Primi uomini ed altre
It was more customary for prima donnas (and primi uomini ) to wield their power more directly. Even during Anna Renzi's generation, singers had begun to exert their influence in specific ways that overlapped the responsibilities of their partners in operatic creation. Sometimes this was actually encouraged by the librettist—and condoned by the composer. As early as 1640, a rubric in the margin of Ferrari's libretto for Il pastor regio gave a singer permission to insert an aria "at her pleasure";[52] a singer in Artemisia (Minato/Cavalli, 1656) was directed to change a certain aria every night;[52] and in La costanza di Rosrnonda (Aureli/Rovettino, 1659), a singer was invited to insert "un aria francese."[54]
[51] Dolfin seems in fact to have been displaced as librettist by Beregan, whose Heraclio , set to music by Ziani, was the second opera of the 1670-71 season at SS. Giovanni e Paolo (the first was Semiramide [Moniglia-Noris/Ziani]). Dolfin's Ermengarda , which had been performed in 1669-70 with Sartorio's music, was his last libretto for the Grimani brothers. He discusses Ermengarda in a letter to Johann Friedrich of 26 December 1669 (see Appendix IIIB.2).
[52] Il pastor regio (Venice: Bariletti, 1640), 21: "Qui canta la fanciulla [Psitide] un aria a bene placito."
[53] Artemisia (Venice: Giuliani, 1656), 3.9, p. 58, next to Erillo's aria, "Chiedete, e sperate": "quest'aria ogni sera sarà variata."
[54] La costanza di Rosmonda (Venice: Valvasense, 1659), 1. 1, for the slave, Vespino. His introductory recitative, which ends "Nel linguaggio natio [clearly French] vo procurar almeno / La fatica addolcir col canto mio," is followed by the rubric "Quivi zappando la terra canta un'aria francese." It was apparently not that unusual for an "aria francese" to beinserted by a comic character For a similar rubric in a Roman edition of Minato's La prosperira di Elio Seiano (1672), for which the text and music of the piece have actually been reconstructed, see Monson, "Aelius Sejanus," 19-21.
Since neither text nor music was provided, in all three of these cases the singer was evidently expected to supply the aria from his or her own personal repertoire. This practice of inserting arias ad libitum, sporadic at first, reached a climax toward 1700 with the so-called arie di baule (literally, baggage arias) so ridiculed by Benedetto Marcello in Il teatro alla moda .
On other occasions the impact of the singers extended well beyond the insertion of songs, to impinge upon the turf of composer, librettist, and even impresario. It could influence such matters as the choice of the opera to be performed, the cast, the composer,[55] the dramatic structure of the libretto—length of scenes, proportion of aria to recitative—as well as the size (and shape) of their own individual parts. Evidence of performers' attempts to exert their influence permeates the correspondence between Marco Faustini and the various singers with whom he negotiated contracts. Singers frequently expressed interest in the other members of prospective casts, making suggestions for inclusions as well as exclusions. Sebastiano Cioni, for example, refused to appear with Anna Venturi because she sang out of tune;[56] Giuseppe Donati hoped that Gabrielli had not been engaged, because of personal incompatibility: "his personality doesn't mesh with mine because I want to live in peace and quiet and don't want fights or dissension and that requires agreement and not malice and envy."[57] Another singer would not sign a contract because the rest of the cast was poor;[58] while two others refused to appear together because they shared a protector.[59]
One of Faustini's regular singers, the castrato Antonio Cavagna, was particularly exigent about his participation in the 1666 season. Having looked over the part he was scheduled to sing, possibly that of Artabano in Doriclea , he did not hesitate to request two additional arias. Furthermore, he informed Faustini peremptorily that he expected to sing in Roman pitch (i.e., a whole tone lower than Venetian pitch): "I intend to sing with the instruments tuned to Roman
[55] Cesti claimed at least once that a certain singer had agreed to participate in a production only if he, Cesti, wrote the music (see letter to Beregan of 12 July 1665 discussed in Schmidt, "Tito Commission," 451; text given in Giazotto, "Cesti," 499: "il signor D. Giulio s'era disposto di recitar nell'opera, col solo riguardo ch'io vi facevo la musica mentre per altro egli mostravasi lontanissimo da questi impegni"). In another instance a singer (Formenti) and the prince of Bavaria, his patron, were reportedly willing to agree to a contract only because Sartorio would be writing the music (letter from Dolfin to Johann Friedrich, 15 April 1672; see Appendix IIIB.7).
[56] Letter of 6 November 1665 (see Appendix IIIA. 8).
