1. See, for example, the contrast between South African and American parks that William Beinart and Peter Coates draw in Environment and History: The Taming of Nature in the USA and South Africa (New York: Routledge, 1995), 85.

2. Hal Barron, Those Who Stayed Behind: Rural Society in Nineteenth-Century New England (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984), xi.

3. I attempt to develop my critique of environmental history's neglect of social power in greater depth in “Class and Environmental History: Lessons from the ‘War in the Adirondacks,’” Environmental History 2 (July 1997): 324–42. A thoughtful recent treatment of this topic can be found in Alan Taylor, “Unnatural Inequalities: Social and Environmental Histories,” Environmental History 1 (October 1996): 6–19.

4. See, for instance, New York Fisheries Commission, Sixteenth Annual Report, 1887 (Albany: Troy Press, 1888), 163.

1. Richard H. Grove, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens, and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600–1860 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 2. There is a long list of scholarly studies that seek to understand the natural world by focusing on a few well-placed figures. Among the most prominent of such works are Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 3rd ed. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982); Barbara Novak,

2. Having begun this study with the sense that I was voyaging alone into uncharted territory, I have been pleased to encounter several fellow explorers of conservation's hidden history along the way. Louis Warren studies poaching in The Hunter's Game: Poachers and Conservationists in Twentieth-Century America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); Mark Spence focuses on the impact that the park movement had on American Indians in Dispossessing the Wilderness: The Preservationist Ideal, Indian Removal, and National Parks (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); Richard Judd attempts to place rural New Englanders at the forefront of the conservation movement in Common Lands, Common People: The Origins of Conservation in Northern New England (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997); and Ben Johnson explores the effect of conservation on working-class immigrants in “Conservation, Subsistence, and Class at the Birth of Superior National Forest,” Environmental History 4 (January 1999): 80–99.

3. One of the clearest proofs of this shift is the fact that by the turn of the century it was possible for the first time to find thick manuals of forest law. See, for instance, George W. Woodruff, Federal and State Forest Laws, Bureau of Forestry Bulletin No. 57 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1904); and J. P. Kinney, The Development of Forest Law in America (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1917). For an example from British India at much the same time, see B. H. Baden-Powell, Forest Law: A Course of Lectures on the Principles of Civil and Criminal Law and on the Law of the Forest (London: Bradbury, Agnew, and Co., 1893).

4. The term “environmental bandits” is derived, of course, from the “social bandits” that Eric Hobsbawm first described in his work Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Century (New York: W. W. Norton, 1959); he developed his concept further in Bandits, rev. ed. (New York: Pantheon, 1981). Hobsbawm's work has spawned a huge literature, too vast to note here. One useful recent review essay, however, is Gilbert Joseph, “On the Trail of Latin American Bandits: A Reexamination of Peasant Resistance,” Latin American Research Review 25 (1990): 7–53.

5. Although such language was widespread in early conservation literature, these particular quotes come from the commission in charge of the Adirondack Park. New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Eighth and Ninth Annual Reports, 1902–1903 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1904), 107–8.

6. Roderick Nash, “The Value of Wilderness,” Environmental Review 3 (1977): 14–25. For a discussion of the development of environmental history as a distinct discipline and Nash's place in the field, see Richard White, “American

7. As Stephen Fox contends in his history of conservation, “Politics seldom lends itself to such simple morality plays. But environmental issues have usually come down to a stark alignment of white hats and black hats.” Stephen Fox, John Muir and His Legacy: The American Conservation Movement (Boston: Little, Brown, 1981), 103. Among those works that adopt a similarly heroic stance toward conservation history are Frank Graham Jr., Man's Dominion: The Story of Conservation in America (New York: M. Evans, 1971); Frank E. Smith, The Politics of Conservation (New York: Pantheon, 1966); Douglas H. Strong, Dreamers and Defenders: American Conservationists (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988); Richard Stroud, ed., National Leaders of American Conservation (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1985); and Peter Wild, Pioneer Conservationists of Western America (Missoula, Mont.: Mountain Press, 1979), and Pioneer Conservationists of Eastern America (Missoula, Mont.: Mountain Press, 1986).

8. See E. P. Thompson, “The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” and “The Moral Economy Reviewed,” in Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York: New Press, 1993), 185–258, 259–351. There is also a growing body of work that focuses on matters of political ecology—that is, on the “political sources, conditions, and ramifications of environmental change.” Raymond L. Bryant, “Political Ecology: An Emerging Research Agenda in Third-World Studies,” Political Geography 11 (January 1992): 13; see also Leslie Anderson, The Political Ecology of the Modern Peasant: Calculation and Community (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994); and Adrian Atkinson, Principles of Political Ecology (London: Belhaven Press, 1991).

9. For examples of illiteracy or near-illiteracy in the Adirondacks, see the testimony of Joseph Lahey and Joseph Mitchell in New York State Assembly, Report and Testimony of the Special Committee Appointed to Investigate the Depredations of Timber in the Forest Preserve, New York State Assembly Document No. 67, 1895 (Albany: Wynkoop, Hallenbeck, Crawford, 1896), 253, 314. (Hereafter referred to as Report, 1895.) The following chapters on Yellowstone also reveal numerous examples of people whose command of written English was quite limited.

10. A fascinating case study of how scholarly sleuthing can occasionally unearth the popular folklore that surrounded the rise of conservation can be found in Edward D. Ives, George Magoon and the Down East Game War: History, Folklore, and the Law (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988).

11. This emphasis on rereading elite documents to understand peasant consciousness has been central to the subaltern school of Indian studies. See Ranajit Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983), 14–17; and Ranajit Guha and Gayatri Chakravortry Spivak, eds., Selected Subaltern Studies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988). The term hidden transcript comes from the work of James Scott on the discourse of resistance. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).

12. Information on the European roots of American forestry can be found in Nancy Peluso, Rich Forests, Poor People: Resource Control and Resistance in Java (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1992), 7–8.

13. Bernhard E. Fernow, “Report of the Forestry Division,” in U.S. Department of Agriculture, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture, 1887 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1888), 605–6. Fernow was scarcely alone in pointing to the example of Europe. In his first official report as federal forest commissioner, Franklin B. Hough included a detailed discussion of environmental legislation in Prussia, along with a description of the course of study at the German Royal Forest Academy. Hough, Report upon Forestry, 1877 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1878), 360–65, 613–15.

14. E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The Origins of the Black Act (New York: Pantheon, 1975); John Broad, “Whigs and Deer-Stealers in Other Guises: A Return to the Origins of the Black Act,” Past and Present 119 (May 1988): 56–72; and Peter Sahlins, Forest Rites: The War of the Demoiselles in Nineteenth-Century France (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994). Although the Captain Swing riots also focused on concerns about the mechanization of rural labor, many of the rioters came from the Forest of Dean, where they acted in defiance of state controls over the forest. See Richard H. Grove, “Colonial Conservation, Ecological Hegemony, and Popular Resistance: Towards a Global Synthesis,” in Imperialism and the Natural World, ed. John M. MacKenzie (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 1990), 46, n. 58. More general treatments of poaching in Great Britain can be found in Harry Hopkins, The Long Affray: The Poaching Wars, 1760–1914 (London: Secker and Warburg, 1985); E. G. Walsh, ed., The Poacher's Companion (Suffolk, U.K.: Boydell Press, 1982); and the classic article by Douglas Hay, “Poaching and the Game Laws on Cannock Chase,” in Albion's Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England, ed. Douglas Hay, Peter Linebaugh, John Rule, E. P. Thompson, and Cal Winslow (New York: Pantheon, 1975).

15. James Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 35; see also Peluso, Rich Forests, Poor People, 14. For more on the poaching of game in Germany, see Regina Schulte, The Village in Court: Arson, Infanticide, and Poaching in the Court Records of Upper Bavaria, 1848–1910, trans. Barrie Selman (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).

16. Peter Linebaugh, “Karl Marx, the Theft of Wood, and Working Class Composition: A Contribution to the Current Debate,” Crime and Social Justice 6 (fall-winter 1976): 5–16.

17. Grove, “Colonial Conservation,” passim; David Anderson and Richard Grove, eds., Conservation in Africa: People, Policies, and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987). The literature on conservation in India is particularly well developed. See, for example, Ramachandra Guha, The Unquiet Woods: Ecological Change and Peasant Resistance in the Himalaya (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990); Madhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha, This Fissured Land: An Ecological History of India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992); Mahesh Rangarajan, Fencing the Forest: Conservation and Ecological Change in India's Central Provinces,

18. Samuel P. Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency: The Progressive Conservation Movement, 1890–1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959), 2–4; Robert H. Weibe, The Search for Order, 1877–1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), xiii–xiv, 185–86. As Andrew Ross has observed, “Ideas that draw upon the authority of nature nearly always have their origin in ideas about society.” Andrew Ross, The Chicago Gangster Theory of Life: Nature's Debt to Society (New York: Verso, 1994), 15.

19. For those wishing more background information on the rise of conservation, a chronology of major events has been provided following the text.

1. Joel T. Headley, The Adirondack; or, Life in the Woods (New York: Baker and Scribner, 1849), 13, 167–68. For more on Headley, see Philip G. Terrie, Contested Terrain: A New History of Nature and People in the Adirondacks (Blue Mountain Lake, N.Y.: Adirondack Museum and Syracuse University Press, 1997), 45–60.

2. The Opening of the Adirondacks (New York: Hurd and Houghton, 1865), 30; A. Judd Northrup, Camps and Tramps in the Adirondacks, and Grayling Fishing in Northern Michigan: A Record of Summer Vacations in the Wilderness (Syracuse: Davis, Bardeen, 1880), 27; Nathaniel Bartlett Sylvester, Historical Sketches of Northern New York and the Adirondack Wilderness (Troy, N.Y.: William H. Young, 1877), 41–42.

3. David Arnold, The Problem of Nature: Environment, Culture, and European Expansion (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 19. For the American reception of some of the era's multiple ideas of nature, see Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought, rev. ed. (New York: George Braziller, 1959); G. J. Cady, “The Early American Reaction to the Theory of Malthus,” in Thomas Malthus: Critical Assessments, ed. John Cunningham Wood (London: Croom Helm, 1986), 4:18–42; Linda Gordon, “Birth Control, Socialism, and Feminism in the United States,” in Malthus Past and Present, ed. J. Dupaquier, A. Fauve-Chamoux, and E. Grebenik (London: Academic Press, 1983), 313–27; Frank Forester [Henry William Herbert], Complete Manual for Young Sportsmen (New York: W. A. Townsend, 1866); and Thomas R. Dunlap, Saving America's Wildlife (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), 9.

4. George Perkins Marsh, Man and Nature, ed. David Lowenthal (1864; reprint, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965), 42. The quote on Marsh's contribution to land management comes from Worster, Nature's Economy, 268. Useful summaries of Marsh's views can be found in David Lowenthal, George Perkins Marsh: Versatile Vermonter (New York: Columbia University Press,

5. Marsh, Man and Nature, 43.

6. Ibid., 204.

7. Ibid., 204, 258.

8. Ibid., 189, 233, 257, 260, 274. Robert L. Dorman analyzes the relation between Marsh's Whig politics and his approach to conservation in A Word for Nature: Four Pioneering Environmental Advocates, 1845–1913 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 12–16.

9. Marsh, Man and Nature, xxiii–xxiv, 29–30, 36. For a critique of the climax community model, first popularized by Frederic Clements, see the essays by William Cronon, “In Search of Nature,” and Michael G. Barbour, “Ecological Fragmentation in the Fifties,” in Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: W. W. Norton, 1995), 24–25, 233–55; and Donald Worster, “The Shaky Ground of Sustainable Development,” in The Wealth of Nature: Environmental History and the Ecological Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 144–51.

10. Lewis Mumford, The Brown Decades: A Study of the Arts in America, 1865–1895 (New York: Dover, 1955), 78. Among those conservationists to acknowledge their debt to Marsh are Fernow, who wrote of “George P. Marsh's classical book,” in Our Forestry Problem (n.p., 1887), 3; and Andrew Fuller, Practical Forestry (New York: Orange Judd, 1900), 14. I have borrowed the term “degradation discourse” from James Fairhead and Melissa Leach, Misreading the African Landscape: Society and Ecology in a Forest-Savanna Mosaic (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 292–93. James C. McCann employs a similar term—“degradation narratives”—in “The Plow and the Forest: Narratives of Deforestation in Ethiopia, 1840–1992,” Environmental History 2 (April 1997): 138–59, while Vasant K. Saberwal has recently traced the rise of a “desiccationist discourse” in Anglo-American conservation. Saberwal, “Science and the Desiccationist Discourse of the Twentieth Century,” Environment and History 4 (October 1998): 309–43. Fairhead and Leach revisit their argument in Reframing Deforestation: Global Analyses and Local Realities: Studies in West Africa (New York: Routledge, 1998).

11. New York Commissioners of State Parks, First Annual Report, 1872 (Albany: Argus, 1873), 5, 13–14, 20–21. The link between Marsh and the Adirondacks was drawn even more explicitly in a later report, in which the New York Forest Commission quoted at length from Man and Nature. New York Forest Commission, Second Annual Report, 1886 (Albany: Argus, 1887), 85–86. Other sections of this passage emphasize hunting and fishing as producing better businessmen and soldiers, an argument derived in large part from the writings of Frank Forester. See Forester, Complete Manual for Young Sportsmen, 27–33.

12. As Louise Halper has observed, “Proponents of the wilderness aesthetic were among the most avid exploiters of natural resources in their business dealings.” Halper, “‘A Rich Man's Paradise’: Constitutional Preservation of New York State's Adirondack Forest, A Centenary Consideration,” Ecology Law Quarterly 19 (1992): 230. T. J. Jackson Lears has argued convincingly that the rise of antimodernism ultimately helped many American elites accommodate themselves to the jarring transitions of the late nineteenth century. Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880–1920 (New York: Pantheon, 1981). The connection between modernism and antimodernism can be seen in one of the very first articles to support the idea of a park in the Adirondacks, an unsigned editorial that appeared in the New York Times in 1864, which spoke in almost the same breath about preserving the region for its watershed and for its natural beauty. New York Times, August 9, 1864. Because of such similarities, I, unlike some scholars, have not found it useful to categorize turn-of-the-century environmental reformers as either “preservationists” or “conservationists.” An extended discussion of some of the similarities between “preservationists” and “technocratic utilitarians” can be found in Christopher McGrory Klyza, Who Controls Public Lands? Mining, Forestry, and Grazing Policies, 1870–1990 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 21–26.

13. Material on early Forest Preserve legislation can be found in Norman J. Van Valkenburgh, Land Acquisition for New York State: An Historical Perspective (Arkville, N.Y.: Catskill Center for Conservation and Development, 1985), 12–51; Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency, 191; Seneca Ray Stoddard, The Adirondacks: Illustrated, 19^th ed. (Glen Falls, N.Y.: 1889), 218; Philip Terrie, “‘One Grand Unbroken Domain’: Ambiguities and Lessons in the Origins of the Adirondack Park,” Hudson Valley Regional Review 6 (March 1989): 10–17; and the Fish and Game Law file at the Adirondack Museum Archives.

14. Hough, later the first head of the federal government's Division of Forestry, was a member of the 1872 committee that recommended the creation of a park in the Adirondacks. See F. B. Hough, Report upon Forestry, 1877, 436–37. For examples of Pinchot's and Fernow's work in the Adirondacks, see Gifford Pinchot, The Adirondack Spruce: A Study of the Forest in Ne-Ha-Sa-Ne Park (New York: Critic Co., 1898); and Fernow's plan for the Adirondack League Club, published in the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Annual Report of the Division of Forestry, 1890 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1891), 214–23.

15. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Annual Report of the Division of Forestry, 1887 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1888), 106. See also American Forestry Congress, Proceedings, 1885 (Washington, D.C.: Judd and Detweiler, 1886), 16; U.S. Department of Agriculture, Annual Report of the Division of Forestry, 1886 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1887), 173; Forestry Bulletin (May 1884), 1, 8–9; and Arnold Hague's references to the Adirondacks in “The Yellowstone Park as a Forest Reservation,” The Nation 46 (January 5, 1888): 9–10.

