Notes
1. National Housing and Planning Commission (NHPC) and National Housing Office, Joint Annual Report, 1954–55, Government Printers, UG 49 (1956), 9.
2. W. C. Mocke to NHPC, “The Construction of Urban Native Housing,” 1950, in NTS 5732 1 51/313(K). Also see W. C. Mocke, “Bantu Housing with Special Reference to Site-and-Service,” Bantu (June 1956).
3. Ibid.
4. W. M. M. Eiselen, “Harmonious Multi-Community Development,” Optima (1959).
5. Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice, trans. R. Nice (Cambridge, 1977), 94–95.
6. W. W. M. Eiselen, in “Minutes of Meeting of the NAD and Administrators of the Non-European Affairs Departments,” in NTS 4518 4 586/313.
7. “Minutes of Meeting between Sub-Committee of AANEA and Representatives of the DNA,” 2 April 1951, in NTS 4651 1 120/313 (16), Annexure 4.
8. M. Castells, The City and the Grassroots: A Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements (Berkeley, 1983), 44.
9. Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, chapter 14.
10. See South African Institute of Race Relations, “Urban Administration” (SAIRR, Johannesburg, 1940); E. Burrows, “Social Security and the National Income,” (SAIRR, Johannesburg, 1944).
11. HAD (1952), col. 7777.
12. P. H. Connell, C. Irvine-Smith, K. Jonas, R. Kantorowich, and F. J. Wepener, Native Housing: A Collective Thesis (Johannesburg, 1939), 102.
13. E. Kahn, “Reformation of Native Urban Areas Laws,” Race Relations, 14/2 (1947), 6–7. I have been unable to determine what the costs of constructing houses in Orlando were.
14. NLC, Report, 29.
15. F. Rodseth, F. van Heerden, and J. E. Jennings, “Native Housing Research in South Africa,” National Building and Research Institute (NBRI), Bulletin, 6 (June 1951), 7.
16. O. Crankshaw, “Apartheid and Economic Growth: Craft Unions, Capital and the State in the South African Building Industry, 1945–1975,” Journal of Southern African Studies, 16/3 (September 1990), 507; E. Hellman (ed.), Handbook on Race Relations in South Africa (London, 1949), 250–51.
17. In addition, because white craft unions were represented on the Industrial Council, the body on which representatives of capital and labor sat to determine rates of pay and the definitions of artisanal and unskilled labor, white workers were able to prevent building contractors from employing cheaper nonwhite labor. Crankshaw, “Apartheid and Economic Growth.”
18. SAIRR, “Urban Administration”; Kahn, “Reformation of Native Urban Areas Laws 10”; Social and Economic Planning Council, Regional and Town Planning, Report No. 5, Government Printers, UG 34 (1944), 27–29;
19. Mocke to NHPC, “Construction of Urban Native Housing.”
20. H. F. Verwoerd, “Local Authorities and the State”; “Minutes of Meeting between IANEA and the DNA,” 1952, NTS 4518 4 586/313.
21. W. W. M. Eiselen, “Planning Native Urban Areas,” NTS 3810 1 2670/308.
22. DNA, Report, 1952–53, 23.
23. Mocke to SNA, 5 November 1954, in NTS 4652 1 120/313 (16), 105–9. Verwoerd’s response is scribbled in Mocke’s letter.
24. H. F. Verwoerd to Sekretaris van die Grondbesitberaad, 14 April 1951, in NTS 4518 4 586/313.
25. Cape Town City Council, “Minute of the Mayor,” 1954, 17.
26. G. F. De Vos Hugo, “Opening Address,” in “Group Areas and Residential Separation” (papers read at the Third Annual Conference of the SABRA, 1952), 22.
27. DNA, Report, 1954–57, 14. “Native areas” could not be proclaimed under the terms of the Group Areas Act because Africans were not permitted to own land in urban areas. See “Conference of Urban Areas Commissioners,” 24 September 1951, in NTS 385/313(1).
28. Connell et al., Native Housing, 102. In their collective thesis, Connell et al. came out strongly in favor of Le Corbusier’s preference for flats, or apartment housing, over single-story row housing. See Connell et al., 72–87, and Le Corbusier, The City of Tomorrow and Its Planning, trans. F. Etchells (London, 1929), 34. Gilbert Balkema deals only fleetingly with the impact of Marxist ideas on architecture at the University of Witwatersrand in the 1930s. See his Martienssen and the International Style: The Modern Movement in South African Architecture (Cape Town, 1975), 283–84.