[57] "Il suo umore non si confa punto con il mio perche voglio vivere quieto e non voglio liti ne discordie perche ciò ricerca unione e non malignità et invidie" (letter of 5 July 1667; in Brunelh, "Angustie," 339, mentioned below, n. 68]).
[58] Letter of 17 October 1665 (see Appendix IIIA.6).
[59] Documented in Massi's letter of 20 October 1673 (see Appendix IIIB.22).
pitch [al giusto tono di Roma ] and not as I did in Statira , in Teseo , and in other works, because it is better for my voice, and I say it nova so that no one will complain about it later" (Appendix IIIA.6).[60] In a subsequent reference to his role, Cavagna complained about the incoherence of one of the arias, refusing to sing it unless it was reset by the composer: "As for the arietta 'Dolce foco,' it isn't very good to sing because it is very mannered and beggarly, and unless you get him [the composer] to write new music for it I won't sing it at all" (Appendix IIIA. 7). He was concerned , too, about his role in Alciade , originally scheduled for the 1666 season, but postponed until 1667. He objected to his costume and to potential comparison with the stars of the production; he also complained about the range of one of his arias:
Only two things frighten me: one, to have to sing with the mask of a Moor, something I no longer do, and which I didn't understand until after I read the third act; the other, to have to sing between two angels, Signora Antonia and Signora Giulia. The canzonetta that you enclosed, excuse me, but who wrote it? It is for contralto, not for soprano, and is very different from Signor Ziani's style, so I will be content with singing the duet and that Signora Giulia sing her song alone. (Appendix IIIA. 16)[61]
"La Signora Giulia," to whom Cavagna referred, was the same Vincenza Giulia Masotti whose salary was so high in 1669 and who was distinguished as the only competent singer in Domitiano .[62] Praised by another singer, Nicola Coresi, as "the most superb woman in the world,"[63] and much sought after by Faustini and other impresarios, she was constantly wary of her status: her part had to be the largest in the opera, even if there were two major female roles. It was actually written into her contract that she have "la parte prima" and that she be able to examine her parts before agreeing to do them.[64] Because the former stipulation could not be fulfilled in the case of Alciade (another prima donna, Antonia Coresi, having already been engaged for the other major female role), Masotti's agent suggested substituting a different opera!
[60] Among other things, this letter, of 17 October 1665 (b . 188: 212), informs us that Cavagna sang in Statira (Busenello/Cavalli, 1655) and Teseo (Piccoli/Ziani, 1658), which we would not otherwise know. An earlier letter, of 10 October (b . 188:211), suggests that Cavagna's role in Doriclea was Artabano, a king. But kings were rarely portrayed by castratos; in Cavalli's setting Artabano was a tenor.
[61] This may refer to the aria he sent back for rewriting; see below. (The role in question was probably that of Megaristo, Alciade's servant.
[62] See Beregan's letter of 30 December 1672 (Appendix IIIB. 13); also Dolfin's of 30 December (Appendix IIIB. 12), and Massi's of 9 and 16 December (Appendix IIIB.8, 9).
[63] "la più superba donna che sia al mondo" (letter of 19 October 1665 [b . 194: 48]).
[64] She had to promise not to allow the scores out of her hands in Rome (b . 194: 109, item 6): "Che per accertarsi d'essere favorita delle prime parti vuol vedere avanti di partir di Roma tutte due l'opere che si hanno da rappresentare, assicurando però che non saranno vedute, ne usciranno dalle sue mani" (from Brunelli, "Angustie," 331).
She told me that an excellent solution would be to present Argia or Alessandro instead, and that when it was resolved to present Argia, Signora Giulia would agree that Apolloni, the author of the opera, could add and cut all the scenes that he wished. . . . I say only that changing the opera would dispel all doubts about the part, all the more since Signora Giulia is very inclined toward it, having the example of what happened in Rosilena. (Appendix IIIA. 13)[65]
In the end, of course, she got more than she asked for, when the opera in which she had achieved her greatest success, Dori —rather than either Argia or Alessandro , which she had suggested—was revived at the last minute. [66] She must have repeated her earlier success in Dori since the opera was revived for her yet again, in 1671.[67]
Not all singers wanted large parts, however. Giuseppe Donati agreed to sing the title role in Meraspe , but asked that it not be too difficult. He also suggested as a possible substitute for Meraspe , in case Faustini was looking for one, Cesti's Semiramide .[68] When his role arrived, he found it too high and asked permission to have it adjusted, though in a faintly apologetic tone, repeatedly assuring Faustini that he would do nothing without the composer's permission:
It has to be altered in some places so as not to spoil the composition; without [the original composer's] agreement, I will not touch it; but since it is a thing of little importance, I believe he will be satisfied, it being necessary only at cadences that I make sure the voice part remains fixed and, even without moving the basso continuo, that it does not relinquish its normal harmony. But without his approval I don't intend to put my hands where they don't belong. (Appendix IIIA. 18)
Of all the operas cast by Faustini, Meraspe seems to have caused the most trouble. Donati was not the only one who tried to discourage Faustini from producing it.[69] The tenor Nicola Coresi, husband of the much more sought-
[65] Faustini's angry response to Giulia's implied criticism of his brother's librettos is preserved in the draft of a letter (b . 188: 294-95) already quoted (see Appendix IIIA.14). Apparently Rosilena (Aureli/ Rovettino), the "new" opera in which Giulia had appeared several seasons earlier (1663), had been a failure, whereas she had been a great success in Dori, a revival, in the same season (b . 188: 345).
