower class. The farmers of crown land , whom a previous generation of papyrologists has seen as totally dependent and subject to severe restrictions of their freedom, in short almost as serfs, are now understood as an economically quite diverse group. The size of plots varied considerably, and the farmers of large plots, some of whom managed their land by hiring employees and some by subletting, were rather well-to-do, at least by village standards. Even temples farmed . The farmers of the crown may have been exploited, yet they made a living, had a certain economic freedom, seem to have enjoyed

some security of tenure (although they could contract for different plots at different times), and received privileges including substantial protection from overzealous administrators and agents.^[22] A similar picture emerges when we turn to Egyptian soldiers of the second century BC . At the same time, institutional discrimination appears. For example, while, as already stated, a Greek soldier and settler would get an allotment of 68, 54, 47, or 13 1/2 acres and frequently did not have to reside in the countryside, soldiers in less prestigious, by and large Egyptian, units of the military and the police had to settle for 5 or 3 l/2 acres in the second century. But even for crown tenants, who had to pay a higher total of various levies, arourai of land were regarded as providing sufficient income, at least when combined with other revenues which a farmer could obtain (see n. 22).

Intermingling of Egyptians and Greeks became unavoidable, particularly in the countryside. Perhaps beginning with the third or fourth generation of Greek immigrants, intermarriage created a class of mixed population, among which, in a long process, the differences between people of Greek and those of Egyptian extraction disappeared. Persons frequently used two names. A person of Greek extraction would use his Egyptian name in an Egyptian social environment; in a Greek environment and in governmental or military capacities an Egyptian would be called by his Greek name. People were governed more by their social environment than by their ethnic extraction.

Some case studies illustrate the process. (a) By the middle of the third century, Monimos, an Alexandrian, and his family moved to the Fayum, an environment where marriages between Greek men and Egyptian women were common, and the children of such families had partly Greek and partly Egyptian names. (b) Particularly well known is the case of Dryton the cavalryman who, born in 195 BC , was a citizen of Ptolemaïs in the south of Egypt and belonged to the politeuma of the Cretans. In the second part of his life he was stationed in the countryside, mainly in Pathyris, nineteen miles upstream from Thebes. There he married his second (or third) wife, Apollonia, from a local family enrolled in the politeuma of the Cyrenaeans. His wife's family used double names and was of Egyptian extraction, and she became a financially independent woman capable of making loans to others. While Dryton never lost his

Greekness and may even have had some interest in Greek love poetry, his family, which included five daughters and no son, was embedded in an Egyptian environment fostered by the female members of the family. Some of the documents are written in demotic. (c) Finally we may mention the case of Maron, alias Neksaphthis, son of Petosiris. In the second century BC he started his service as an ordinary policeman; but in his long career he was advanced to be "a Macedonian of the cavalry settlers" , thus belonging to one of the most prestigious units. In this position he had tenure of nominally 100 arourai of land and, as I have already indicated, could now be regarded as a Greek.^[23]

In such an environment the distinction between Greeks and Egyptians is problematic; we speak of Greco-Egyptians. But this is a modern concept. In Egypt people were either Greeks or Egyptians (Goudriaan, Ethnicity , 117). Their ethnicity is not sufficiently described, in anthropological terms, as a mere in-group and out-group designation based upon self-ascription or ascription by others; it was not only a social (Goudriaan, Ethnicity , 8-13), but also a legal and political reality. At least in the third and second centuries BC , the change of a person's name and his country of origin was regulated by royal decree, and the authorization of such a change was reserved to the higher administration.^[24] It was advantageous to be "Greek." In the middle of the third century Greeks, as well as Persians and women, did not pay the obelos tax, a poll tax levied together with the salt tax, the main poll tax of Ptolemaic times; and teachers of Greek and sport , priests of Dionysos and some other priests, and the winner of the main contests (the games in honor of Alexander, the Basileia, and the Ptolemeia) and their descendants were exempted from the salt tax: teachers of elementary Greek were as much rewarded as teachers of physical education; both helped to spread the Greek culture and the language needed by

[24] BGU 1213 and 1250 [C. Ord. Ptol . ll. 34, 47]; J. Mélèze-Modrzejewski, "Le statut des hellènes dans l'égypte lagide," in "Bulletin de bibliographie thématique: Histoire," REG 96 (1983): 241-268; on the BGU texts pp. 244ff.

the administrators of the Ptolemaic bureaucracy.^[25] In the philanthropa edict of 118 BC , "Greek soldiers," as well as other groups like priests, crown farmers, and monopoly workers, were exempted from losing part of their houses to billeting (P. Tebt . 5, 168ff.; C. Ord. Ptol . 53). This language implies, of course, that the administration and the legal system recognized somebody as being either Greek or Egyptian, and that "Greek soldiers" were privileged, but along with other, partly Egyptian, groups important for the government. Thus, the government's motives were economic and their favors were directed toward the groups they needed most.