29. A. J. Cutten, “The Planning of a Native Township,” (unpublished essay, 1951; a copy of this essay is located in the South African Library, Cape Town, South Africa); D. M. Calderwood, Native Housing in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1953); and Connell et al., Native Housing. The link between Le Corbusier and South African architects and planners is discussed in D. Pinnock, “Ideology and Urban Planning: Blueprints of a Garrison City,” in W. James and M. Simon (eds.), The Angry Divide: Social and Economic History of the Western Cape (Cape Town, 1989); Balkema, Martienssen and the International Style, 36–44.
30. “Memorandum by Peri-Urban Areas Health Board to Witwatersrand Housing and Planning Committee” (1952?) in NTS 4601 7 934/313(2).
31. H. F. Verwoerd, “Local Authorities and the State,” 13.
32. Mathewson, Establishment of an Urban Bantu Township, 32.
33. Ibid., 29.
34. Ibid., 33.
35. “Guidelines for the Planning of Native Urban Areas,” in NTS 4271 6 120/313.
36. Ibid.
37. Cited in Pinnock, “Ideology and Urban Planning,” 159. D. M. Calderwood’s speech in London was published as “An Approach to Low Cost Urban Native Housing in South Africa,” Town Planning Review, 24/4 (1954), 4.
38. This waste affected local authorities only minimally: because land was purchased with a thirty-year loan from the state, “interest and redemption in respect of the buffer portions normally amount to threepence per tenant per month.” Mathewson, Establishment of An Urban Bantu Township, 26.
39. Reported in Calderwood, Native Housing in South Africa, 47.
40. H. J. J. van Beinum, “A Study of the Socioeconomic Status of Native Families in the Payneville Location, Springs,” in NBRI, Bulletin, 4 (June 1952).
41. For example, see Verwoerd’s address on “Local Authorities and the State.”
42. Glenn, A. L., “The Costs of Native Housing—Present-Day Costs of Brick Houses at Vereeniging,” NBRI, Bulletin, 7 (December 1951), 13.
43. Calderwood, “Approach to Low Cost Urban Native Housing,” 17.
44. The following is taken from Kahn, “Reformation of Native Urban Areas Laws,” 6–7.
45. When provision was eventually made for “subeconomic” loans in 1934, calculated at 3 percent interest, these loans were reserved exclusively for the construction of subsidized housing for whites and coloureds only, despite the color-blind intentions of the Housing Act. Only when subeconomic funds were reduced to ¾ percent in 1936 did local authorities agree to accept the compulsory losses they were obliged to bear under the scheme. For a discussion of how interest rates encouraged local authorities to cooperate with the department in the 1950s, see Kahn, “Reformation of Native Urban Areas Laws,” 6–7.
46. “Niggardly Policy of the City Council,” newspaper clipping from the Star, 28 May 1950, in NTS 4518 4 586/313.
47. Hailey, African Survey, 570. To make matter worse, the NHPC resolved in 1947 that losses on African subeconomic housing would be limited to no more than thirty pounds per house. NHPC, Annual Report, 1946, Government Printers, UG 67 (1948), 15.
48. Union of South Africa, Interdepartmental Committee on the Social, Health and Economic Conditions for Urban Natives, Report (Government Printers, 1942–43), para. 170. Because this committee was headed by D. L. Smit, it was known as the Smit Committee (and will be cited hereafter under that name). Also see R. Randall, “Some Reflections on the Financial Policies of Certain Municipalities Towards the Natives within Their Boundaries,” South African Journal of Economics, 7/2 (1939).
49. Kahn, “Reformation of Native Urban Areas Laws,” 8.
50. From 1924 until 1954, revenues from the Kaffir Beer Account could only be spent on the construction of houses in urban locations. In 1954, Verwoerd granted permission to local authorities to use Native Revenue Account funds “for any purpose in Native townships, whilst only one-third may only be used on expenditures of a welfare nature,” thereby enabling Kaffir Beer Account funds to be used for any aspect of urban administration. J. E. Mathewson, “Recent Developments in Urban Native Administration” (paper delivered at the Annual General Meeting of the SAIRR, January 1955), 46–47.
51. Ibid., 47.
52. Kahn, “Reformation of Native Urban Areas Laws,” 9.
53. Ibid.; Smit Committee, para. 135; “Report of the Non-European Bus Services Commission, ” Government Printers, UG 31 (1944), pt. IV. Connell et al. record the criticisms of Graham Ballenden (Manager of Johannesburg’s NAD in the 1930s) in Native Housing, 107. Also see R. Philips, The Bantu in the City: A Study of Cultural Adjustment on the Witwatersrand (Lovedale, 1938), 93.