16. A useful discussion of parallels between the forest reserves and the Adirondacks can be found in William Cronon, “Landscapes of Abundance and Scarcity,” in The Oxford History of the American West, ed. Clyde A. Milner II,

17. Bernhard E. Fernow, A Brief History of Forestry (Toronto: University Press, 1911), 493. Fernow played a pivotal role in exporting the Adirondacks model to the rest of the American landscape. Not only did he write the plan for forest administration that New York instituted in the Adirondacks in 1885 (soon followed by forestry plans for various private parks in the Adirondacks), but he also helped draft the Forest Reserve Act of 1891. Bernhard E. Fernow, “Report of the Forestry Division,” in U.S. Department of Agriculture, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture, 1886 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1887), 166, 173; and Bernhard E. Fernow, Report upon the Forestry Investigations of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1877–1898 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1899), 172–74. See also William G. Robbins, American Forestry: A History of National, State, and Private Cooperation (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1985), 7; and Andrew Denny Rodgers III, Bernhard Eduard Fernow: A Story of North American Forestry (1951; reprint, Durham, N.C.: Forest History Society, 1991), 98.

18. Accurate population figures for the Adirondacks are surprisingly hard to come by. A figure of 15,832 (which does not include tourists or transient employees of lumber camps) is given in New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Third Annual Report, 1897 (Albany: Wynkoop, Hallenbeck, Crawford, 1898), 270. An earlier report by the Forest Commission, however, places the number at 6,167. But this seems low: according to the 1880 federal census, there were some 3,923 people living in Hamilton County alone (Hamilton being the only county completely within the confines of the Adirondack park). See New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1893 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1894), 1:9. If one does a rough count by township using the 1880 summaries of census data, it is possible to get a population total closer to 30,000. But because many townships extend outside the park limits, and population density outside the park was typically much higher than inside it, this number seems too large.

19. New York Forest Commission, Preliminary Report, 1885, New York State Assembly Document No. 36, 1885, 5–6.

20. Ted Aber and Stella King, The History of Hamilton County (Lake Pleasant, N.Y.: Great Wilderness Books, 1965), 37, 75; New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885 (Albany: Argus, 1886), 40. Depopulation was not a phenomenon unique to the Adirondacks. Out-migration is a recurring, if little-noted, theme in the history of the American countryside, a counternarrative to the often naive optimism of the frontier paradigm.

21. New York Commissioners of State Parks, First Annual Report, 1872, This prediction by the commissioners would seem to presage present-day efforts to encourage “eco-tourism” in environmentally sensitive areas.

22. New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 87–88, 96–97, 99. Although one might argue that these supportive responses came

23. New York Fisheries Commission, Twenty-second Annual Report, 1893 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1894), 177; New York Fisheries Commission, Eighteenth Annual Report, 1889 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1890), 219; New York Times, September 25, October 2, October 4, and October 16, 1889.

24. Headley, Adirondack, 204–5; William Murray, Adventures in the Wilderness; or, Camp-Life in the Adirondacks (Boston: Fields, Osgood, 1869), 37–38; [J. P. Lundy,] The Saranac Exiles; or, a Winter's Tale of the Adirondacks (Philadelphia: privately printed, 1880), 118–19, 169; Elizabeth Seelye, “Abandoned Farms Again,” Century 48 (1894): 792; “A Word about Hoodlums,” Forest and Stream 38 (February 25, 1892): 176–77. This rise of the hillbilly as a southern stereotype is discussed in John Gaventa, Power and Powerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1980), 65–66. Useful studies of nineteenth-century rural life include John Mack Faragher, Sugar Creek: Life on the Illinois Prairie (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986); Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850–1890 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983); Altina Waller, Feud: Hatfields, McCoys, and Social Change in Appalachia, 1860–1900 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988); and Thomas Summerhill, “The Farmers' Republic: Agrarian Protest and the Capitalist Transformation of Upstate New York” (Ph.D. diss., University of California at San Diego, 1993).

25. At times, the Huron and the Iroquois periodically initiated truces to permit members of both groups to pursue the game animals of the region. Most truces, however, were short-lived; once the number of animals began to decline with widespread hunting, hostilities were often renewed. Bruce Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1976), 345, 488, 618. For more on buffer zones, see Richard White, The Roots of Dependency: Subsistence, Environment, and Social Change among the Choctaws, Pawnees, and Navajos (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983), 9; and Elliot West, The Way to the West: Essays on the Central Plains (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 61–62.

26. Alfred B. Street, Woods and Waters; or, the Saranacs and Racket Lake (New York: M. Doolady, 1860), 210. (The odd spelling in this quotation is a result of Street's efforts to set down Moody's distinctive Adirondacks dialect.) Dean R. Snow, “Eastern Abenaki,” and Gordon M. Day, “Western Abenaki,” in The Handbook of North American Indians: Northeast, ed. William Sturtevant, vol. 15 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian, 1978), 137–47, 148–59; and Aber and King, History of Hamilton County, 19. See also Hilda Robtoy, Dee Brightstar, Tom Obomsawin, and John Moody, “The Abenaki and the Northern Forest,” in The Future of the Northern Forest, ed. Christopher McGrory Klyza and Stephen C. Trombulak (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1994), 27–35.

27. For some rather gory tales of fights over hunting grounds, see Samuel Hammond, Hills, Lakes, and Forest Streams; or, a Tramp in the Chateaugay Woods (New York: J. C. Derby, 1854), 71–77. Another often-told story in this regard is that of Nat Foster, who allegedly killed the Indian Peter Woods in 1832. Although often taken as evidence of the antipathy existing between whites and Indians in the Adirondacks, it is worth noting that Foster and Woods were neighbors, part of a larger mixed settlement made up of both white and Indian families. Alfred L. Donaldson, A History of the Adirondacks (New York: Century, 1921), 1:118–19.

28. 1880 Population Census, Manuscript Schedules, Hamilton County, Roll 837, T9, Records of the Bureau of the Census, RG 29, National Archives. It is possible there were more Indians dwelling in the area than such records indicate, for many census takers neglected to record Native Americans out of a belief that they were not citizens. See Aber and King, History of Hamilton County, 21–22.

29. The quote about the cost of shipping crops to market can be found in Joel T. Headley, The Adirondack; or, Life in the Woods, rev. ed. (New York: Scribner, Armstrong, 1875), 411–12. See also Heartwood: The Adirondack Homestead Life of W. Donald Burnap, as told to Marylee Armour (Baldwinsville, N.Y.: Brown Newspapers, 1988), 50; and New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 40. The quote about fish and potatoes is from David Shepard Merrill, “The Education of a Young Pioneer in the Northern Adirondacks in Franklin and Clinton Counties after the Civil War,” New York History 39 (July 1958): 240. A discussion of letting livestock roam loose in the woods can be found in Henry Conklin, Through “Poverty's Vale”: A Hardscrabble Boyhood in Upstate New York, 1832–1862 (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1974), 111. For a useful overview of Euro-American settlement in upstate New York, consult Alan Taylor, “The Great Change Begins: Settling the Forest of Central New York,” New York History 76 (July 1995): 265–90.

30. Much of this information on foraging is from Conklin, Through “Poverty's Vale,” 34–35, 48, 51–52, 107–8. Bill Smith tells of his mother killing deer for the family. Smith, Tales from the Featherbed: Adirondack Stories and Songs (Greenfield Center, N.Y.: Bowman Books, 1994), 18–19. For a discussion of the use of shanties, see New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1892 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1893), 30. References to the gathering of spruce gum (used in the manufacture of chewing gum) and ginseng can be found in Ira Gray, My Memories, 1886–1977 (N.p., n.d.), 59; “Bill Rasbeck's Diary,” in Cranberry Lake from Wilderness to Adirondack Park, ed. Albert Fowler (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1968), 39–40; and New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 91–92; see also Mary Hufford, “American Ginseng and the Idea of the Commons,” Folklife Center News 19 (winter-spring 1997): 3–18. Estimates of the lengths of traplines in the Adirondacks vary from sixteen to fifty miles; it sometimes took residents over a week to check all their traps. See Seneca Ray Stoddard, Old Times in the Adirondacks: The Narrative of a Trip into the Wilderness in 1873 (Burlington, Vt.: George Little Press, 1971), 124–25; Street, Woods and Waters, 43; and the testimony of Charles Blanchard in The People of the State of New York v. Jennie H. Ladew and Joseph H.

31. New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 21; Report, 1895, 106. For discussions of common rights ideology in the United States, see Steven Hahn, “Hunting, Fishing, and Foraging: Common Rights and Class Relations in the Postbellum South,” Radical History Review 26 (1982): 37–64; Stephen Aron, How the West Was Lost: The Transformation of Kentucky from Daniel Boone to Henry Clay (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 102–23, and “Pigs and Hunters: ‘Rights in the Woods’ on the Trans-Appalachian Frontier,” in Contact Points: American Frontiers from the Mohawk Valley to the Mississippi, 1750–1830, ed. Andrew Cayton and Frederika Teute (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 175–204; Lloyd C. Irland, Wildlands and Woodlots: The Story of New England's Forests (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1982), 72; and Judd, Common Lands, Common People, 40–47. A useful glimpse of this ideology at work in the Adirondacks can be found in Lloyd Blankman, “Burt Conklin, the Greatest Trapper,” New York Folklore Quarterly 22 (December 1966): 274–97, which discusses the setting of traplines and the erection of shelters on private and state-owned lands.

32. Kenneth Durant, The Adirondack Guide-Boat (Camden, Maine: International Marine Publishing, 1980), 44. Blankman, “Burt Conklin, the Greatest Trapper,” 281–82, 289. The most famous feud in the Adirondacks is the one between Alvah Dunning and Ned Buntline. See Harold Hochschild, Township 34: A History (N.p., 1952), 154; Stoddard, Old Times in the Adirondacks, 110–11.

33. Merrill, “Education of a Young Pioneer,” 246; Charles Brumley, Guides of the Adirondacks: A History (Utica, N.Y.: North Country Books, 1994), 128. Such practices would seem to fit well with the recent scholarship by legal theorists on social norms. According to such research, many everyday interactions among closely knit groups are governed by informal norms that help people achieve order without law. See Robert C. Ellickson, Order without Law: How Neighbors Settle Disputes (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991).

34. For more on the killing of dogs, see Boonville (New York) Herald, November 11, 1897; Rodney West, “Restoring Hounding,” Forest and Stream 66 (January 6, 1906): 18; and Ira Gray, Follow My Moccasin's Tracks (Schuylerville, N.Y.: Napaul Publishers, 1975), 106–7. Accounts from elsewhere in the rural Northeast at this time tell of frequent ambushes arising out of disagreements over trapping and hunting. Edward Ives, ed., “Wilbur Day: Hunter, Guide, and Poacher: An Autobiography,” Northeast Folklore 26 (1985): 50. For stories of running off intruders on local lands, see Hochschild, Township 34, 157; and Hammond, Hills, Lakes, and Forest Streams, 71–77.

35. William F. Fox, A History of the Lumber Industry in the State of New York. Bureau of Forestry Bulletin No. 34 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1902); Terrie, Contested Terrain, 35–38. Even today, large timber companies in Maine

36. New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1891 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1892), 6.

37. New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Second Annual Report, 1896 (Albany: Wynkoop, Hallenbeck, Crawford, 1897), 92.

38. The most thorough study of the Adirondacks forest at the time of the Forest Preserve's creation has been done by Barbara McMartin, who asserts that “as late as 1885, no more than fifteen to thirty percent of the forest cover had been taken from little more than a third of the original park.” Barbara McMartin, The Great Forest of the Adirondacks (Utica, N.Y.: North Country Books, 1994), 68–69, 93.

39. A technical discussion of the parasitic links between deer and moose can be found in Thomas Nudds, “Retroductive Logic in Retrospect: The Ecological Effects of Meningeal Worms,” Journal of Wildlife Management 54 (July 1990): 396–402; and Frederick Gilbert, “Retroductive Logic and the Effects of Meningeal Worms: A Comment,” Journal of Wildlife Management 56 (July 1992): 614–16. For a broader discussion of moose in the Adirondacks and of the edge effect, see Philip Terrie, Wildlife and Wilderness: A History of Adirondack Mammals (Fleischmanns, N.Y.: Purple Mountain Press, 1993), 77–80; and William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), 51.

40. Aber and King, History of Hamilton County, 148; Seneca Ray Stoddard, The Adirondacks: Illustrated (Albany: Weed, Parsons, 1874), 95, 113.

41. Donaldson, History of the Adirondacks, 1:320–29; Frank Graham Jr., The Adirondack Park: A Political History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), 33–35; Northrup, Camps and Tramps, 111; “Theodore Roosevelt: Founder of the Boone and Crockett Club,” in American Big Game in Its Haunts, ed. George Bird Grinnell (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1904), 16; Martin L. Fausold, Gifford Pinchot: Bull Moose Progressive (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1961), 8; and “The Changed Adirondacks,” Forest and Stream 51 (November 26, 1898): 431. Smith's quotation is from Brenda Parnes, “Trespass: A History of Land-Use Policy in the Adirondack Forest Region of Northern New York State” (Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1989), 122.

42. Testimony of William Helms from The People of the State of New York v. Jennie H. Ladew and Joseph H. Ladew, 413; Pierce is quoted in Craig Gilborn, Adirondack Furniture and the Rustic Tradition (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1987), 59. The debate over the degree of market orientation of rural folk during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has been ongoing since the early 1900s. Useful recent contributions to the discussion include Steven Hahn, Roots of Southern Populism; Allan Kulikoff, The Agrarian Origins of American Capitalism (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1992); Christopher Clark, The Roots of Rural Capitalism: Western Massachusetts, 1780–1860 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990); and Winifred Barr Rothenberg, From Market-Places to a Market Economy: The Transformation of Rural Massachusetts, 1750–1850 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).

1. New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 82. In 1895, the Forest Commission was merged with several other preexisting departments and renamed the Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission. In 1900, this organization was retitled the Forest, Fish and Game Commission, before becoming in 1911 the Conservation Commission. For simplicity's sake, I have utilized the original and less-cumbersome term Forest Commission throughout these chapters. For an overview of these administrative changes, see Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks, Twelfth Annual Report of the President (n.p., 1913), 4; and Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks, Eighteenth Annual Report of the President (n.p., 1919), 28–34. For statistics on the acreage of the Adirondack Park, see New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Third Annual Report, 1897, 269. Even today, the Adirondack Park is the largest park in the contiguous United States, exceeded in size only by the Alaska National Park created by the Alaska lands bill of 1980.

2. James Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).

3. New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 207–356; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, List of Lands in the Forest Preserve (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1901), 3.

4. New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, List of Lands in the Forest Preserve, 165–66, 196.

5. Verplanck Colvin, Report on the Progress of the Adirondack State Land Survey to the Year 1886 (Albany: Weed, Parsons, 1886), 7; New York Tribune, January 28, 1895; New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Second Annual Report, 1896, 126.

6. New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1890 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1891), 163. See also Bernhard Fernow, “Adirondack Forestry Problems,” The Forester 6 (October 1900): 231, in which Fernow asserts, “The first step … towards a technical management of the State's forest property must be a forest survey.” The best overview of the mapping of the Adirondacks is Paul G. Bourcier, History in the Mapping: Four Centuries of Adirondack Cartography (Blue Mountain Lake, N.Y.: Adirondack Museum, 1986), 41–43.

7. Report, 1895, 28–29. For accounts of the destruction of property markers, see ibid., 28–29, 87; the change in the legal code can be found in New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1888 (Albany: Troy Press, 1889), 16. My insights on the cartographic process come from Raymond B. Craib III, “Power and Cartography in Early Modern Spain and Early Colonial New Spain” (Seminar paper, Yale University, 1997); Scott, Seeing Like a State, 44–52; and Matthew Edney, Mapping an Empire: The Geographical Construction of British India, 1765–1843 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).

8. New York Forest Commission, Second Annual Report, 1886, 10; New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1890, 52.