[66] Readied for performance in only eight days (according to the publisher's preface, dated 16 January 1667), it shared the season with Alciade , replacing Meraspe , which was postponed to the following season (see ch. 6, p. 194, above).
[67] See letter from Massi to Johann Friedrich, 26 December 1670 (Appendix IIIB. 5). This third revival evidently cemented her connection with the opera, since she was subsequently called by the nickname "La Dori" (see Appendix IIIB.9).
[68] Letters from Rome of 5 and 27 July 1667 (b . 188: 172, 174). It is interesting to note how' frequently substitutes were being proposed for Giovanni Faustini's librettos (see ch. 6, n. 98 above). Apparently Faustini did consider Semiramide , but fruitlessly, as indicated by the preface to the work that was performed instead, a revival of Giasone (1666): "Ti preparavo la Semiramide Opera del Signor Moniglia, ma questa gran Regina . . . non ha per adesso volsuto arischiarsi fin dall'Asia trasportarsi Pelegrina nell'Adria col seguito d'infinite disaventure." Semiramide , though in a setting by Ziani, was eventually performed in 1670-71, unsuccessfully, according to a letter from Massi to Johann Friedrich, 12 December 1670 (vol. 4, no. 627, f. 217): "Si e principiato a recitar a S. Zuanipolo la Semiramide, opera non riuscita, e poco lodata, ancor che li musici siano esquisiti." In this case, apparently, unlike Orfeo , good singers could not save a poor opera.
[69] In a letter of 4 June 1667 (b . 188: 163); see Brunelli, "Angustie," 336 n. 53.
after Roman singer Antonia Coresi, also attempted to talk Faustini into a substitution. When Faustini refused, he suggested alterations in the structure of the libretto, specifically the shortening of some scenes: "And if you are absolutely resolved to do Meraspe , at least let it be altered, as you once promised me, so that those scenes are cut which are so long that the same characters remain on stage forever."[70]
Coresi continued his criticism of the libretto in a subsequent letter, invoking the concept of "Venetian brevity": "It seems to me that to begin with there are long dull speeches [gran dicerie ], as in the fourth scene of the second act where it says 'Piange Olinda,' which is the kind of boring speech that can never sound beautiful, and that, as you know, must be shunned in Venice" (Appendix IIIA. 17a).[71] He then proceeded to attack the music:
In the second scene of act three there is a song [canzona ] that begins "Ride il core," which is worthless, having already been seen by the best musicians of Rome. Your Lordship should have it changed or else I will, my chief purpose being that my wife bring herself honor this year; however, she must be satisfied that the part is altered where necessary, and thus Your Lordship will be well served and we satisfied. (Appendix IIIA. 17b)
He concluded by asking Faustini to have Cavalli alter one of his wife's arias to the specifications of her range: "Please do me the favor of presenting the enclosed to Sig. Francesco Cavalli, to whom I indicate my wife's range so that he can accommodate her" (Appendix IIIA. 17c) [72]
In a subsequent letter, Coresi again asked to have the aria "Ride il core" rewritten (by Pallavicino this time), preferring, he said, to have all the music by the same composer rather than having it done in Rome. [73] But this time Faustini responded that Pallavicino was out of town and asked Coresi to have a new piece supplied of his own choice.[74] Finally, in another letter, Coresi questioned rather unsubtly the completeness--that is, the size—of his wife's part: "In act 3 she has nothing but the second and third scenes, so that it seems impossible to me that there is nothing more. You should check to see if you haven't left out a scene, because she ends with that duet that says 'Vincerai, vincerò,' and then the canzonetta that concludes the opera" (Appendix IIIA.21).
[70] "E se ella assolutamente risolve di fare il Meraspe , almeno faccia accomodare, conforme una volta mi disse, e non vi sieno quelle scene così lunghe che li medesimi personaggi stanno sempre in scena" (letter of 4 June 1667 [b . 188: 163]).