54. Figures quoted in Kahn, “Reformation of Native Urban Areas Laws,” 9.
55. “Report of Non-European Bus Services Commission,” para. 222.
56. Kahn, “Reformation of Native Urban Areas Laws,” 9.
57. “Native Housing: Determination of (1) Income Limits for Natives in Occupation of Sub-economic Dwellings and (2) of the Corresponding Rentals. Introduction of a Sliding Scale of Sub-economic Rentals,” DNA Circular 120/313 (22), 28 July 1954, in NTS 5473 3 51/313H; NHPC, Consolidated Circular 1 of 1952, in NTS 4661 2 120/313 (23).
58. Verwoerd, in HAD 77 (1952), col. 2344–46. Interest on economic loans was increased from 3½ to 4½ percent, repayable over thirty years. Subeconomic loans, however, were made available at the rate of ¾ percent, repayable over forty years. The idea originated from one F. J. Opperman, an official in the Urban Areas Branch. In a covering memo, Charles Heald, head of the branch, commented on Opperman’s suggestions: “Thus on the figures given by Mr. Opperman for £5,000,000 we would get 28500 houses instead of 12833 and 150,000 would cost £26,750,000 instead of £59,407,387.” C. Heald to SNA, “Proposals by Mr. F. J. Opperman for Solving the Financial Burden of Native Housing,” 2 May 1950, in NTS 4661 2 120/313(23).
59. “Conference of Chief Native Commissioners,” 3 February 1951, in NTS 1812 1 138/276 Annexure.
60. Calderwood, “Approach to Low Cost Urban Native Housing,” 5.
61. “Native Housing: Determination of (1) Income Limits for Natives.…”
62. Rodseth, van Heerden, and Jennings, “Native Housing Research in South Africa,” 15.
63. D. M. Calderwood described the motivations behind the “sociological research” conducted in the Springs area as follows: “We wanted to know whether [the population] was healthy or not, whether a family or just a disintegrated mass, with males predominating. We got the information from the survey and immediately found that it was a healthy population, with a good solid base of young people and a small head of elderly people.” “Conference of the Urban Areas Section,” 24 September 1951, in NTS 4518 385/313(1).
64. In the early 1960s, a spate of research into the “Income and Expenditure Patterns of Urban Bantu Households” emerged, probing for detailed data about the commodities on which urban Africans spent their money. For example, see C. de Coning, “Income and Expenditure Patterns of Urban Bantu Households: Pretoria Survey,” Bureau of Market Research, Report, 3 (1963).
65. Witwatersrand Regional Advisory Council for Non-European Housing, Joint Technical Sub-Committee, Report, 7 January 1954, in NTS 4269 1 120/313. Also see report by P. J. Bowling in same folder.
66. Mathewson, Establishment of an Urban Bantu Township, 10.
67. See City of Johannesburg, Non-European Affairs Department (NEAD), “Survey of Western Areas of Johannesburg,” (1950); van Beinum, “Study of the Socioeconomic Status of Native Families”; Mathewson, Establishment of an Urban Bantu Township, 10–11; “The 1953 Report of the Socio-Economic Survey at Pimville Location, Springs, Undertaken to Collect Necessary Data for the Design of the New Native Township of Kwa-Thema,” cited in Wilkinson, “A Place to Live.”
68. To estimate “The Ability to Pay Rent,” van Beinum broke the household budget down into six items: food, clothing, fuel (including lighting and cleaning materials), transport, tax, and rent. See van Beinum, “Study of the Socio-economic Status of Native Families.”
69. Ibid.
70. Ibid.
71. Verwoerd to Secretary of NHPC, 3 November 1952, in NTS 4269 1 120/313(H).
72. Witwatersrand Regional Advisory Council, Joint Technical Sub-Committee, Report, 7 January 1954, in NTS 4269 1 120/313. Also see the report by P. J. Bowling in the same folder.
73. See, for example, Calderwood, “Approach to Low Cost Urban Native Housing,” 5–6.
74. National Building and Research Institute (NBRI), Interim Reports of the Research Committee on Minimum Standards of Accommodation, Series DS 1–9 (Pretoria, 1949). For Le Corbusier’s exposition and defense of “minimum standards,” see J. Holston, The Modernist City: An Anthropological Critique of Brasilia (Chicago, 1889), chapter 2.