9. For a detailed discussion of squatting and the “homestead ethic,” see Stephen Aron, “Pioneers and Profiteers: Land Speculation and the Homestead Ethic in Frontier Kentucky,” Western Historical Quarterly 23 (May 1992): 179–98.

10. New York State Assembly, Reports of the Majority and Minority of the Committee on Public Lands and Forestry Relative to the Administration of the Laws in Relation to the Forest Preserve by the Forest Commission, New York Assembly Document No. 81, 1891, 250. (Hereafter referred to as Reports, 1891.)

11. New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Second Annual Report, 1896, 129, 334; Ted Aber, Adirondack Folks (Prospect, N.Y.: Prospect Books, 1980), 216. Additional tallies of the number of squatters can be found in Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks, Fifteenth Annual Report of the President (n.p., 1916), 23; Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks, Sixteenth Annual Report of the President, (n.p., 1917), 17; and Gurth Whipple, Fifty Years of Conservation in New York State, 1885–1935 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1935), 74. For an example of the complexities that could arise when local squatters sold lands to outsiders, see The People of the State of New York v. Jennie H. Ladew and Joseph H. Ladew.

12. New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Second Annual Report, 1896, 334, 341; Forest and Stream, 61 (September 19, 1903): 213. See also St. Regis (N.Y.) Adirondack News, August 8, 1903; and New York Times, August 1, 1903, and October 5, 1910.

13. “The Commissioners have determined that, whatever may be done as regards to the present occupants of State lands, no further occupancies shall occur if they can prevent it.” New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Second Annual Report, 1896, 340; New York Times, August 1, 1903; “Squatters to be Fired,” Field and Stream 10 (February 1906): 1059. A complete file of contested holdings can be found in: New York Forest Commission, Records of Occupancy, Bureau of Real Property, New York State Department of Environmental Conservation.

14. New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Sixth Annual Report, 1900 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1901), 63; “New York's New Protectors,” Forest and Stream 58 (June 21, 1902): 481; “Adirondack Game Wardens,” Forest and Stream 23 (October 2, 1884): 181; New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 13; Henry Chase, Game Protection and Propagation in America: A Handbook of Practical Information for Officials and Others Interested in the Cause of Conservation of Wildlife (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1913), 126. An insightful examination of the foresters' European counterpart, the English gamekeeper, can be found in P. B. Munsche, “The Gamekeeper and English Rural Society, 1660–1830,” Journal of British Studies 20 (spring 1981): 82–105. An illuminating account of the game warden's role in the twentieth-century American countryside can be found in David H. Swendsen, Badge in the Wilderness: My Thirty Dangerous Years Combating Wildlife Violators (Harrisburg, Penn.: Stackpole Books, 1985).

15. New York Forest Commission, Second Annual Report, 1886, 18; Whipple, Fifty Years of Conservation in New York State, 111–12; “The Adirondack Reservation,” Garden and Forest 7 (March 7, 1894): 91; “The Need for More

16. New York Fisheries Commission, Twenty-third Annual Report, 1894 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1895), 109, 155; A. P. Williams, “The Adirondacks in Summer,” Field and Stream 13 (February, 1909): 883; “Conditions in the Adirondacks,” Forest and Stream 76 (April 29, 1911): 658.

17. “Deer in the Adirondacks,” Forest and Stream 25 (September 17, 1885): 147.

18. “Adirondack Deer Hounding,” Forest and Stream 53 (October 28, 1899): 345.

19. Gray, My Memories, 17. (Gray concluded his tale by asserting that the local never again poached deer.) Interviews with Clarence Petty and Fred Fountain in Brumley, Guides of the Adirondacks, 206, 247.

20. “The Essex County Protector,” Forest and Stream 53 (November 11, 1899), 387; New York Tribune, August 10, 1902; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Annual Reports for 1907, 1908, and 1909 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1910), 367. As Henry Chase observed in 1913, if wardens “do their duty and cause a prosecution they become unpopular with their neighbors.” Chase, Game Protection and Propagation in America, 106–7; see also Ted Aber and Stella King, Tales from an Adirondack County (Prospect, N.Y.: Prospect Books, 1961), 88.

21. Smith, Tales from the Featherbed, 21; New York Tribune, August 10, 1902; J. H. Woodward, “Protection of Deer in the Adirondacks,” Forest and Stream 52 (February 4, 1899): 86.

22. New York Fisheries Commission, Fifteenth Annual Report, 1886 (Albany: Argus, 1887), 102; Reports, 1891, 174; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Sixth Annual Report, 1900, 63; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Annual Reports for 1907, 1908, 1909, 359.

23. Corruption among foresters was a reoccurring problem in the force. For examples, see New York Times, September 11, 1894; New York Herald, September 11 and September 14, 1894; “Adirondack Timber Stealing,” Forest and Stream 70 (February 8, 1908): 219; “Adirondack Timber Thefts,” Forest and Stream 70 (April 4, 1908): 538; New York Herald, August 25, 1910.

24. “The State grants exemption from taxes provided the landowner will agree to restrict all timber cutting to certain species and to a minimum diameter of twelve inches.” New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1893, 1:10, 153, 2:40–47.

25. “Preserves in the Adirondack Park,” Forest and Stream 43 (December 22, 1894): 552; New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1893, 1:9–10; Edward Comstock and Mark C. Webster, eds., The Adirondack League Club, 1890–1990 (Old Forge, N.Y.: Adirondack League Club, 1990), 12; “An Ideal Game Preserve,” Recreation 14 (April 1901): 263–65; and Seneca Ray Stoddard, The Adirondacks: Illustrated, 23^rd ed. (Glen Falls, N.Y.: 1898), 219b. A survey of Adirondacks private parks can be found in H. L. Ives, “Some Adirondack Preserves,” Forest and Stream 50 (May 21, 1898): 406.

26. Lelia E. Marsh and George W. Ostrander v. Ne-Ha-Sa-Ne Park Association (Supreme Court of Hamilton County, March 1897, Civil Case #352,

27. Lelia E. Marsh and George W. Ostrander v. Ne-Ha-Sa-Ne Park Association, 12. The 1,580 signs around William Rockefeller's park in the Adirondacks read: “NOTICE! PRIVATE PARK. All persons are hereby warned not to hunt, fish, camp or in any manner trespass upon the following described premises or any stream or body of water within their boundaries, or disturb or interfere in any way with the fish or wild birds or wild animals upon said premises, under strict penalty of the law, as the premises described now constitute a private park for the protection, preservation and propagation of fish, birds and wild animals.” William Rockefeller v. Oliver Lamora (New York Supreme Court, Cases and Briefs, 4004, Appellate Division, 1896–1911, New York State Library), Case on Appeal, 26–28.

28. Adirondack League Club. Adirondack League Club Hand-Book for 1894 (n.p., n.d.), 17–18; Comstock and Webster, Adirondack League Club, 12, 58. For information on poaching and the dispute over wages, see Adirondack League Club, Annual Report, 1911 (n.p., n.d.), 12–13; and Brumley, Guides of the Adirondacks, 47–48. One wonders whether, having lost the dispute over wages, guides decided to give themselves an informal “raise” by taking game from the ALC's lands.

29. New York State Assembly, Report of the Special Committee Appointed to Investigate as to What Additional Lands Shall Be Acquired within the Forest Preserve, Document No. 43, 1899, 9.

30. Albany Argus, September 28 and October 12, 1903; New York World, September 22, 1903; New York Herald, September 29 and October 11, 1903; New York Times, August 26, 1910; Neal S. Burdick, “Who Killed Orrando P. Dexter?” Adirondack Life (May-June 1982): 23–49. For more on Dexter, see A Biographical Sketch of Orrando Perry Dexter (n.p., n.d. [1903?]), located in the New York Public Library.

31. Malone (N.Y.) Palladium, January 21, 1904. For instances of arson and tearing down of signs at the Adirondack League Club, see Adirondack League Club, Annual Report, 1899 (n.p., n.d.), 24; and Adirondack League Club, Annual Report, 1904 (n.p., n.d.), 15.

32. New York Times, November 23, 1904. See also New York Herald, November 25, 1904.

33. Adirondack League Club, Annual Report, 1898 (n.p., n.d.), 33.

34. Samuel Hopkins Adams, “William Rockefeller, Maker of Wilderness,” Collier's 35 (April 22, 1905): 15. For more on Rockefeller's park in the Adirondacks, see Neil Suprenant, Brandon: Boomtown to Nature Preserve (Paul Smith's, N.Y.: St. Regis Press, 1982).

35. William Rockefeller v. Oliver Lamora, Case on Appeal, 65; Adams, “William Rockefeller, Maker of Wilderness,” 18. Lamora's pension was eight dollars a month. Utica (N.Y.) Herald-Dispatch, September 29, 1903.

36. William Rockefeller v. Oliver Lamora, Case on Appeal, 65; Statement under Rule 41, 40–41.

37. New York Times, December 28, 1904; Raymond Spears, “Some Legal Aspects of the Case of Rockefeller vs. Lamora,” Forest and Stream 65 (October 21, 1905): 335–36. See also the New York Times, June 29, 1902, December 17, 1903, and December 28, 1904. Lamora's penalty of 18¢ worked out to 6¢ per supposed trespass. Adams, “William Rockefeller, Maker of Wilderness,” 18.

38. New York Times, July 3 and September 27, 1903.

39. William Rockefeller v. Oliver Lamora, Statement under Rule 41, 63, Respondent's Brief and Points, 8; Aber, Adirondack Folks, 135; Spears, “Some Legal Aspects,” 355. For more on McNeil, see his testimony in William Rockefeller v. Oliver Lamora, Case on Appeal, 137–38.

40. “The Passing of the Adirondack Guide,” Forest and Stream 43 (December 22, 1894): 529; Albany Press-Knickerbocker, September 20, 1903; and Peter Flint, “Private Parks Do Not Protect Game,” Forest and Stream (December 13, 1913): 757–58.

41. Hochschild, Township 34, 314.

42. New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Third Annual Report, 1897, 140; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Seventh Annual Report, 1901 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1902), 20–23; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Eighth and Ninth Annual Reports, 1902–1903, 43; and John Ise, The United States Forest Policy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1920), 144. For a summary of the increases in state-owned lands within the forest reserve, see the Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks, Eighteenth Annual Report of the President, 7.

43. In 1970, for instance, thirtytwo individual or corporate owners held title to about 30 percent of all Adirondack Park land. See Halper, “A Rich Man's Paradise,” 194–99, especially 194, n. 5; New York World, September 28, 1903.

1. “Report of the New York Forest Commission,” Garden and Forest 4 (October 14, 1891): 481; New York Times, October 6, 1889. See also Garden and Forest 2 (October 16, 1889): 493.

2. New York State Assembly, Report of the Committee Appointed to Investigate as to What Additional Lands Shall be Acquired within the Forest Preserve, 4. See also the account written by one of the committee members, Martin Van Buren Ives, Through the Adirondacks in Eighteen Days (New York: Wynkoop, Hallenbeck, Crawford, 1899), 38.

3. Both of Cronon's pathbreaking works position capitalism—specifically, the market—as the main engine of environmental destruction. See Cronon, Changes in the Land, and Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991). Donald Worster's most eloquent critique of the “capitalistic ethos” can be found in Dust Bowl: The Southern Plains in the 1930 's (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), 6. For other environmental historians who have incorporated capitalism (albeit far less systematically) into their analyses, see Reiger, American Sportsmen and the Origins of Conservation,

4. “The Forest,” Garden and Forest 3 (September 10, 1890): 445–46. This critique of rural folk was echoed in many other conservationist writings at this time. See, for example, Ernest Bruncken, North American Forests and Forestry: Their Relations to the National Life of the American People (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1900), 54–56; and P. P. Schotzka, American Forests (Minneapolis, 1887), 11.

5. For a work that attempts to explore Euro-American noncapitalistic traditions of resource management in relation to the famous example of “the fisherman's problem,” see Sean Cadigan, “The Moral Economy of the Commons: Ecology and Equity in the Newfoundland Cod Fishery, 1815–1855,” Labour/Le Travail 43 (spring 1999): 9–42. The classic environmental history of American fisheries remains Arthur McEvoy, The Fisherman's Problem: Ecology and the Law in the California Fisheries, 1850–1980 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986).

6. Reports, 1891, 161–63. Basselin's position as both Forest Commissioner and lumberman would eventually lead to charges of conflict of interest. See McMartin, Great Forest of the Adirondacks, 93–96, 198.

7. New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 120–21; New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1888, xi.

8. Reports, 1891, 363.

9. Report, 1895, 5.

10. Ibid., 760–61. For a similar statement, see the testimony of John Burke, Reports, 1891, 372.

11. All trespasses during the Forest Preserve's early years were entered into a single comprehensive ledger. See New York Forest Commission, Records of Trespass, Ledger, Bureau of Real Property, Department of Environmental Conservation, 23, 30, 239. (Hereafter Ledger.)

12. Reports, 1891, 372; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Annual Reports for 1907, 1908, 1909, 168; Ledger, 236; New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1890, 50.

13. New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Preliminary Report to the Fifth Annual Report, 1899 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1900), 59–60; New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Third Annual Report, 1897, 274; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Annual Reports for 1904, 1905, 1906 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1907), 60, 110; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Sixteenth Annual Report, 1910 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1911), 67.

14. Report, 1895, 31, 785; New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Preliminary Report to the Fifth Annual Report, 1899, 59–60.

15. Ledger, 221, 236; Report, 1895, 505; Reports, 1891, 278, 372.

16. New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1890, 51; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Sixth Annual Report, 1900, 35–36; Nelson Courtlandt Brown, Forest Products: Their Manufacture and Use (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1919), 351. A highly experienced shingle maker

17. Accounts of the scale of timber theft by lumber companies can be found in New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 28–29; McMartin, Great Forest of the Adirondacks, 3–4, 92–96; New York Times, September 18, 1889; and Report, 1895, 30–32. For a reference to oral contracts to cut wood, see Report, 1895, 149.

18. For a discussion of the rise of pulp mills in the Adirondacks, see Eleanor Amigo and Mark Neuffer, Beyond the Adirondacks: The Story of the St. Regis Paper Company (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), 8–10; and “The Lumber Industry in New York,” Forestry and Irrigation 8 (September 1902): 381–85. My figures on timber production come from Barbara McMartin's analysis of Adirondacks forest composition. McMartin, Great Forest of the Adirondacks, 3, 117–22.

19. Letter of D. F. Sperry, Woods and Waters 5 (summer 1902): 17. See also the resolution against lumbering on state lands in “Brown's Tract Guides,” Forest and Stream 60 (January 24, 1903): 71. Pond's testimony can be found in Orrando P. Dexter v. Warren Joseph Alfred, (Supreme Court of Franklin County, 1891, Cases on Appeal: Box 7, Folder 1, Position 2, Franklin County Courthouse), 60–61. The editorial appears in the St. Regis (N.Y.) Adirondack News, February 7, 1891. See also the case of arson against a paper company reported in the St. Regis (N.Y.) Adirondack News, May 23, 1903; and the complaints of several guides about lumbering operations in Herbert F. Keith, Man of the Woods (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1972), 32, 75.

20. Report, 1895, 571; New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 28, 120–21; Reports, 1891, 282. Such findings would seem to fit with the arguments advanced by some of the critics of Hobsbawm's model of social banditry, who have asserted that many bandits, rather than taking the side of fellow community members, often sought to form alliances with or gain entry into the upper classes. The leading proponent of this position is Anton Blok in “The Peasant and the Brigand: Social Banditry Reconsidered,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 14 (September 1972): 494–503; a useful recent collection in this vein is Richard W. Slatta, ed., Bandidos: The Varieties of Latin American Banditry (New York: Greenwood, 1987).

21. New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Sixth Annual Report, 1900, 35–36. For accounts of collusion between forestry officials and the lumber industry, see New York Tribune, September 11, 1894; New York Herald, September 11, 1894, August 25, 1910; New York Times, September 11 and September 14, 1894, August 30, 1910; Albany Times-Union, August 23, August 29, and August 30, 1910; Association for the Protection of the Adirondacks, Tenth Annual Report of the President (n.p., 1911), 25–26; and McMartin, Great Forest of the Adirondacks, 97, 109.