By and large it was still the Greek or Egyptian extraction that counted; but the system provided avenues for Egyptians to become Greek, as well as for Greeks to be culturally Egyptianized. In dally life, however, in an Egyptian village, the differences between the Greeks and the Egyptians were small. The particular situation must have varied from village to village and depended on the percentages of the Greek and the Egyptian population.

Ethnic tension, although poorly documented, is undeniable. The evidence is anecdotal, and we are not told whether ethnic or other forms of social tensions were involved. Here are a few examples, the first from the first century BC . In one instance, a Greek cavalryman took away the cows of an Egyptian Ibis keeper, a very low Egyptian priest, with which he was plowing. When the priest spoke up against the soldier, the latter broke into the priest's house and took away whatever he found useful.^[26] Another example brings us to May 5, 218 BC . A Greek settler went to a small village in the Fayum for some private business. An Egyptian lady poured urine from a window or door upon him and his coat. A quarrel arose. The lady tore his coat to pieces, spat in his face, and ran back into her house when other people intervened. The unfortunate incident in itself may have had as little to do with ethnic tension as our first example. But when the Greek complained to the authorities, he stressed that he, a Greek and visitor, was mistreated by an Egyptian woman (P. Ent . 79).^[27]

[25] See H. Harrauer's introduction to CPR 9 and, on the salt tax, cf. J. Shelton, "Notes on the Ptolemaic Salt Tax under Ptolemy III," ZPE 71 (1988): 133-136; the preceding remarks are deeply indebted to D. Thompson, "Literacy and the Administration in Early Ptolemaic Egypt," in Life in a Multi-Cultural Society , 323-326, and W. Clarysse, "Some Greeks in Egypt," ibid., 52.

[26] B. Kramer and D. Hagedorn, "Zwei ptolemäische Texte aus der Hamburger Papyrussammlung: 1. Eingabe an den König," APF 33 (1987): 9-16.

[27] W. Peremans, "Classes sociales et conscience nationale en Égypte ptolémaïque," in Miscellanea in honorem J. Vergote , ed. P. Naster, H. de Meulenaere and J. Quaegebeur, Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 6/7 (1975/76), 443-453, esp. 450; Lewis, Greeks in Ptolemaic Egypt , 61.

Remarkably similar is the story of Ptolemaios, a Macedonian, who in the second century lived in the temple of Astarte within the precinct of the Sarapeion of Memphis in an environment totally controlled by the Egyptian cult. He had entered the nonpriestly service of the deity to escape, at least in part, economic hardship rather than legal persecution, and he shared a room with an Egyptian. He and his twin brother Apollonios, also serving in the temple, were somewhat cultured men with some interest in literature. Apollonios copied part of a Greek translation of the Egyptian narrative of The Dream of Nektanebos , but he might have been attracted more by the dream prophecy than by the literary value of the piece.^[28] The brothers owned at least part of an astronomical treatise and part of a philosophical text with quotations from Sappho, Ibykos, Alkman, Anakreon, Timotheos, Thespis, Euripides, and others;^[29] moreover, there was another papyrus in their possession with two excerpts from comedy, a wife's speech and a monologue. In the papyrus, the former is wrongly ascribed to Euripides.^[30] Over the years Ptolemaios submitted several complaints about incidents in which he had been attacked by Egyptian inhabitants of the temple precinct. On November 12, 163 BC , he and his Egyptian roommate were attacked by a group of temple cleaners and bakers; Ptolemaios escaped to his room and his Egyptian roommate suffered the beating. When Ptolemaios complained to the Greek authorities, he likened the event to an attack which the same group of people had made on him during the revolt of Dionysios Petosarapis and stated that he felt harassed although he "was Greek."^[31] The attack itself may have been caused by individual circumstances and reasons, but Ptolemaios thought that the reminder of the past revolt and the insinuation of ethnic tension would help him, a Greek, with the Greek authorities. In other cases the inability to understand the other person's language may have played a role. Once a non-Greek, probably Arab, employee of Apollonios' domain complained to Zenon, the chief manager of the estate, about his local supervisor discriminating against

[28] Now see L. Koenen, "The Dream of Nektanebos," in Classical Studies Presented to W. H. Willis , ed. D. Hobson and K. McNarnee, BASP 22 (1985): 171-194.

[29] See Thompson, Memphis , 258f. on UPZ 101.

[30] P. Didot . Both excerpts have been ascribed to Menander (see A. W. Gomme and F. H. Sandbach's commentary [Oxford, 1973], pp. 723-729), wrongly, I think, at least in the case of the monologue.

him by withholding his salary and giving him cheap wine, because he was not Greek and could not speak Greek well.^[32] In the cities the situation was even more complicated because residents lived in ethnic quarters which would provide social support^[33] as well as foster hostility towards those in other quarters.

Cultural and social separation on the one hand, mixture and amalgamation on the other, sometimes both blending together in the same villages and families, and, hence, unavoidable ethnic friction—all these elements are part and parcel of the same complex social reality.