75. Rodseth, van Heerden, and Jennings, “Native Housing Research in South Africa,” 8. “Minimum Standards of Accommodation for the Housing of Non-Europeans in South Africa” was published as an article by D. M. Calderwood and P. H. Connell in NBRI, Bulletin, 8 (June 1952). The link between “science” and the DNA’s housing solutions is also noted in Wilkinson, “A Place to Live.”
76. Rodseth, van Heerden, and Jennings, “Native Housing Research in South Africa,” 8.
77. See S. Parnell, “Public Housing as a Device for White Residential Segregation in Johannesburg, 1934–1953,” Urban Geography, 9/6 (November-December 1988).
78. A total of eight blueprints appear to have been drawn up, only two of which (NE 51/9 and NE 51/6) became widely used, at least in the 1950s and 1960s. See figures in G. Mills, “Space and Power in South Africa: The Township as a Mechanism of Control,” Ekistics, 334 (1989), 67.
79. NBRI, “Report of the Committee on the Costs of Building Urban Bantu Houses,” chapter 1 of Costs of Urban Bantu Housing (Pretoria, 1954), 2.
80. NBRI, “Report of the Committee on the Efficiency of Labour in Urban Bantu Housing” (127) and “Report of the Committee on the Materials in Urban Bantu Housing” (172), published as chapters 3 and 4, respectively, in Costs of Urban Bantu Housing.
81. Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, 125.
82. Crankshaw, “Apartheid and Economic Growth,” 504–5.
83. “Bantu Housing,” Bantu, 1960, 13. In addition, an amendment to the act in 1955 permitted Africans to be employed by owner-builders, on business premises and for alterations (driveways, garden walls, etc.) on private residences. See Crankshaw, “Apartheid and Economic Growth,” 508.
84. The report suggested that the experimental houses constructed by African workers trained to perform skilled building work in the late 1940s may even have elevated costs because of “the inefficient organization of labour.” NBRI, “Report of the Committee on the Efficiency of Labour in Urban Bantu Housing,” 133.
85. Ibid., 133.
86. Ibid., 136.
87. Ibid., 137. The act was duly amended in 1955.
88. The results were published in two studies by in A. L. Glenn: “Time Studies of Labour Employed on the Building of Urban Bantu Houses Using Native Building Workers on a Craft Basis,” NBRI, Bulletin, 11 (December 1953) and “Time Studies of Labour Employed on the Building of Urban Bantu Houses Using Native Building Workers on an Operative Basis,” NBRI, Bulletin, 12 (June 1954).
89. Glenn, “Time Studies of Labour…on an Operative Basis.”
90. NBRI, “Report of Committee on the Materials Used,” 192.
91. Ibid., 191.
92. NBRI, “Report of Sub-committee on Overheads and Profits,” 214–15.
93. NBRI, “Report of Sub-committee on the Materials Used,” 170–72.
94. P. R. B. Lewis, “A City within a City: The Creation of Soweto,” in E. Hellman (ed.), Soweto: Johannesburg’s African City (Johannesburg, 1971); “Compensation to Natives Compelled to Leave Houses on Account of Planning,” NTS 3810 1 2670/308.
95. J. E. Mathewson, “Recent Developments in Urban Native Administration,” 56. An article in Bantu noted that the department based its calculations on the assumption that a single house cost “approximately £200.” “Farewell to Slums,” Bantu, 1955, 4.
96. Mocke to Secretary of NHPC, 1 August 1955, in NTS 5473 2 351/313(H).
97. “Native Housing: Determination of (1) Income Limits for Natives.….”
98. W. C. Mocke, “The Existing Provision and Estimated Requirements of Housing for the Urban Bantu,” South African Council for Scientific and Industrial Research, Bulletin, 10 (1951).
99. NHPC, Consolidated Circular 1 of 1952.
100. “Site and Service Clearance Scheme,” n.d., in NTS 2466 1 116/292.
101. Carr, Soweto, 50.
102. Bantu Affairs Commission, Report, 1960, Government Printers, UG 36 (1961), 11.
103. Notes of an “Address” by Eiselen, n.d., in NTS 244 66 1 116/292.
104. See B. Spence, “Build Your Own House: The Owner-Builder Guide,” Council for Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR, Pretoria, 1953).
105. HAD (1952), col. 7779
106. E. Hellman, “Soweto—Johannesburg’s African City” (address given to the Natal region of the SAIRR, 1967), 3.
107. Ibid.
108. “Minutes of Meeting between Sub-committee of AANEA and Representatives of the DNA,” 2 April 1951, in NTS 4651 1 120/313(15).