22. New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, Third Annual Report, 1897, 274; New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1890, 51; Reports, 1891, 288. See also Report, 1895, 500. For accounts of timber theft in the twentieth century, see New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Annual

23. Quotations are from the 1890 prospectus of the Adirondack League Club, reprinted in Comstock and Webster, Adirondack League Club, 10. For more on the British roots of American sports hunting, see Samuel Truett, “A Wilderness of One's Own: Sports Hunting and Manliness in Nineteenth-Century America” (seminar paper, Yale University, 1992). As Thomas Altherr and John Reiger have recently noted, the historical scholarship on hunting in the United States is still quite thin. Altherr and Reiger, “Academic Historians and Hunting: A Call for More and Better Scholarship,” Environmental History Review 19 (fall 1995): 39–56. One exception to this trend is Stuart A. Marks, Southern Hunting in Black and White: Nature, History, and Ritual in a Carolina Community (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991). By contrast, the material on hunting in British culture is far richer. See, for example, John M. MacKenzie, The Empire of Nature: Hunting, Conservation, and British Imperialism (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 1988).

24. New York Tribune, October 16, 1893. For a survey of different sporthunting techniques in the Adirondacks, see Clinton Hart Merriam, The Mammals of the Adirondack Region (New York: Henry Holt, 1886), 124–35.

25. “Deer Slaughter in the Adirondacks,” Forest and Stream 3 (November 26, 1874): 249; J. H. Woodward, “Protection of Deer in the Adirondacks,” Forest and Stream 52 (February 4, 1899): 86. See also C. Fenton, “Adirondack Slaughter,” Forest and Stream 4 (March 18, 1875), 91; and New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1895 (Albany: Wynkoop, Hallenbeck, Crawford, 1896), 206. The arguments of many American sports hunters echo the English claim that the elite possessed a “gentleman's right” to hunt.

26. Bill Smith, “Songs and Stories from the ‘Featherbed,’” (Voorheesville, NY: Front Hall Enterprises, 1987), sound recording. See also the testimony of Paul Blanchard, who admitted, “We hunted in and out of season.” Paul Blanchard, “Reminiscing the Old Guide Days” (August 10, 1986, Tape C-46, Adirondack Museum Archives), sound recording.

27. “The Adirondack Deer Law,” Forest and Stream 51 (November 12, 1898): 391; New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1895, 212.

28. Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, April 15, 1897. This article is an interview with Dunning, in which the writer tried to render Dunning's distinctive Adirondacks dialect. Dunning was arrested for poaching a deer in 1894. For the record of his arrest, see New York Fisheries Commission, Twenty-third Annual Report, 1894 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1895), 128.

29. Charles Fenno Hoffman, Wild Scenes in the Forest and Prairie (New York: William H. Colyer, 1843), 69. See also Cheney's lament about having to kill “beautiful” deer “with their bright eyes, graceful necks, and sinewy legs. … I wish I could get my living without killing this beautiful animal!—But I must live, and I suppose they were made to die. The cry of the deer, when in the agonies of death, is the awfulest sound I ever heard.” Quoted in Brumley, Guides of the Adirondacks, 108.

30. Merrill, “The Education of a Young Pioneer,” 251–52. As one observer noted in a similar vein, “Their [the Adirondackers'] reason for hunting … is to obtain meat, and they do not believe in killing for the mere pleasure of the sport.” J. B. Burnham, “Adirondack Deer Law,” Forest and Stream 41 (July 29, 1893): 75.

31. Edward Rawson, “An Adirondack Elegy,” Forest and Stream 46 (February 8, 1896): 116. Rawson notes that this poem was delivered orally; it was written down only when he expressed interest in having it published in Forest and Stream. For a similar example of Adirondackers protecting a favored local deer, see the Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, March 5, 1903.

32. Terrie, Contested Terrain, 132; Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, November 9, 1882.

33. Headley, Adirondack, rev. ed., 331; Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, January 25, 1883; X [pseud.], “June Deer Floating,” Forest and Stream 26 (July 8, 1886): 469; and “The Boycott in the Woods,” Forest and Stream 27 (July 29, 1886).

34. New York Fisheries Commission, Twenty-third Annual Report, 1894, 158. J. Warren Pond described a similar shift in his district in New York Fisheries Commission, Nineteenth Annual Report, 1890 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1891), 201.

35. Norman J. Van Valkenburgh, The Adirondack Forest Preserve: A Narrative of the Evolution of the Adirondack Forest Preserve of New York State (Blue Mountain Lake, N.Y.: Adirondack Museum, 1979), 72; Aber, Adirondack Folks, 135–36; St. Regis (N.Y.) Adirondack News, November 28, 1903; New York Tribune, May 11, 1906; and “A Hounding Prosecution Threatened,” Forest and Stream 66 (April 7, 1906): 547.

36. American Angler 3 (May 5, 1883): 276; New York Tribune, July 3, 1903.

37. “Current Literature and Reviews,” Forestry Quarterly 1 (October 1902): 27; New York Fisheries Commission, Sixteenth Annual Report, 1887, 161; and New York Fisheries Commission, Twenty-third Annual Report, 1894, 128, 155.

38. Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, April 15, 1897. Further references to the supposedly “un-American” aspects of the game law in the Adirondacks can be found in T. S. Palmer, Private Game Preserves and Their Future in the United States, United States Bureau of Biological Survey, Circular No. 72 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1910), 7; and New York State Assembly, Report of the Committee Appointed to Investigate as to What Additional Lands Shall be Acquired within the Forest Preserve, 4. For thoughtful studies of the relationship between republicanism and the right to game, see Harry L. Watson, “‘The Common Rights of Mankind’: Subsistence, Shad, and Commerce in the Early Republican South,” Journal of American History (June 1996): 13–43; James A. Tober, Who Owns the Wildlife? The Political Economy of Conservation in Nineteenth-Century America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981), 18–20; and Alan Taylor, “The Unadilla Hunt Club: Nature, Class, and Power in Rural New York during the Early Republic” (manuscript, July 1996).

39. Hammond, Hills, Lakes, and Forest Streams, 118 (the odd spelling is a result of Hammond's effort to record the Adirondacks dialect); quoted in Terrie, Wildlife and Wilderness, 70; Gray, My Memories, 17. Other local statements about the Adirondacks being outside of the reach of Albany lawmakers can be found in George H. Worden, “Not Guilty; or, the Farce of Adirondack Game Protection,” Outing Magazine 14 (April 1889): 69; and “The Changed Adirondacks,” Forest and Stream 51 (November 26, 1898): 431. For an attack on this natural rights argument, see “Essentially a Thief,” Forest and Stream 51 (August 13, 1898): 121. Deer meat was often called “mountain mutton,” in apparent reference to its importance to the local diet.

40. Conklin, Through “Poverty's Vale,” 107–8; New York Fisheries, Game, and Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1895, 205, 209; Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, October 22, October 27, and December 3, 1885. See also Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, February 3, 1898. Even today, Adirondackers draw a distinction between “outlaws” (people illegally killing deer for trophies) and “woods bandits” (people who are out of work and need wild game to survive). See Felicia Romano McMahon, “Wilderness and Tradition: Power, Politics, and Play in the Adirondacks” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1992), 186.

41. Deposition of George B. Howland, November 10, 1914. Lake Pleasant Town Records, Hamilton County, New York.

42. Hamilton County (N.Y.) Record, February 1, 1895. See also the fierce debate in “The Anti-Hounding Law,” Recreation 14 (June 1901): 445–46. For accounts of accidental shootings of guides, see Malone (N.Y.) Palladium, September 11, 1902; Malone (N.Y.) Palladium, September 17, 1903; Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, January 10, 1901; and “The Adirondack Man Killings,” Forest and Stream 59 (November 1, 1902): 350.

43. New York Times, September 17, 1889. In the 1890s and 1900s, many Adirondacks towns and counties voted to tighten restrictions on the taking of local game. In 1894, for instance, the board of supervisors of Franklin County passed rules closing several rivers to fishing for a period of three years. That same year, the board of supervisors of Herkimer County voted in similar measures for several creeks in the county. New York Fisheries Commission, Twenty-second Annual Report, 1893, 423–24. Further examples can be found in Aber and King, History of Hamilton County, 212, 218, 415, 573; and Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, January 18, 1912.

44. “Adirondack Guides' Association,” Forest and Stream 46 (May 2, 1896): 354. For accounts of the impact of new environmental controls elsewhere, see E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common; Steven Hahn, “Hunting, Fishing, and Foraging,” 43–51; and Rangarajan, Fencing the Forest, 109.

45. Piseco [pseud.], “The Adirondack Guide System,” Forest and Stream 20 (May 3, 1883): 262–63. See also the article “Guides and Tourists” in the same issue.

46. New York Times, July 14, 1895.

47. “The Adirondack Guide System,” 262–64. See also Brumley, Guides of the Adirondacks, 20, 167.

48. A copy of the 1897 broadside is available in the Adirondack Guides' Association file at the Adirondack Museum. A journal article from the same time

49. New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1893, 350; Seaver A. Miller, “The Adirondack Guides' Association,” Sportsman's Magazine 2 (March 1898): 129–32; “Adirondack Guides' Association,” Forest and Stream 38 (March 24, 1892): 274; “Adirondack Guides' Association, Season of 1897,” Adirondack Museum Archives, broadside. Such associations were not unique to the Adirondacks; there was also a long tradition of guides' unions in the Swiss Alps. Malone (N.Y.) Palladium, November 20, 1902. For a broader discussion of working-class hierarchies, see the essays “Debating the Labour Aristocracy,” “The Aristocracy of Labour Reconsidered,” and “Artisans and Labour Aristocrats,” in Eric Hobsbawm, Workers: Worlds of Labor (New York: Pantheon, 1984).

50. “Adirondack Guides' Association,” Forest and Stream 48 (February 6, 1897), 108; “Address of Verplanck Colvin at the First Annual Meeting of the Adirondack Guides' Association,” Adirondack Guides' Association file, Adirondack Museum; “Adirondack Guides' Association,” Forest and Stream 50 (February 5, 1898), 105; and Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, February 10, 1898. A number of scholars, such as E. Anthony Rotundo in his study American Manhood, have suggested that the ideals of masculinity were generated by an urban, northern middle class. But the history of the AGA hints at another model, one in which the ideals of manliness were exported from the rural periphery to the metropolitan core. E. Anthony Rotundo, American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era (New York: Basic Books, 1993). For a discussion of manliness in the late nineteenth century that recognizes its cross-class dimensions, see Elliott Gorn, The Manly Art: Bare-Knuckle Prize Fighting in America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986).

51. Consider, for instance, E. P. Thompson's emphasis on the importance of consciousness to the formation of class in The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Pantheon, 1963).

52. Miller, “The Adirondack Guides' Association,” 132. The records of one meeting, for example, tell of “substantial cash contributions” from several associate members. Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, January 10, 1901.

53. Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, March 6, 1902.

54. Albany Argus, September 22, 1903.

55. “Adirondack Guides' Convention,” Forest and Stream 44 (March 16, 1895): 207.

56. The AGA favored the continuation of hounding, while the BTGA wanted to outlaw all hounding. “The Adirondack Deer Law,” Forest and Stream 51 (November 12, 1898): 391; Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, January 15, 1903; St. Regis (N.Y.) Adirondack News, January 23, 1904; Brumley, Guides of the Adirondacks, 30–31.

57. “New York Game Protectors,” Forest and Stream 53 (December 9, 1899): 469. The invited members, it should be noted, were regular guides and not the associate members.

58. Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, January 8, 1903; “The Adirondack Guides' Association,” Recreation 2 (May 1895): 383; “Adirondack Guides' Association,”

59. Consider, for example, this excerpt from the BTGA's account of its founding: “With the invasion of railroads and facilities which made the woods easy of access, came a large number of unscrupulous sportsmen, who had little regard for the laws, and the guides felt the necessity of uniting for the protection of the game and preservation of the forests.” Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, March 10, 1898.

60. Harry Radford, “History of the Adirondack Beaver,” in New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Annual Reports for 1904, 1905, 1906, 405–18; “Adirondack Beaver,” Forest and Stream 66 (April 28, 1906): 671; Brumley, Guides of the Adirondacks, 32–33; and Terrie, Wildlife and Wilderness, 128–30.

61. Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, January 10, 1901; see also the letter of Martin Moody in Woods and Waters 2 (winter 1899):7.

62. Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, January 15, 1903.

63. “Brown's Tract Guides,” Forest and Stream 60 (January 24, 1903): 70.

64. Boonville (N.Y.) Herald, January 14, 1904. See also “The Adirondack Elk,” Forest and Stream 61 (September 19, 1903): 213; and the Albany Times-Union, September 21, 1903. For a similar incident surrounding a later elk stocking, see New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Thirteenth Annual Report, 1907 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1908), 201. One example of local frustration with the introduction of elk to the region can be found in the New York Tribune, June 7, 1904.

65. Terrie, Wildlife and Wilderness, 121–22. See also “Elk and Moose to the Slaughter,” Recreation 19 (November, 1903): 400; Forest and Stream 61 (October 10, 1903): 273; and Albany Argus, September 22, 1903.

66. New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Eighth and Ninth Annual Reports, 1902–1903, 107–8.

67. For a detailed discussion of the damage caused by arson, see H. M. Suter, Forest Fires in the Adirondacks in 1903, Bureau of Forestry Circular No. 26. (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1904). Additional discussions of arson in the Adirondacks can be found in the New York Times, July 18, 1903, and May 1, 1904; “June Forest Fires,” Forestry and Irrigation 9 (July 1903): 363; Ralph Chipman Hawley and Austin Foster Hawes, Manual of Forestry for the Northeastern United States, 2^nd ed. (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1918), 143.

68. Guha, Unquiet Woods, 55–58, emphasis in the original; Eugen Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976), 59–60. Further accounts of arson against national parks in India can be found in Madhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha, Ecology and Equity: The Use and Abuse of Nature in Contemporary India (New York: Routledge, 1995), 92. For other studies of the social causes of arson, see the chapter on “Arson and the Rural Community” in David Jones, Crime, Protest, Community and Police in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1982), 33–61; Martin J. Murray, “‘Burning the Wheat Stacks’: Land Clearances and Agrarian Unrest along the Northern Middelburg Frontier,

69. Quoted in Anthony D'Elia, The Adirondack Rebellion (Onchiota, N.Y.: Onchiota Books, 1979), 20. D'Elia, who during the 1970s was active in local opposition to state control in the Adirondacks, notes that when he interviewed his informant in the 1970s, the man was over eighty years old, which would have made him a direct observer of the large forest fires at the turn of the century.

70. The quoted sections come from Aber, Adirondack Folks, 169; the New York Times, August 24, 1910; and E. T. Stokes to Thomas Benedict, January 1, 1886 (emphasis in the original), Letters from Agents Appointed to Serve Notice on Illegal Occupants of State Lands (BO942), Records of the New York Department of Taxation and Finance, New York State Archives. See also New York Herald, August 24, 1910.

71. Reports, 1891, 163.

72. New York Forest Commission, First Annual Report, 1885, 21; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Eighth and Ninth Annual Reports, 1902–1903, 128. In 1903, more than forty thousand acres on the Rockefeller estate were burned by suspicious fires, along with another twelve thousand acres on the Ne-Ha-Sa-Ne preserve. See Stewart Holbrook, Burning an Empire: The Story of American Forest Fires (New York: Macmillan, 1943), 160–61; and “Rockefeller's Fight with the Woodsmen,” Angler and Hunter 2 (October, 1910): 514. For a case of arson on Orrando Dexter's estate, see Horace Gilman v. Orrando P. Dexter (Supreme Court of Franklin County, 1900; Judgments: Box 73, Folder 2, Position 3, Franklin County Courthouse).