[71] Coresi's criticisms are very much like Ziani's regarding Doriclea (Appendix IIIA. 5), which probably referred to monologues like Doriclea's in 3.1. The monologue is illustrated in ch. 12 below (example 80).
[72] Brunelli, "Angustie," 336, n. 54. Coresi was mistaken about the composer of Meraspe ; it was Pallavicino rather than Cavalh, a mistake he corrected in a subsequent letter. Cavalli actually did sign a contract with Faustini only ten days later, on 23 June 1667, to write an opera for the 1667 season, to be present at rehearsals, and to make the necessary additions, alterations, and cuts, but the opera was to be Eliogabalo (b . 194: 50); Brunelli, "Angustie," 334; see ch. 7, n. 35, above.
[73] Letter of 30 July 1667 (b. 188: 165). He seems not to have appreciated the fact that many operas were pasticcios!
[74] Letter of 6 August 1667 (b . 188: 168).
The comments of the solicitous husband were not always negative, however. He was apparently quite taken with the first act of his wife's part in Massenzio in 1673, according to a report by Dolfin (Appendix IIIB. 11c). Nor was Coresi's concern unselfishly limited to his wife's roles. Indeed, he continually complained about the size and content of his own, clearly secondary, parts as well. When Faustini attempted to alleviate one complaint by adding the prologue to his role in Meraspe , Coresi refused it: "Regarding the prologue that Your Excellency sends me, there are four short words; however, I pray you with all my heart not to make me do it, because, not having ever done a prologue, I don't want to start now, and besides, this is a part that anyone can do" (Appendix IIIA. 15).[75] He was thoroughly insulted by the part Faustini sent him the following year, and promptly returned it with a petulant note, explaining that he never would have accepted it had he known how small it was going to be:
I received the part of Caristo, which I send back to Your Excellency because it is not a part to send someone like me . . . and if I accepted the part last year it was because you showed me only a single scene, but now that I have seen the whole thing, I have discovered how little you esteem me. If you show this part around Venice, you will see that it is a part to be given to the lowest of musicians. (Appendix IIIA. 19)
Two weeks later, having cooled off slightly, Coresi explained further some of his objections to the part. As it turned out, it was not so much its small size as the fact that it lacked an aria: "I have always told you that I don't care to perform if I do not have a part worthy of me, and for a part to be worthy it is not enough that it have poetry of high quality, since even a thousand lines of brilliant repartee would not make a good part, something you either don't know or don't care to know, if they didn't include a bit of song."[76]
In 1667 it was predictable that any role without an aria, even a minor role, would be difficult to cast. Ever since the beginning of opera in Venice, but especially after 1650, the value of arias—and their proportion with respect to recitative—had been rising steadily. As early as 1645, Faustini had added arias (among other things) to his Doriclea , and every new version of an old opera had to display at least some new arias.[77]
[75] Letter of 3 November 1666; Brunelli, "Angustie," 333-34. Two weeks later, when he agreed to do it after all, he admitted that he just had not wanted to bother changing costume (letter of 17 November 1666 [b . i88: 36]).
[76] Letter of 27 August 1667 from Rome (b . 188: 166); Brunelli, "Angustie," 338. Meraspe , as we know, was more than a decade old, and so undoubtedly had many fewer arias than singers expected by 1667. Cf. Appendix IIIA 5a for Ziani's comments on this subject.
[77] See ch. 6, pp. 188-90, above on Eritrea and Eupatra . Occasionally only second strophes were added, although at other times, second strophes were cut; see ch. 7, n. 30, above.
Librettists deplored this increase because it tended to trivialize their poetry and undermine the integrity of their dramas; and they were quick to place the blame on a combination of public taste and singers' whim. Aureli summed it up with a characteristic pun in the preface to his Le fatiche d'Ercole per Deianira of 1662: "I know I have expended more than one breath in claiming that I write out of mere whim, and to obey him who commands me, and not out of ambition to immortalize myself with those works, which, in being composed entirely in music, have no foundation other than air [l'aria ]" (Appendix 1.46a). The public is the scapegoat in Aureli's more explicit preface to Claudio Cesare ten years later: "I present to you my Claudio, richer in songs and ariette than in incident. It is enough to say that it is a dramma per musica . What can be done? If these days the whim of Venice wishes it thus, I shall try to satisfy their taste" (Appendix 1.50a). But Aureli as well as other librettists regularly blamed the singers too, as in this epilogue to the same libretto: "Have sympathy for the difficulty composers face these days in being able to satisfy not only the numerous strange whims of this city, but also the moods of the singers" (Appendix I. 50c).