109. “Minutes of the Sixth Meeting of the Joint Housing Commission, 16 April 1951,” and “Minutes of Meeting between Sub-Committee of AANEA and Representatives of the DNA,” 2 April 1951, in NTS 4651 1 120/313(15), Annexure 4.
110. Venables, in “Minutes of Meeting between Sub-committee of AANEA and Representatives of the DNA,” 2 April 1951.
111. Ibid.: see the comments of Mocke, Turton, and Yates.
112. Mathewson, Establishment of An Urban Bantu Township, 29.
113. Mathewson, “Recent Developments in Urban Native Administration,” 47.
114. Quoted in Wilkinson, “Providing Adequate Shelter,” 74–75.
115. Ibid.
116. Respectively, these quotations are from Manufacturer, January 1951, 7, and August 1951, 25.
117. Crankshaw, “Apartheid and Economic Growth,” 510.
118. Manufacturer, August 1951, 20. In recognition of Japan’s growing importance to South Africa as a trading partner, the Minister of the Interior informed parliament that the handful of Japanese officials in South Africa would be treated as whites. See G. G. Lawrie, “South Africa’s World Position,” The Journal of Modern African Studies, 2/1 (March 1964), 53.
119. Manufacturer, August 1951, 25.
120. Federated Chamber of Industries (FCI), “Housing of Natives,” 25 April 1959, in NTS 4272 6 120/313; Mathewson, “Recent Developments in Urban Native Administration,” 46.
121. DNA, Report, 1954–57, 39.
122. The AANEA emerged from this response to African urbanization in the Reef area. As P. G. Caudwell (DNA) noted, however, a precedent had already been set in 1940 when Cape Town and other local authorities in the Western Cape established the “Coordinating Committee re the Influx of Natives” to broach African urbanization at a regional level. See “Minutes of Meeting of Representatives of Johannesburg and Reef Municipalities,” 12 June 1941, 4–5.
123. Graham Ballenden (Manager, NEAD, Johannesburg), having raised this prospect, moved to soften its racial crudity by recommending that Africans be permitted to hold freehold title in the envisaged locations. Ibid.
124. Le Corbusier, The Athens Charter, trans. A. Eardley (New York, 1973), 99; Cutten, “Planning of a Native Township.”
125. Discussions about this issue are found in NTS 4518 3 586/313. See, for example, AANEA, “Registration of Service Contracts on Natives Employed by the Same Employer in More than One Proclaimed Area,” 21 October 1949, in this folder.
126. “Minutes of Meeting of Representatives of Johannesburg and Reef Municipalities,” 6.
127. Ibid.
128. Verwoerd, cited in H. Kenney, Architect of Apartheid: Verwoerd, An Appraisal (Johannesburg, 1968), 129.
129. Verwoerd in Witwatersrand Regional Advisory Council for Non-European Housing, Joint Technical Sub-Committee, Report, 7 January 1954.
130. Memorandum on “An Integrated Approach to the Regional Planning of Urban Bantu Locations” (1957?), in NTS 4601 7 934/313(1). Also see Muriel Horrell, Non-European Policies in the Union and the Measure of Their Success (Johannesburg, 1976), 33.
131. “An Integrated Approach to Regional Planning.”
132. See diagrams in G. H. Pirie and D. Hart, “The Transformation of Johannesburg’s Black Western Areas,” Journal of Urban History, 11/4 (August 1985), 389.
133. “Meeting between Municipal Native Administrators and the Urban Areas Branch,” August 1946, in NTS 1954 1 286/278/1.
134. Cutten, “Planning of a Native Township.”
135. Manufacturer, October 1952, 12.
136. Mathewson, Establishment of a Bantu Township, 54.
137. L. Reyburn, “African Traders: Their Position and Problems in Johannesburg’s South Western Townships,” SAIRR, Fact Paper 6 (1960), 18.
138. Ibid., 17–19.
139. In Reyburn, “African Traders,” 18.
140. T. Bell, Industrial Decentralisation in South Africa (Cape Town, 1968), 88. The department’s plans were also discussed in Manufacturer, November 1954.
141. In 1967, the Physical Planning Act attempted to encourage industry to locate outside the existing industrial conurbations in the Transvaal and Cape provinces by controlling the numbers of Africans an employer could take on. Under the terms of the act, firms that intended to locate or expand in these industrial areas could employ 2.5 Africans for every white employee. K. Gottschalk, “Industrial Decentralisation, Jobs and Wages,” South African Labour Bulletin, 3/5 (1977); S. Greenberg, Race and State in Capitalist Development (New Haven, 1980), 47.