73. New York Herald, June 8, 1903; Raymond Spears, “Adirondack Notes,” Forest and Stream 60 (June 20, 1903): 483. See also Bill Smith, “Stories and Songs from the ‘Featherbed.’” In the introduction to this collection of folk tales, Smith describes how, during the Great Depression, Adirondackers sometimes set parts of the forest on fire so they could get employment on firefighting crews. Both employment and revenge appear to be the motivations for two of the leading arson prosecutions to come out of the 1903 fires: The People v. Alvin Pasco (Supreme Court of Warren County, June 1903; Minutes of the Supreme Court, 1901–21, D/7 Box 3, Warren County Courthouse); and The People v. Alvin Pasco and Harry Wood (Supreme Court of Warren County, June 1903; Minutes of the Supreme Court, 1901–21, D/8 Box 4, Warren County Courthouse). Jack Temple Kirby records incidents of locals setting the forest on fire to gain fire-fighting wages during the early twentieth century in the American South. Kirby, The Countercultural South (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995), 52.

74. Fernow, Report upon the Forestry Investigations of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, 1877–1898, 25; Bernhard Fernow, Economics of Forestry (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1902), 387, 390; New York State Assembly,

75. William G. Howard, Forest Fires, New York Conservation Commission Bulletin No. 10 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1914), 8, 14; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Eight and Ninth Annual Reports of the Forest, Fish and Game Commission, 1902–1903, 125; New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1890, 7; New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1892, 65; and Reports, 1891, 187–89. In 1903, New York fined sixtyfour persons for “burning their fallows during the closed season.” New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Thirteenth Annual Report, 1907, 29.

76. New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1890, 10.

77. New York Forest Commission, Annual Report, 1891, 47–48; Recknagel, Forests of New York State, 63; “The Adirondack Park: The New Fire Extinguishing System,” in American Scenic and Historic Preservation Society, Annual Report, 1910 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1910), 81–82; New York Forest, Fish and Game Commission, Annual Reports for 1907, 1908, 1909, 179; New York Conservation Commission, Circular of Information Relating to Lands and Forests (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1918), 27–28; and New York Conservation Commission, Fourth Annual Report, 1914 (Albany: James B. Lyon, 1915), 12–15.

1. Frank D. Carpenter, “The Wonders of Geyser Land,” in Adventures in Geyserland, ed. Heister Dean Guie and Lucullus Virgil McWhorter (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1935), 25. For a useful overview of Yellowstone's topography and ecology, see Dennis H. Knight, Mountains and Plains: The Ecology of Wyoming Landscapes (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 215–32; and Don G. Despain, Yellowstone Vegetation: Consequences of Environment and History in a Natural Setting (Boulder, Colo.: Roberts Rinehart, 1990). A discussion of the origins of the nickname “Wonderland” can be found in Aubrey L. Haines, The Yellowstone Story: A History of Our First National Park (Niwot, Colo.: University Press of Colorado, 1977), 1:354, n. 55. Lee Whittlesey discusses early touristic images of Yellowstone in “‘Everyone Can Understand a Picture’: Photographers and the Promotion of Early Yellowstone,” Montana 49 (summer 1999): 2–13.

2. Carpenter, “The Wonders of Geyser Land,” 91–98. A useful summary of the Nez Perce “war” can be found in Robert M. Utley, The Indian Frontier of the American West, 1846–1890 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984), 189–193; and Haines, The Yellowstone Story, 1:216–239. While Carpenter and his sisters survived their encounter with the Nez Perce, the Indians killed two tourists in skirmishes in Yellowstone.

3. The American Association for the Advancement of Science, for instance, took an active interest in conditions at the park, petitioning the federal government in 1877 to expand its protective efforts at Yellowstone before “irreparable injury to natural accumulations of the highest value in scientific investigation” occurred. See U.S. Congress, House, Protection of Yellowstone National Park, 45^th Cong., 2^nd sess., 1877–78, House Ex. Doc. 75 (Serial Set 1809), 5. For other examples of some of the scientific papers produced, see “The National Park in 1889,” Forest and Stream 33 (November 21, 1889): 341. The reference to Yellowstone as a “laboratory” comes from Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind, 113.

Yellowstone's significance as a symbolic national landscape was such that Congress purchased a rendition of it, The Grand Canyon of the Yellowstone, from the famed landscape painter Thomas Moran in 1872. The seven-by-twelve-foot canvas hung in a prominent position in the Senate lobby for years afterward. Alfred Runte, National Parks: The American Experience, 2^nd ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 39. One cannot help wondering if, as a young country whose very existence the Civil War had called into question, the United States found Yellowstone's evocation of primeval nature a useful way to convey what Benedict Anderson has termed “that image of antiquity so central to the subjective idea of the nation.” See Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. (New York: Verso, 1991), 44.

4. The quote on “greatest wonders of Nature” comes from Nathaniel Pitt Langford, The Discovery of Yellowstone Park: Journal of the Washburn Expedition to the Yellowstone and Firehole Rivers in the Year 1870 (1905; reprint, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972), 97. For a useful study of the debate surrounding Yellowstone's creation, see Katherine E. Early, “For the Benefit and Enjoyment of the People”: Cultural Attitudes and the Establishment of Yellowstone National Park (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1984).

5. U.S. Congress, House, Boundaries of Yellowstone National Park, 53^rd Cong., 3^rd sess., 1894–95, H. Rept. 1763 (Serial Set 3346).

6. For a discussion of Yellowstone's role in shaping federal policy making, see Louis C. Cramton, Early History of Yellowstone National Park and Its Relation to National Park Policies (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1932).

7. Joel Janetski, The Indians of Yellowstone Park (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987), 57. Although Euro-American settlers called this route the “Bannock Trail,” it was actually used by many Indian groups.

8. Alston Chase, Playing God in Yellowstone: The Destruction of America's First National Park (Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1986), 98. Obsidian from Yellowstone was a common trade item among local Indians and was traded from group to group for long distances; indeed, it has been found as far away as Ohio. Janetski, Indians of Yellowstone Park, 6, 22; Hiram Chittenden, The Yellowstone National Park: Historical and Descriptive (Cincinnati: Robert Clarke, 1895), 11. On page ten of this work, Chittenden provides a map of some of the more notable early Indian trails.

9. Julian H. Steward, Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups (1938; reprint, Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1970), 192–93, 207–9; and Frederick E. Hoxie, Parading through History: The Making of the Crow Nation in America, 1805–1935 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 47–53. An excellent survey of the uses that Indian peoples made of Yellowstone can be found in Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness, 41–53. See also Robert F. Murphy and Yolanda Murphy, “Northern Shoshone and Bannock,” in Handbook of North American Indians: Great Basin, ed. Warren L. D'Azevedo (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1986), 285–86, 307–10; and Ake Hultkrantz, “The Indians of Yellowstone Park,” Annals of Wyoming 29 (October 1957): 125–49.

10. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1880, by Philetus W. Norris (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1881), 605; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1879, by Philetus W. Norris (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1880), 11; Langford, Discovery of Yellowstone Park, 92; Gustavus Doane, Yellowstone Expedition of 1870, 41^st Cong., 3^rd sess., Senate Ex. Doc. 51 (Serial Set 1440), 26.

11. Aubrey Haines, Yellowstone National Park: Its Exploration and Establishment (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1974), 48; Doane, Yellowstone Expedition of 1870, 5; W. H. Jackson, Descriptive Catalogue of Photographs of North American Indians (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1877), 70–71. For accounts of the Bannock and Shoshone as guides and horse thieves, see William A. Jones, Report upon the Reconnaissance of Northwestern Wyoming, including Yellowstone National Park (Washington, D.C.: GPO), 16; and George Francis Brimlow, The Bannock Indian War of 1878 (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1938), 222–23. For more on Hayden, see Mike Foster, Strange Genius: The Life of Ferdinand Vandeveer Hayden (Niwot, Colo.: Roberts Rinehart, 1994).

12. Doane, Yellowstone Expedition of 1870, 19, 26; Walter Trumbull, “The Washburn Yellowstone Expedition,” Overland Monthly 6 (May 1871): 436. The quote from Carpenter's sister can be found in Mrs. George Cowan, “Reminiscences of Pioneer Life,” in Adventures in Geyserland, ed. Heister Dean Guie and Lucullus Virgil McWhorter (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1935), 286. Such pronouncements also filtered down into the tourist literature. As one guidebook confidently stated in 1884, “Indians avoided it [Yellowstone] as a place inhabited by evil spirits.” William Hardman, A Trip to America (London: T. Vickers Wood, 1884), 154.

13. Carpenter, “The Wonders of Geyser Land,” 127–28; A. Chase, Playing God in Yellowstone, 109; Willard Parsons, Middle Rockies and Yellowstone (Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall-Hunt, 1978), 48–53; T. Scott Bryan, The Geysers of Yellowstone, rev. ed. (Boulder: Colorado Associated University Press, 1986), 17.

14. Such modes of thought have deep antecedents. William Cronon describes a nearly identical situation more than a century earlier in colonial New England. Cronon, Changes in the Land, 54–57.

15. John J. Craighead, “Yellowstone in Transition,” in The Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem: Redefining America's Wilderness Heritage, ed. Robert B. Keiter and Mark S. Boyce (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 27; Dale

16. Doane, Yellowstone Expedition of 1870, 5–6; Philip Sheridan, Expedition through the Big Horn Mountains, Yellowstone Park, Etc. (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1882), 8–9. For accounts of the ecological effects of native use of fire, see Langston, Forest Dreams, Forest Nightmares, 259–60; and Knight, Mountains and Plains, 227. Even in 1898, a visitor to the region could observe that “there is very little commercial timber within this area[,] owing to the fact that it has been in the past persistently burned by the Indians.” Walcott to Secretary of the Interior, September 16, 1898, Records of the Department of the Interior, Patents and Miscellaneous, Entry 168 (Records Relating to Forest Reserves), Box 1, RG 48, National Archives.

17. John Wesley Powell, Report on the Lands of the Arid Region of the United States (1878; reprint, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962), 27–28. Unlike most of his contemporaries, Powell later revised his opinion of Indian fire-setting. A similar effort to control forest fire took place at much the same time in colonial India, where, as K. Sivaramakrishnan has noted, “By attempting to banish fire from the landscape, European forestry distinguished modern forest management from the primitive techniques it claimed to supersede.” Sivaramakrishnan, “Politics of Fire and Forest Regeneration,” 145.

18. Mann to Superintendent of Indian Affairs, September 28, 1865. Reprinted in Dale Morgan, “Washakie and the Shoshoni: A Selection of Documents from the Records of the Utah Superintendency of Indian Affairs,” Annals of Wyoming 29 (October 1957): 215.

19. For a discussion of American ideas of wilderness and their impact on Native Americans, see William Cronon, “The Trouble with Wilderness; or, Getting Back to the Wrong Nature,” in Uncommon Ground, ed. Cronon, 79. The linkage between the rise of national parks and Indian reservations is explored in detail in Spence, Dispossessing the Wilderness, 27–39. The specifics of treaty making in the Yellowstone region are as follows: a series of treaties in 1855, 1866, and 1868 confined the Blackfeet to a reservation in northern Montana. An 1867 executive order by President Andrew Johnson placed some bands of the Bannocks and Shoshones on the Fort Hall reservation in Idaho. The second Treaty of Fort Laramie in 1868 located the Crow on a reservation in southern Montana, while the Treaty of Fort Bridger, also in 1868, established the Wind River Reservation in Wyoming for other Bannock and Shoshone bands. An 1875 executive order assigned the remaining Bannocks and Shoshones to the Lemhi Reservation in Idaho. See Dale K. McGinnis and Floyd W. Sharrock, The Crow People (Phoenix: Indian Tribal Series, 1972), 41; Hultkrantz, “Indians of Yellowstone Park,” 145; U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1881 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1881), 263–71.

20. The phrase “landscape of enclaves” comes from Sarah Deutsch's essay, “Landscape of Enclaves: Race Relations in the West, 1865–1990,” in Under an Open Sky: Rethinking America's Western Past, ed. William Cronon, George Miles, and Jay Gitlin (New York: W. W. Norton, 1992), 110–31.

21. U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1882 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1882), 499; U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1883 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1883), 313–14. For a description of the shortage of rations on the Crow reservation to the north of the park, see Hoxie, Parading through History, 114–15.

22. U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1895 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1896), 65–66; “Indian Hunting Rights,” Forest and Stream 46 (May 30, 1896): 429.

23. “A Case for Prompt Action,” Forest and Stream 32 (April 11, 1889): 233. The figures for early tourists to Yellowstone are from Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:478.

24. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1889, by Moses Harris (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1889), 15; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1886, by David W. Wear (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1886), 7; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1877, by Philetus W. Norris (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1878), 837.

25. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1889, 15–16; “A Case for Prompt Action,” Forest and Stream, 233–34. The quote about “game-butchery” comes from “Protect the National Park,” Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper 68 (April 27, 1889): 182.

26. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1889, 16; see also “A Case for Prompt Action,” Forest and Stream, 234.

27. See the scouts' reports reprinted in U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1889, 16–17.

28. See, for example, Harris to Muldrow, August 24, 1888, “Letters Sent, March 17, 1887-August 18, 1889,” Bound Volume II, Item 214, Yellowstone National Park Archives. (Hereafter YNPA.)

29. “A Case for Prompt Action,” Forest and Stream, 234.

30. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1878, by Philetus W. Norris (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1879), 9.

31. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1880, 3. For copies of the treaties signed with the Crow, Shoshone, and Bannock, see U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1880 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1880), 277–78. Despite Norris's urgings that the members of these tribes not enter the Yellowstone park, nothing in these treaties placed such limits on Indian mobility.

32. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1889, 13.

33. “A Case for Prompt Action,” Forest and Stream, 235.

34. U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1888 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1888), 244–45; Woodbridge to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, August 24, 1886 (1886: Letter 23,077) Letters Received, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives. (Hereafter LR/BIA.)

35. Wingate's turn of phrase seems particularly poorly chosen, given that several of the best-known inhabitants of the Adirondacks were, in fact, Native Americans. For accounts of the Indian incursions into Yellowstone in 1886–87, see Wear to Muldrow, June 1, 1886 (1886: Letter 14,893) LR/BIA; Harris to Muldrow, August 22, 1887 (1887: Letter 22,870) LR/BIA; Woodbridge to Atkins, September 15, 1886 (1886: Letter 25,659) LR/BIA; and George W. Wingate, Through the Yellowstone Park on Horseback (New York: Orange Judd, 1886), 140. Later Indian hunting expeditions and fire setting are discussed in Cooper to Warren, May 5, 1891 (1891: Letter 17,211) LR/BIA; Hermann to Secretary of the Interior, November 5, 1898 (1898: Letter 50,866) LR/BIA.

36. U.S. Congress, House, Report of the Committee on Expenditures for Indians and Yellowstone Park, 49^th Cong., 1^st sess., 1885–86, H. Rept. 1076 (Serial Set 2438), LIII, 265.

37. “Our National Parks,” Forest and Stream 37 (December 3, 1891): 385.

38. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1886, 7.

39. See William L. Simpson, “The Game Question in Jackson's Hole,” Forest and Stream 51 (December 10, 1898): 468; S. T. Davis, “Game in Jackson's Hole,” Forest and Stream 52 (January 21, 1899): 47; as well as the reference to encountering a “man, once white” in Mary B. Richards, Camping Out in the Yellowstone (Salem, Mass.: Newcomb and Gauss, 1910), 15.

This fear that whites might revert to an Indian-like savagery was not unique to Yellowstone. As early as 1782, Crèvecoeur was complaining of “new made Indians”: Euro-Americans who “have degenerated altogether into the hunting state.” Similarly, Richard Slotkin has demonstrated “the metaphorical equation of Indians and [white] strikers” as “savages” and “murderous reds” that took place in the urban press during the late nineteenth century. J. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur, Letters from an American Farmer (1782; reprint, New York: E. P. Dutton, 1957), 49; Richard Slotkin, The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization, 1800–1890 (New York: Atheneum, 1985), 480–84.

40. For a discussion of the “ignorance” of Indians concerning game and fire laws, see “Their Right to Roam,” Forest and Stream 32 (April 18, 1889): 253.

41. “The Indian and the Big Game,” Forest and Stream 41 (August 19, 1893): 137.

42. “Snap Shots,” Forest and Stream 50 (January 22, 1898): 61.

43. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1879, 21; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1880, 39; W. E. Strong, A Trip to the Yellowstone National Park (Washington, D.C., 1876), 28, 92–93; see also the illustrations in the Daily Graphic, July 11, 1878.

44. W. E. Strong, Trip to the Yellowstone National Park, 92–93.

45. H. Duane Hampton, How the U.S. Cavalry Saved Our National Parks (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971), 33–34; Haines, Yellowstone Story, 1:213–14.

46. W. Scott Smith to Teller, October 15, 1883, in U.S. Congress, Senate, Correspondence on Yellowstone National Park, 48^th Cong., 1^st sess., Senate Ex. Doc. 47 (Serial Set 2162), 17. Background information on the assistant superintendents can be found in Haines, Yellowstone Story, 1:292–93.

47. Wear to Secretary of the Interior, September 7, 1885, Records of the Department of the Interior, Yellowstone National Park, 1872–1886: Concerning Superintendents, 1872–1886, Roll 4, (M62) RG 48, National Archives.

48. Conger to Secretary of the Interior, November 27, 1883; U.S. Congress, Senate, Correspondence on Yellowstone National Park, 25.

49. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1886, 6, 11. See also U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1882, by P. H. Conger (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1883), 6.

50. Trevanion Hall to C. W. Stewart, August 19, 1885. Records of the Wyoming State Auditor, Correspondence, July 1885–October 1885, Wyoming State Archives. All misspellings reflect the original letter. The passage about squatters in the park comes from a letter written to the secretary of the interior quoted in Richard A. Bartlett, Yellowstone: A Wilderness Besieged (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1985), 119. See also U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1885 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1885), 71–72; and U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1889 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1890), CI–CIII. For more on the ejection of squatters, see Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, December 13 and December 20, 1884; and Records of the Wyoming State Auditor, Financial, December 1884, Yellowstone National Park Justice of the Peace, Wyoming State Archives.

51. Haines, Yellowstone Story, 1:195; U.S. Congress, House, Report of the Committee on Expenditures for Indians and Yellowstone Park, L; U.S. Congress, House, Inquiry into the Management and Control of the Yellowstone National Park, 52^nd Cong., 1^st sess., 1891–92, H. Rept. 1956 (Serial Set 3051), 214–16; Bill Whithorn and Doris Whithorn, Photohistory of Gardiner, Jardine, Crevasse (Livingston, Mont.: Park County News, 1972), 1.

52. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1887, by Moses Harris (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1887), 11, 25–26.

53. William T. Hornaday, Our Vanishing Wildlife: Its Extermination and Preservation (New York: New York Zoological Society, 1913), 337.

54. Haines, Yellowstone Story, 1:312–13, 322–23.

55. Quoted in Hampton, How the U.S. Cavalry Saved Our National Parks, 41.

56. Ibid., 42, 51; P. Sheridan, Expedition, 9. See also U.S. Congress, Senate, Agreement with Certain Parties for Privileges in Yellowstone National Park, 47^th Cong., 2^nd sess., 1882–83, S. Rept. 911 (Serial Set 2087), 5.

57. “Can the Nation Defend Its Forests?” Garden and Forest 2 (April 3, 1889): 157. A more extensive account of the use of the army to maintain internal security can be found in Joan M. Jensen, Army Surveillance in America, 1775–1980 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991).

58. Quoted in Hampton, How the U.S. Cavalry Saved Our National Parks, See also U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1886 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1886), 75.

59. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1889, 10–11.

60. For a discussion of the role played by the army in the emergence of the modern American state, see Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877–1920 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 85–120, 212–47. The army's influence on its ultimate successor, the National Park Service, is obvious in several regards. When the newly formed Park Service reestablished civilian control of Yellowstone in 1918, it adopted much of its uniform from the army dress of the day. Moreover, the first rangers at the park were all soldiers whom the army had specially discharged so that they could then be hired by the Park Service. See Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:289; and “Uniforms of Forest Officers,” Forestry and Irrigation (August 1908): 446.

1. John Muir, Our National Parks (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1901), 40, 188.

2. Charles Dudley Warner, “Editor's Study,” Harper's 94 (January 1897): 323–24.

3. “The Army and the Forests,” Garden and Forest 3 (September 10, 1890): 437.

4. “National Forest-Reservations,” Garden and Forest (December 3, 1890): 581.

5. References to the proposed militarization of conservation can be found in a large number of sources. See “The Forestry Movement in the United States,” Garden and Forest 5 (January 20, 1892): 34; Garden and Forest 5 (February 24, 1892): 86; “Our National Parks and Forest Reservations,” Garden and Forest 5 (December 28, 1892): 613–14; “National Forest-Reservations,” Garden and Forest 3 (December 3, 1890): 581; Charles E. Whitehead, “Game Laws,” in Hunting in Many Lands: The Book of the Boone and Crockett Club, ed. Theodore Roosevelt and George Bird Grinnell (New York: Forest and Stream, 1895), 370; Ise, Forest Policy, 121; “Troops for the Forests,” Forest and Stream 42 (March 3, 1894): 177; Report of the Committee Appointed by the National Academy of Sciences upon the Inauguration of a Forest Policy for the Forested Lands of the United States to the Secretary of the Interior (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1897), 18, 25. For a discussion of the military's role in conservation in present-day Africa, see Nicholas Gordon, Ivory Knights: Man, Magic, and Elephants (London: Chapmans, 1991).

6. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, December 11, 1897, January 1, 1898, February 19, 1898.

7. Livingston (Mont.) Post, October 24, 1889, and July 12, 1894.

8. See, for example, “Captain Anderson and the Park,” Forest and Stream 48 (April 17, 1897): 301; “Death of General Anderson,” Forest and Stream 84 (April 1915): 234–35; and “The Yellowstone Park Report,” Forest and Stream 39 (October 13, 1892): 309.

9. Livingston (Mont.) Post, April 19, 1894. See also the poem printed in the Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, February 18, 1893.

10. For a fuller description of local customs surrounding the use of public lands elsewhere in the West, see Faragher, Sugar Creek, 73, 132–36, 184.

11. Yellowstone's early regulations are reprinted in U.S. Congress, House, Report of the Committee on Expenditures for Indians and Yellowstone Park, 270; Conger to Secretary of the Interior, November 14, 1883, in U.S. Congress, Senate, Correspondence on Yellowstone National Park, 24.

12. Terry to Conger, April 29, 1884, Document 1566, “Employees, etc., January 1, 1882-December 31, 1897,” Item 9, YNPA; Terry to Conger, December 11, 1883, Document 1570, “Employees, etc. January 1, 1882-December 31, 1897,” Item 9, YNPA.

13. Maginnis to Secretary of the Interior, June 15, 1884, Records of the Department of the Interior, Yellowstone National Park, 1872–1886: Letters Received, 1883–1884, Roll 2 (M62) RG 48, National Archives.

14. Chambers to Conger, November 22, 1883, Document 1345, “Employees, etc., January 1, 1882-December 31, 1897,” Item 9, YNPA.

15. Duret to Anderson, December 6, 1893, Document 819, “A-E, January 1, 1882-December 31, 1894,” Item 4, YNPA; Randall to Sands, November 3, 1891, Document 1273, “L-R, January 1, 1882-December 31, 1895,” Item 6, YNPA; Gassert to Goode, March 21, 1901, Document 3988, “F-K, January 1, 1900-December 31, 1903,” Item 17, YNPA; Duret to Anderson, January 22, 1892, “A-E, January 1, 1882-December 31, 1894,” Item 4, YNPA.

16. Anderson to Scott, April 14, 1891, Bound Volume III, “Letters Sent, August 18, 1889-June 25, 1892,” Item 215, YNPA. Emphasis in the original.

17. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, January 1,1898.

18. For evidence of continued taking of timber, see George Whittaker, Diary 32, December 4, 1898, Scout Diaries, Manuscript 92–42, YNPA; and U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1908, by Samuel B. M. Young (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1908), 12.

19. For more information on the early treatment of the lodgepole pine, see Langston, Forest Dreams, Forest Nightmares, 150.

20. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, January 1, 1898.

21. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, January 13, 1900.

22. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1903, by John Pitcher (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1903), 3; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of the Yellowstone National Park, 1914, by Lloyd M. Brett (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1914), 17. Information on earlier livestock policies

23. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1878, 9; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1887, 11.

24. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1900, by George Goode (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1900), 8; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of the Yellowstone National Park, 1903, 5; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of the Yellowstone National Park, 1904, by John Pitcher (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1904), 3–4; Gardiner (Mont.) Wonderland, February 13, 1904.

25. Henry T. Finck, The Pacific Coast Scenic Tour (London: Sampson Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1891), 282; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of the Yellowstone National Park, 1898, by James Erwin (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1898), 6; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of the Yellowstone National Park, 1907, by Samuel B. M. Young (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1907), 23–24.

26. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1897, by Samuel B. M. Young (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1897), 29. Also see: Orders, July 12, 1910, Document 7114, “Employees, January 1, 1904-December 31, 1908,” Item 27, YNPA; and U.S. Army, Rules, Regulations, and Instructions for the Information and Guidance of Officers and Enlisted Men of the United States Army, and of the Scouts Doing Duty in the Yellowstone National Park (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1907), 13.

27. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1898, 17–18. For an example of an arrest being made for lacking the proper permit, see Scout Diary 32 (George Whittaker), September 23, 1898, Manuscript 92–42, YNPA.

28. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1907, 24.

29. Gardner Stilson Turrill, A Tale of the Yellowstone; or, in a Wagon through Western Wyoming and Wonderland (Jefferson, Iowa: G. S. Turrill Publishing, 1901), 56, 64. See also T. J. Patterson, “Rambling in Wyoming,” Forest and Stream 42 (May 5, 1894): 378.

30. Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:174; U.S. Congress, House, Report of the Committee on Expenditures for Indians and Yellowstone Park, 248; Report of Peter Holte (Scout), Document No. 7095, “Employees, January 1, 1904-December 31, 1908,” Item 27, YNPA; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1907, 23–24.

31. Frank Calkins, Jackson Hole (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973), 135; Conger to Secretary of the Interior, March 28, 1884, and April 13, 1884, in U.S. Congress, Senate, Management of Yellowstone National Park, 48^th Cong., 1^st

32. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1891, by George S. Anderson, (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1891), 9; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1907, 25–26. Even as late as 1918, the inexperience and lack of enthusiasm of many soldiers for their duty at Yellowstone drew complaints from their superiors: “The soldiers formerly controlling the park were never sent there for a long tour of duty, and, consequently, never became thoroughly acquainted with the park or intensely interested in the performance of their duties.” U.S. National Park Service, Annual Report of the Director of the National Park Service, 1918 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1918), 39, 126, 129.

33. Report of Elmer Lindsley, January 16, 1898, Document 4881, “Employees, January 1, 1898–December 31, 1903,” Item 20, YNPA; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1907, 26; Young to Secretary of the Interior, August 1, 1897, “Letters Sent, July 24, 1896–October 1, 1897,” Item 218, Bound Volume VI, YNPA.

34. Pitcher to Secretary of the Interior, February 8, 1902, “Letters Sent, September 27, 1901–July 14, 1902,” Item 223, Bound Volume XI, YNPA. In 1907, three more soldiers were charged with violating park rules. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1907, 24. In 1915, a soldier pleaded guilty to killing an elk in the park, for which he was dishonorably discharged from the army and sentenced to one and a half years hard labor at Alcatraz. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1915, by Lloyd M. Brett (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1915), 23.

35. Romey to Pitcher, April 12, 1902, Document No. 4932, and Romey to Pitcher, March 10, 1902, Document No. 4934, “Employees, January 1, 1898–December 31, 1903,” Item 20, YNPA. According to Haines, Romey took a local poacher, Ed Hunter, nicknamed the “King of the Forest,” with him on several of his patrols “in order to keep track of him.” Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:447.

36. D. W. Spaulding to Pitcher, February 5, 1902, Document No. 4579, “Letters Received, S–Z, January 1, 1900–December 31, 1902,” Item 19, YNPA. Additional accounts of corruption can be found in Document No. 4307, “Letters Received, F–K, January 1, 1900–December 31, 1900,” Item 17, YNPA. Similar forms of corruption among army forces are common in Africa today; see N. Gordon, Ivory Knights, 40–41.

37. R. A. Wagner, a Yellowstone scout, related one such account of a dutiful soldier at the park. According to Wagner, two men from Bozeman offered an enlisted man twenty dollars if he would let them hunt in the park. Even though

38. Livingston (Mont.) Post, December 11, 1902. For further attacks on corruption at Yellowstone, see the Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, February 12, 1898, and Gardiner (Mont.) Wonderland, February 5, 1903.

39. “Actual Interviews on Segregation,” Forest and Stream 42 (May 19, 1894): 420.

40. Frederic Remington, Pony Tracks (1895; reprint, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), 119. Unimpressed, local poachers regularly broke into these cabins, both to steal the supplies cached within and to disrupt the plans of passing patrols. Hitchcock to Pitcher, n.d., Document No. 4938, “Employees, January 1, 1898–December 31, 1903,” Item 20, YNPA; Romey to Pitcher, September 12, 1904, Document No. 7199, “Employees, January 1, 1904–December 31, 1908,” Item 27, YNPA. See also U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1907, 23.

41. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1899, by Oscar Brown (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1899), 3–4. The “snowshoe cabins” were typically located ten miles apart, ten miles being what the army considered a decent day's journey during Yellowstone's harsh winter months. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1900, 4; Paul Schullery, Yellowstone's Ski Pioneers: Peril and Heroism on the Winter Trail (Worland, Wyo.: High Plains Publishing, 1995), 78–79.

42. See, for example, “The Yellowstone Park” and “Snapshots,” Forest and Stream 36 (January 22, 1891): 1.

43. “Scouts for Park Poachers,” Forest and Stream 42 (June 30, 1894): 551. My understanding of army tactics in the late nineteenth-century Indian wars is derived largely from Robert M. Utley, Frontier Regulars: The United States Army and the Indian, 1866–1891 (New York: Macmillan, 1973), 44–56; and Thomas W. Dunlay, Wolves for the Blue Soldiers: Indian Scouts and Auxiliaries with the United States Army, 1860–90 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982).

44. Anderson to Secretary of the Interior, December 16, 1895, “Letters Sent, March 17, 1894–July 23, 1896,” Bound Volume V, Item 217, YNPA. See also Anderson to Secretary of the Interior, September 16, 1893, “Letters Sent, June 25, 1892–March 17, 1894,” Bound Volume IV, Item 216, YNPA.

45. Young to Secretary of the Interior, August 1, 1897, “Letters Sent, July 24, 1896–October 1, 1897,” Bound Volume VI, Item 218, YNPA; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1898, 12.

46. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, January 1, 1898; G. L. Scott to Anderson, February 21, 1896, Document No. 1497, “Employees, etc., January 1, 1882-December 31, 1897,” Item 9, YNPA. Yellowstone officials' use of private spies echoes the tactics of the famous Pinkerton Detective Agency, which rose to prominence during this era. An extended and illuminating discussion of the Pinkertons can be found in J. Anthony Lukas, Big Trouble: A Murder in a Small

47. Romey to Pitcher, January 18, 1903, Document No. 4925, “Employees, January 1, 1898-December 31, 1903,” Item 20, YNPA. All misspellings reflect the original letter.

48. Erwin to Young, February 14, 1898, “Letters Sent, October 1, 1897–November 9, 1898,” Bound Volume VII, Item 219, YNPA.

49. Gardiner (Mont.) Wonderland, February 5, 1903; Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, January 1, 1898. The archival evidence of corruption among the scouts is quite slim. Yellowstone's records indicate only one instance of a scout arrested for poaching: Tom Newcomb, who, after being dismissed because his work was not “wholly satisfactory,” was later found guilty of killing an elk in the park and fined fifty dollars. But the temptation for scouts to break some of the park's regulations or to turn a blind eye to illegal acts must have been constant. The scout Ed Romey reported one such case in 1904: three trappers who lived along Yellowstone's southern edge offered to split their earnings with Romey if he would only overlook their trapping in the park for a few months. Anderson to Elihu Root, June 8, 1896, “Letters Sent, March 17, 1894–July 23, 1896,” Bound Volume V, Item 217, YNPA; Document No. 7199, YNPA. See also Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:447.