142. These themes are only briefly discussed here. For more information on the clashes between the DNA and the JCC, see Carr, Soweto; for further information on the clearance of the Western Areas in Johannesburg, see G. Pirie and D. Hart, “Transformation of Johannesburg’s Black Western Areas.”
143. Baxter, Administrative Law, 25–27.
144. See Verwoerd’s summary of these attempts in SD, 1954, col. 1841–50.
145. See documents in “Western Areas Clearance Scheme, 1951–1956,” NTS 2466 1 116/292.
146. Carr, Soweto, 87.
147. Apparently impressed by the JCC’s standoff with Verwoerd, Dr. A. B. Xuma rallied to the council’s defense. See Dr. A. B. Xuma, “The Native Laws Amendment Bill,” 1957.
148. SD (1954), col. 1848.
149. Verwoerd, HAD (1952), cols. 2335–42, and Mentz, HAD (1952), cols. 2346–48.
150. Hellman, Handbook on Race Relations, 39.
151. Contact, 11 August 1955.
152. “Report of the General Purposes Committee of the Johannesburg City Council,” 22 September 1957, in NTS 2466 1 116/292, 128–29.
153. Taken from “Memorandum by Peri-Urban Areas Health Board to the Witwatersrand Housing and Planning Committee.” Again, however, these proposals were less pathbreaking than they appear. The Johannesburg City Council had long before earmarked the southwestern areas around Orlando township as the area to which Africans would be diverted and relocated and does not appear to have explored any other alternative, despite some of the more imaginative and exploratory plans that town planners and council members had occasionally floated for public discussion. See “Housing (A Fiery Protagonist of Houses for Natives),” South African Builder, September 1951, 13–14, and “Housing (Another Enthusiast Pleads for Homes for Natives and Others),” South African Builder, October 1951, 13–14.
154. The peculiar saga by which Soweto got its name (and in which W. J. P. Carr figured prominently) is narrated in G. H. Pirie, “Letters, Words, Worlds: The Naming of Soweto,” African Studies 43/1 (1984).
155. “We Shall Not Move!” (pamphlet issued by the South African Congress of Democrats, the ANC, and the South African Indian Council, 1955), in CKC, Reel 4B 2:DA26:84/1; also cited in Pirie and Hart, “Transformation of Johannesburg’s Black Western Areas,” 399.
156. T. Huddleston, Naught for Your Comfort (London, 1956), 114.
157. Taken from Pirie and Hart, “Transformation of Johannesburg’s Black Western Areas,” 404–5.
158. Contact magazine published numerous articles in which Africans told of being assaulted by policemen, being arrested without reason, and having their Section 10 rights summarily invalidated for “failing to comply with proper instructions.” See Contact, 18 August 1955, 31 May 1958, and 4 January 1959.
159. “A New Beginning in Meadowlands” and “Johannesburg Is Building 50 Houses a Day for Its Natives,” article clippings from Personality (n.d.), in NTS 2466 1 116/292.
160. Ibid.
161. “Forced Removals Were No Victory for Verwoerd,” New Age (17 December 1955); a copy is in CKC 2:Z13/39.
162. “Report of the NEC [National Executive Committee of the ANC],” in T. Karis and G. Carter, From Protest to Challenge: Documents in South African Politics, 1882–1964 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977), 234–35.
163. Ibid. Marks also pointed out that African property owners were least likely to submit to the austere regimens of the new “properly planned location.” One of Verwoerd’s biographers claims that he relayed this point to C. W. Prinsloo, the department’s Information Officer (and later Deputy Director of Information), who in turn immediately telexed a message to Verwoerd in Cape Town. “Within two hours came back the message that the Minister had set aside a substantial area [Dube] at Meadowlands for larger plots of ground where natives who so wished could build larger homes of any design they liked, and further, if the ground proved to be not sufficient for the demand, a further area would be set aside.” W. A. Bellwood, Whither the Transkei (Cape Town, 1964), 95–96.
164. This discussion is based on an article by J. Joseph in Contact, 12 January 1959.
165. Ibid.
166. See Posel, Making of Apartheid, 197.
167. This argument is critically examined in the Conclusion to this book.
168. Adam and Moodley, South Africa without Apartheid (Berkeley, 1985), 87.