50. M. P. Dunham to Anderson, July 7, 1893, Document No. 821, “A–E, January 1, 1882–December 31, 1894,” Item 4, YNPA. All misspellings reflect the original letter. No doubt some would-be scouts found the potential wages of seventy-five dollars a month to be an inducement as well. For information on the scouts' salaries, see Anderson to Secretary of the Interior, November 5, 1894, “Letters Sent, March 17, 1894–July 23, 1896,” Bound Volume V, Item 217, YNPA.

51. White to Anderson, October 26, 1892; November 29, 1892, Documents No. 571 and 572, “S–Z, January 1, 1882–December 31, 1893,” Item 3, YNPA.

52. Morrison's diary is reprinted in U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1898, 30.

53. Sheffield to Brett, November 1, 1912, “Poaching, Reports of and Inquiries, 1909–1913,” in “Protection, 1908–1914,” Item 105, YNPA. All misspellings reflect the original letter.

54. George Whittaker, November 13 and November 14, 1898, “Scout Diaries,” Manuscript 92-42, YNPA.

55. Quoted in Schullery, Yellowstone's Ski Pioneers, 84.

56. George Whittaker, November 13 and November 14, 1898, “Scout Diaries,” Manuscript 92-42, YNPA.

57. George Whittaker, November 11, 1898, Diary 32, “Scout Diaries,” Manuscript 92-42, YNPA.

58. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1898, 39, 41.

59. Remington, Pony Tracks, 119.

60. George Whittaker, November 24, 1898, Diary 38, “Scout Diaries,” Manuscript 92-42, YNPA. All misspellings reflect the original manuscript.

61. Interview with Jim McBride, in Dorr G. Yeager, “Some Old Timers of the Yellowstone” (manuscript, 1929), YNPA.

62. These findings are summarized in Olof C. Wallmo, ed., Mule and Black-Tailed Deer of North America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1981), 312; see also Michael Milstein, “The Quiet Kill,” National Parks 63 (May-June 1989): 21. A number of studies indicate that not only are poachers rarely caught, but their activities are seldom reported to law enforcement officials by members of the public.

63. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1908, 34; Erwin to Young, February 5, 1898, “Letters Sent, October 1, 1897–November 9, 1898,” Bound Volume VII, Item 219, YNPA.

64. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1908, 37; Erwin to Young, January 14, 1898, “Letters Sent, October 1, 1897–November 9, 1898,” Bound Volume VII, Item 219, YNPA.

65. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, February 19,1898.

66. E. Hough, “Yellowstone Park Poachers,” Forest and Stream 51 (July 16, 1898): 45; Remington, Pony Tracks, 119. For those unfamiliar with the army terminology of the time, a troop usually had one hundred men.

67. U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1894 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1895),66.

68. U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1895, 63–68; “Two Official Opinions” and “As to the Jackson Hole Outrage,” The Indian's Friend 8 (October 1895): 6, 9–10. An account of an earlier confrontation can be found in S. N. Leek, “Indians in Jackson's Hole,” Recreation 3 (August 1895): 90.

69. Minnesota, for example, quickly followed Wyoming's lead in curtailing Indian hunting rights. “Indians are Amenable to Game Laws,” Recreation 7 (July 1897): 45. See also Brian Czech, “Ward vs Racehorse—Supreme Court as Obviator?” Journal of the West 35 (July 1996): 61–69. Even after the Racehorse case, members of the Bannock and Shoshone occasionally made hunting forays into the Yellowstone area in later years. Hermann to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, November 5, 1898 (1898: Letter 50,866) LR/BIA.

70. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1886, 7. See also Stephen J. Pyne, Fire in America: A Cultural History of Wildland and Rural Fire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 228.

71. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1892, by George S. Anderson (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1892), 4; Pyne, Fire in America, 228–29; and George S. Anderson, “Protection of the Yellowstone National Park,” in Hunting in Many Lands: The Book of the Boone and Crockett Club, ed. Theodore Roosevelt and George Bird Grinnell (New York: Forest and Stream, 1895), 392.

72. During the famous fires of 1988, 720,000 acres burned within the park. William H. Romme and Don G. Despain, “The Yellowstone Fires,” Scientific

73. Edward A. Preble, Report on the Condition of Elk in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, in 1911, U.S. Biological Survey Bulletin No. 40 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1911), 7; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1904, 8; Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:80–83; and Vernon Bailey, Animal Life of Yellowstone National Park (Springfield, Ill.: Charles C. Thomas, 1930), 129–41.

74. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1895, by George S. Anderson, (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1895), 13; W. M. Rush, Northern Yellowstone Elk Study ([Helena?]: Montana Fish and Game Commission, 1933), 20–21; and Douglas B. Houston, The Northern Yellowstone Elk: Ecology and Management (New York: Macmillan, 1982), 12–13, 25.

75. Steve W. Chadde and Charles E. Kay, “Tall-Willow Communities on Yellowstone's Northern Range: A Test of the ‘Natural-Regulation’ Paradigm,” in The Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem: Redefining America's Wilderness Heritage, ed. Robert B. Keiter and Mark S. Boyce (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 231–62; A. Chase, Playing God in Yellowstone, 11–13, 61–70. For an examination of a similar scenario in Rocky Mountain National Park, see Karl Hess Jr., Rocky Times in Rocky Mountain National Park: An Unnatural History (Niwot, Colo.: University Press of Colorado, 1993), 42–49.

76. James Scott discusses the ecological dangers of state simplification in Seeing Like a State, 11–22. Examples of martial imagery in conservation can be found in “The Army and the Forests,” Garden and Forest 3 (September 10, 1890): 437; “The Nation's Forests,” Garden and Forest 2 (October 30, 1889): 517–18; and “More Forest-Reservations,” Garden and Forest 5 (January 20, 1892): 25–26. Stephen Pyne comments on the inappropriateness of the military metaphor for forest fires (and, by implication, for conservation in general) in “Flame and Fortune,” 8–10, and America's Fires: Management on Wildlands and Forests (Durham, N.C.: Forest History Society, 1997), 16–23.

1. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1892, by George S. Anderson (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1892), 3, 5, 9; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1895, 12. Anderson's comments were echoed by Garden and Forest magazine, which observed in 1892 that “poachers have settled all around it [Yellowstone] so that the game has no adequate protection.” “Our National Parks and Forest Reservation,” Garden and Forest 5 (December 28, 1892): 613–14.

2. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1886, 7.

3. William Hornaday, Wildlife Conservation in Theory and Practice: Lectures Delivered before the Forest School of Yale University (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1914), 189–90. See also Hornaday, The Extermination of the American Bison, with a Sketch of Its Discovery and Life History (Washington, D.C.: U.S. National Museum, 1889), 520.

4. Hornaday, Our Vanishing Wildlife, 335.

5. Letter to the editor, Recreation 3 (September 1895): 141. See also “West's Vanishing Big Game,” Recreation 25 (October 1906): 368–69. For an account of local residents using wild game, see Mildred Albert Martin, The Martins of Gunbarrel (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton, 1959), 16, 86.

6. Eric Van Young issued a provocative call for historians to move beyond structural models of causation, in “To See Someone Not Seeing: Historical Studies of Peasants and Politics in Mexico,” Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 6 (1990): 133–59.

7. Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:62; Chicago Tribune, December 23, 1894.

8. Chittenden, Yellowstone National Park, 143–44; “The Capture of Howell,” Forest and Stream 42 (March 31, 1894): 270; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1894, by George S. Anderson (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894), 9–10; Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, March 31, 1894.

9. “The Yellowstone National Park Protection Act,” in Hunting in Many Lands: The Book of the Boone and Crockett Club, ed. Theodore Roosevelt and George Bird Grinnell (New York: Forest and Stream, 1895), 414; Livingston (Mont.) Post, April 12, 1894.

10. Grinnell's efforts were not limited to the pages of Forest and Stream. See, for instance, “The Yellowstone National Park,” Garden and Forest 7 (April 4, 1894): 131.

11. “A Premium on Crime,” Forest and Stream 42 (March 24, 1894): 243. In a similar vein Garden and Forest remarked, “The fact that Yellowstone Park and the adjacent reservation has been set aside for the use and enjoyment of the people forever is really no protection to its forests or its game, but rather an advertisement to every outlaw that he can steal the timber, or set the woods on fire, or slaughter the big game, without fear of punishment.” “The Yellowstone National Park,” Garden and Forest 7 (April 4, 1894): 131.

12. Livingston (Mont.) Post, March 22, 1894.

13. Anderson to Secretary of the Interior, May 14, 1897, “Letters Sent, July 24, 1896-October 1, 1897,” Bound Volume VI, Item 218, YNPA; Anderson to Secretary of the Interior, April 8 and June 27, 1891, “Letters Sent, August 18, 1889-June 25, 1892,” Bound Volume III, Item 215, YNPA. Emphasis in the original. The 1900 census records fortynine people living in Cooke City. 1900 Population Census, Manuscript Schedules, Park County, Montana, Roll 913, T623, Records of the Bureau of the Census, RG 29, National Archives.

14. Anderson to Secretary of the Interior, January 20, 1893, and January 7, 1894, “Letters Sent, June 25, 1892–March 17, 1894,” Bound Volume IV, Item 216, YNPA; Anderson to Blaine, December 26, 1896, “Letters Sent, July 24,

15. Chicago Tribune, December 23, 1894; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone Park, 1894, 9–10. A discussion of the role played by both the Boone and Crockett Club and Forest and Stream in passing the Park Protection Act can be found in George Bird Grinnell, Brief History of the Boone and Crockett Club (New York: Forest and Stream Publishing, 1910), 18–20.

16. Livingston (Mont.) Post, March 29, 1894.

17. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, March 31, 1894.

18. Anonymous, n.d., Document No. 696, “A-E, January 1, 1882-December 31, 1894,” Item 4, YNPA; Anonymous, n.d., Document No. 2553, “F-K, January 1, 1895-December 31, 1899,” Item 11, YNPA.

19. Doyle to Pitcher, July 7, 1901, Document No. 3759, “Letters Received, A-E, January 1, 1900-December 31, 1902,” Item 15, YNPA; Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, January 1, 1898.

20. Livingston (Mont.) Post, April 12 and August 2, 1894.

21. “Park Poachers and Their Ways,” Forest and Stream 42 (May 26, 1894): 444.

22. Sheffield to Anderson, November 19, 1895, Document No. 1621, “S-Z, January 1, 1894-December 31, 1895,” Item 7, YNPA; Anonymous [“Quill”] to Wear, August 14, 1885, Document 679, “A-E, January 1, 1882-December 31, 1894,” Item No. 4, YNPA. United States v. William Binkley, Charles Purdy, and Oscar Adams (United States District Court, Ninth Circuit, Southern District of California, 1906, Yellowstone National Park Archives), 228. A transcript of this trial is located in “U.S. Commissioner Meldrum—Trial Records,” Item 82, YNPA. For more on the linkage between saloons and manliness, see Michael Kaplan, “New York City Tavern Violence and the Creation of a Working-Class Male Identity,” Journal of the Early Republic 15 (winter 1995): 591–617; and Gorn, Manly Art, 133–34.

23. In his study of poaching in England, for example, Roger B. Manning argues that poaching often served as a “symbolic substitute for war”: “For those young men whose families did not possess hunting privileges, the act of hunting outside the law, at night, with weapons, and in the face of gamekeepers, must have further satisfied their compulsive need to prove their masculinity and martial valor.” Manning, Hunters and Poachers: A Social and Cultural History of Unlawful Hunting in England, 1485–1640 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 8, 35–56. A more general survey of risk and daring as masculine attributes can be found in David Gilmore, Manhood in the Making: Cultural Concepts of Masculinity (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 56–77. Gunther Peck offers a provocative discussion of risk-taking in the American West in “Manly Gambles: The Politics of Risk on the Comstock Lode, 1860–1880,” Journal of Social History 26 (summer 1993): 701–23.

24. “The Account of Howell's Capture,” Forest and Stream, 377–78.

25. Hofer to Hill, February 5, 1927, Manuscript 91-188, YNPA.

26. Howell to Young, September 24, 1897, Document No. 1504, “Employees, etc., January 1, 1882-December 31, 1897,” Item 9, YNPA. On Howell's reward, see Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:205–7. Oddly enough, the money had to be sent to the Philippines, where Howell was working in a restaurant.

27. For these very reasons, conservationists in Africa often hire former poachers as informers or park rangers. N. Gordon, Ivory Knights, 137–38.

28. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1895, 12. The 1900 census records ninetyeight people, comprising thirtyfour families, dwelling in Henry's Lake. 1900 Population Census, Manuscript Schedules, Henry's Lake, Fremont County, Idaho, Roll 232, T623, Records of the Bureau of the Census, RG 29, National Archives.

29. Elmer Lindsley, “A Winter Trip through Yellowstone Park,” Harper's Weekly 42 (January 19, 1898): 106.

30. Emerson Hough, “Yellowstone Park Poachers,” Forest and Stream 51 (July 16, 1898): 45; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1896, by George S. Anderson (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1896), 11.

31. John E. Archer, By a Flash and a Scare: Incendiarism, Animal Maiming, and Poaching in East Anglia, 1815–1870 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 235–37. See also the studies of “poaching fraternities” in Roger Manning, “Unlawful Hunting in England, 1500–1640,” Forest and Conservation History 38 (January 1994): 20; and in Michael Carter, Peasants and Poachers in Norfolk: A Study in Rural Disorder in Norfolk (Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1980), 48–59. Discussions of poaching organizations in the African context can be found in Peter T. Dalleo, “The Somali Role in Organized Poaching in Northeastern Kenya, 1909–1939,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 12 (1979): 472–82; and Michael L. Stone, “Organized Poaching in Kitui District: A Failure in District Authority,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 5 (1972): 436–52.

32. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1896, 11; Roland Whitman, interview by author, March 5, 1996; 1900 Population Census, Manuscript Schedules, Fremont County, Idaho, Roll 232, T623, Records of the Bureau of the Census, RG 29, National Archives.

33. John Whitman, interview by author, October 26, 1994; Trude to Goode, September 12, 1900, Document No. 4620, “Letters Received, S-Z, January 1, 1900-December 31, 1902,” Item 19, YNPA; “Killing Park Buffalo,” Forest and Stream 45 (December 7, 1895): 494; Anderson to Secretary of the Interior, December 16, 1895, “Letters Sent, March 17, 1894–July 23, 1896,” Bound Volume V, Item 217, YNPA. See also U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1896, 11.

34. Leigh to Lindsley, December 1 and December 11, 1897, “Leigh, Richard (aka ‘Beaver Dick’),” Manuscript 91-120, YNPA; McDermott to Anderson, n.d., Document No. 1142, “F–K, January 1, 1881-December 31, 1894,” Item 5, YNPA; Manuscript 91-198, YNPA; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual

35. “Veritas” to Anderson, September 18, 1895, Document No. 1699, “S–Z, January 1, 1894-December 31, 1895,” Item 7, YNPA.

36. Anonymous, January 24, 1909, “Poaching, Reports of and Inquiries,” in “Protection, 1908–1914,” Item 105, YNPA. All misspellings reflect the original letter.

37. Anonymous to Anderson, n.d., Document No. 2069, Anonymous to Anderson, n.d., Document 2070, “A–E, January 1, 1895–December 31, 1899,” Item 10, YNPA. All misspellings reflect the original letter.

38. In addition to the two letters in the paragraph above, examples of using “citizen” as a pen name include Anonymous to Pitcher, November 17, 1906, Document No. 5818, “A–E, January 1, 1903–December 31, 1906,” Item 24, YNPA; Pratt to Erwin, January 4, 1898, Document No. 2852, “L–R, January 1, 1896–December 31, 1899,” Item 12, YNPA; Anonymous to Anderson, September 20, 1895, Document No. 2068, “A–E, January 1, 1895–December 31, 1899,” Item 10, YNPA.

39. Hague to Pitcher, n.d., Document No. 4042, “F-K, January 1, 1900–December 31, 1903,” Item 17, YNPA; Cummins to Anderson, May 18, 1892, Document No. 779, “A–E, January 1, 1882–December 31, 1894,” Item 4, YNPA; Lindsley to Young, January 11, 1898, Document No. 1458, “Employees, etc., January 1, 1882–December 31, 1897,” Item 9, YNPA; Marshall to Anderson, August 27, 1895. Document No. 1157, “L–R, January 1, 1882–December 31, 1895,” Item 6, YNPA. All misspellings reflect the original letters.

40. Leigh to Lindsley, February 20, 1898, Manuscript 91-210, YNPA. All misspellings reflect the original letter.

41. Report of Elmer Lindsley, January 16, 1898, Document No. 4881, “Employees, January 1, 1898–December 31, 1903,” Item 20, YNPA; Dean H. Green, History of Island Park (Ashton, Idaho: Island Park–Gateway Publishing, 1990), 115.

42. “The Courtenay Buffalo Case,” Forest and Stream 46 (February 1, 1896): 95; “Snap Shots,” Forest and Stream 48 (May 8, 1897): 361; “Protect Idaho Buffalo,” Forest and Stream 45 (July 13, 1895): 23; Transcript of Trial of James Courtenay, December 26, 1895, “Undesirables in Park,” Item 78, YNPA.

43. “Record of Violations of Rules and Regulations,” Item 145, YNPA, 3–9; Nolie Mumey, Rocky Mountain Dick: Stories of His Adventures in Capturing Wild Animals (Denver: Range Press, 1953), 65–66, 73; “Yellowstone Park Poachers,” Forest and Stream 51 (December 31, 1898): 527.

44. “Elk Slaughter in Wyoming,” Forest and Stream 52 (March 4, 1899): 167; “Slaughtering Elk for Their Teeth,” Forest and Stream 58 (January 11, 1902): 30.

45. Josephine Paterek, Encyclopedia of American Indian Costume (New York: W. W. Norton, 1994), 95, 101, 108–9, 137, 193; “Extinction of the Elks,” Forest and Stream 59 (September 13, 1902): 205; James Fullerton, Autobiography of Roosevelt's Adversary (Boston: Roxburgh Publishing, 1912), 123–24; Calkins, Jackson Hole, 133; Elizabeth Wied Hayden, “Driving Out the Tusk Hunters,” Teton Magazine (winter-spring 1971): 22.

46. Robert B. Betts, Along the Ramparts of the Tetons: The Saga of Jackson Hole, Wyoming (Boulder, Colo.: Colorado Associated University Press, 1978), 181. Occasionally, if the animal were frozen solid, one might have to cut off the jaw and boil it to free the canine teeth. See Report of Lt. Ware, November 24, 1903, Document No. 4944, “Employees, January 1, 1898–December 31, 1903,” Item 20, YNPA.

47. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of National Parks, 1916 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1916), 37; Palmer to Pitcher, April 9, 1907, “U.S. Commissioner Meldrum—Trial Records, Miscellaneous Correspondence,” Item 83, YNPA; U.S. v. Binkley, 30–31. See also “The Wyoming Game Situation,” Forest and Stream 52 (June 17, 1899): 466; and the Tusk Hunters file and Binkley file of the Jackson Hole Historical Society.

48. Elinore Pruitt Stewart, Letters on an Elk Hunt: By a Woman Homesteader (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1915), 127–28; Preble, Report on the Condition of Elk, 21. A general recollection of tusking in Jackson Hole can be found in Sam Hicks, “Ivory Dollars,” High Country 3 (winter 1967): 40–45. A fictional portrait of tusking at this time can be found in Joe Back, The Sucker's Teeth (Denver: Sage Books, 1965).

49. U.S. v. Binkley, 69; 1900 Population Census, Manuscript Schedules, Records of the Bureau of the Census, RG 29, Election District 13, Uinta County, Wyoming, Roll 1827, T623, National Archives.

50. David Saylor, Jackson Hole, Wyoming (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1970), 142; U.S. v. Binkley, 292; Stewart, Letters on an Elk Hunt, 127.

51. U.S. v. Binkley, 99, 291. Other poachers attached elk hooves to the soles of their boots to achieve a similar effect. Calkins, Jackson Hole, 135.

52. U.S. v. Binkley, 230.

53. Palmer to Pitcher, April 9, 1907, “U.S. Commissioner Meldrum—Trial Records, Miscellaneous Correspondence,” Item 83, YNPA.

54. Richard White has suggested that, through such labor, rural folk acquired “a bodily knowledge of the natural world” that has often been overlooked by modern-day environmentalists. See White, “‘Are You an Environmentalist or Do You Work for a Living?’: Work and Nature,” in Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the Human Place in Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: W. W. Norton, 1995), 172; and White, The Organic Machine (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995).

55. For an extended discussion of American views on wage work and dependency at this time, see Daniel T. Rodgers, The Work Ethic in Industrial America, 1850–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 30–40.

56. Sheffield to Brett, November 1, 1912, “Poaching, Reports of and Inquiries, 1909–1913,” in “Protection, 1908–1914,” Item 105, YNPA. See also the letter to the editor in Recreation 6 (May 1897): 368, complaining about “coal diggers” from Aldridge, Montana, poaching Yellowstone's elk. Census information from 1900 indicates that many of the inhabitants of Horr, Aldridge, and Jardine, Montana, were coal or quartz miners. 1900 Population Census, Manuscript Schedules, Park County, Montana, Roll 913, T623, Records of the Bureau of the Census, RG 29, National Archives.

57. D. Jones, Crime, Protest, Community, 69. Similarly, West Virginia coal miners often found gardens, livestock, and hunting to be “a highly important economic safety valve in an industry plagued with irregular employment and periodic depressions.” David Alan Corbin, Life, Work, and Rebellion in the Coal Fields: The Southern West Virginia Miners, 1880–1922 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1981), 33–35.

58. “Record of Violations of Rules and Regulations, 1887–1921,” Item 145, YNPA; see also U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1908, 12. Although it could be that this increase in arrests came as a result of heightened vigilance by the army, there were no changes in the park's administration until mid-May 1908, when Major H. C. Benson was appointed new acting superintendent and the number of troops at Yellowstone was increased to three hundred.

59. Sacket to Lindsay, January 23, 1914, “Poaching, Reports of and Inquiries, 1909–1913,” in “Protection, 1908–1914,” Item 105, YNPA; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1912, by Lloyd M. Brett (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1912), 11.

60. Letter to the editor, Recreation 6 (May 1897): 368; Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, January 22, 1898.

61. William Simpson, “The Game Question in Jackson Hole,” Forest and Stream 51 (December 10, 1898): 468. Similar discussions of poaching as a questionable alternative to wage labor can be found in Preble, Report on the Condition of Elk, 21; Judd, Common Lands, Common People, 160, 183–88; and the description of the poacher E. E. Van Dyke in Arnold to Anderson, September 15, 1893, Document No. 670, “A-E, January 1, 1882-December 31, 1894,” Item 4, YNPA.

62. W. L. Simpson, “The Jackson Hole's Situation,” Forest and Stream 51 (December 17, 1898): 485; Romey to Pitcher, May 16, 1902, Document No. 4931, “Employees, January 1, 1898-December 31, 1903,” Item 20, YNPA.

63. Quoted in R. B. Betts, Along the Ramparts of the Tetons, 184. See also Hayden, “Driving Out the Tusk Hunters,” 36. Binkley and his wife took the added precaution of hiding their stash of elk teeth by sewing them into their children's garments, as they “didn't think that the wardens would search the children while they would search those people that came out, grown people.” U.S.v. Binkley, 289.

64. U.S. v. Binkley, 220. For accounts of other Jackson Holers poaching, see R. B. Betts, Along the Ramparts of the Tetons, 181. For the story of Binkley's arrest and fine, see Hayden, “Driving Out the Tusk Hunters,” 23.

65. Newspaper accounts record Binkley as having anywhere from 227 to 275 elk tusks in his possession. Pocatello (Idaho) Tribune, April 26 and April 30, 1907. A similar desire to protect important local resources evinced itself in other communities' attacks on poachers drawn from their own ranks. See, for instance, the account of driving out a rapacious moose poacher in New Hampshire, discussed in Judd, Common Lands, Common People, 49.

66. Sign quoted in R. B. Betts, Along the Ramparts of the Tetons, 176.

67. “Poaching in the Yellowstone Park,” 255; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1907, 24; and “The Elk Cases,” Forest and Stream 67 (December 22, 1906): 975. Although authorities tried to get Purdy and Binkley to reveal the whereabouts of their fellow gang members, Adams and Isabel were never caught. Popular legend has it that Binkley killed the two soldiers assigned to guard him and threw their bodies into one of Yellowstone's geysers. Salt Lake Tribune, March 13, 1955.

68. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1908, 12–14; Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:149–53.

69. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1915, 23; Brett to Nelson, February 5, 1915, “Protection, 1908–1914,” Item 105, YNPA.

70. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, February 9, 1915.

71. “Notes of the Yellowstone Park,” Forest and Stream 69 (December 28, 1907): 1020; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1909, by Harry C. Benson (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1909), 9.

72. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1911, by Lloyd M. Brett (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1911), 9; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1912, 9; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1913, by Lloyd M. Brett (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1913), 10.

73. Haines, Yellowstone Story, 2:68–72; “Notes from the National Park,” Forest and Stream 43 (August 11, 1894): 119; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Superintendent of National Parks, 1916, 36.

74. Benson to Secretary of the Interior, April 12, 1909, “Undesirables in Park, 1909–1913,” Item 78, YNPA; Erwin to Bussear, November 25, 1897, “Letters Sent, October 1, 1897-November 9, 1898,” Bound Volume VII, Item 219, YNPA; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1897, 27–28.

75. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, December 11, 1897, and February 19, 1898. The parenthetical question mark occurs in the original.

76. “Record of Violations of Rules and Regulations, 1887–1921,” 21, 27, Item 145, YNPA.

77. U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Acting Superintendent of Yellowstone National Park, 1915, 23.

78. In present-day Kenya, Masai warriors have engaged in similar protest behavior, spearing elephants and rhinoceroses in protected parks and then leaving the animals to rot. Tribe members, as one Masai explains, were “turning against wild animals because now they have been brought up to realize that the main cause of their sufferings is wild animals.” Quoted in James Hunter, On the Other Side of Sorrow: Nature and People in the Scottish Highlands (Edinburgh:

79. Archer, By a Flash and a Scare, 198–221. For a more extensive discussion of the symbology of animal killing, see Robert Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York: Vintage, 1984), 75–104. Park authorities reported that less than five pounds of meat was taken from the dead elk. Furthermore, the elk killed were two cows and three “spikes” (juvenile animals), all of whose tusks had little or no value. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, February 9 and February 13, 1915.

80. Gardiner (Mont.) Wonderland, May 17, 1902. My insights on revenge killing come from Archer, By a Flash and a Scare, 220.

81. Livingston (Mont.) Enterprise, February 9 and February 13, 1915.

82. Anderson's comments may be found in U.S. Congress, House, Inquiry into the Management and Control of the Yellowstone National Park, 213.

1. Captain Jim to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 25, 1915, File 115, Havasupai Agency, Central Classified Files, 1907–39, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives. (Hereafter CCF/BIA.) Since Captain Jim could not write, he dictated his letter to D. Clinton West, the Havasupais' Indian agent. The names by which native peoples are referred to in non-Indian documents are often problematic. It is likely, for instance, that “Captain Jim” was a nickname applied by outsiders to someone who was called something quite different by members of his own tribe. Thus, whenever the Indian name is known, I have used this instead of the individual's non-Indian nickname.

2. A number of recent studies have begun to analyze the links between conservation and Indian peoples. See Mark Spence, “Dispossessing the Wilderness: Yosemite Indians and the National Park Ideal, 1864–1930,” Pacific Historical Review 65 (February 1996): 27–59, and “Crown of the Continent, Backbone of the World: The American Wilderness Ideal and Blackfeet Exclusion from Glacier National Park,” Environmental History 1 (July 1996): 29–49; Warren, Hunter's Game, 71–105, 126–71; and Robert H. Keller and Michael F. Turek, American Indians and National Parks (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1998). For preliminary sketches of the impact of the national forests on Indian peoples, see Richard White, “Indian Land Use and the National Forests,” in Harold K. Steen, Origins of the National Forests: A Centennial Symposium (Durham, N.C.: Forest History Society, 1992), 173–80; and Andrew H. Fisher, “The 1932 Handshake Agreement: Yakama Indian Treaty Rights and Forest Service Policy in the Pacific Northwest,” Western Historical Quarterly 28 (summer 1997): 187–217.

3. Petition of Lac du Flambeau Indians, September 7, 1897 (1897: Letter 37,648) LR/BIA; Bailey to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, May 20, 1903 (1903: Letter 32,694) LR/BIA (although his exact tribal affiliation is hard to determine, Bailey was likely a member of either the Chippewa or Ottawa nations);

4. For a discussion of Indian disempowerment during this time, see Richard White, “It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own”: A History of the American West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991), 439.

5. A memo from J. V. Lloyd to Superintendent Tillotson, November 29, 1937, refers, for example, to the “local Supai problem.” See also Tillotson's “The Problem of the Havasupai Camp near Grand Canyon Village,” June 18, 1936. Both are from Havasupai Indian Collection, File A9431, Grand Canyon National Park Museum Collection. (Hereafter GCNPMC.)

6. Frank Hamilton Cushing recorded this myth when he visited the Havasupai in 1881. See Frank H. Cushing, The Nation of the Willows (Flagstaff, Ariz.: Northland Press, 1965), 73. (This book is a reprint of two articles that Cushing wrote for the Atlantic Monthly in 1882.) Other Havasupai myths can be found in Carma Lee Smithson and Robert C. Euler, Havasupai Legends: Religion and Mythology of the Havasupai Indians of the Grand Canyon (Salt Lake: University of Utah Press, 1994); and Juan Sinyella, “Havasupai Traditions,” ed. J. Donald Hughes, Southwest Folklore 1 (spring 1977): 35–52.

7. Useful discussions of Havasupai farming and land use practices can be found in Elman Service, “Recent Observations on Havasupai Land Tenure,” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 3 (winter 1947): 360–66; and John F. Martin, “A Reconsideration of Havasupai Land Tenure,” Ethnology 7 (October 1968): 450–60.

8. Since the Walapai and the Havasupai spoke the same dialect of the Yuman language and often intermarried, some scholars consider the two groups branches of the same tribe that became distinct from one another only as a result of federal policies. Robert A. Manners, An Ethnological Report on the Hualapai (Walapai) Indians of Arizona (New York: Garland, 1974), 14–17, 37–39. For more on the relations between the Havasupai and their neighbors, see Steven A. Weber and P. David Seaman, eds., Havasupai Habitat: A. F. Whiting's Ethnography of a Traditional Indian Culture (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1985), 11; and Thomas A. Sheridan, Arizona: A History (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1995), 74–75.

9. Mark Hanna, Autobiography of Mark Hanna, as told to Richard Emerick, ed. Jon Reyhner (Billings, Mont.: Eastern Montana College, 1988), 19; J. Donald Hughes, In the House of Stone and Light: A Human History of the Grand Canyon (Grand Canyon, Ariz.: Grand Canyon Natural History Association, 1978), 12–14; and Leslie Spier, “Havasupai Ethnography,” Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History 29 (1928): 244–46.

10. “Depositions of Big Jim, Billy Burro, Supai Mary and Allen Akaba,” 7–10, 20, 21, 53, Records of the Indian Claims Commission, Havasupai Tribe,

11. Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 45–47; “Depositions, 1950,” 16. Useful descriptions of the Havasupai seasonal cycle can be found in Douglas W. Schwartz, On the Edge of Splendor: Exploring Grand Canyon's Human Past (Santa Fe, N.M.: School of American Research, 1988), 43–45; and Stephen Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja: People of the Blue Green Water (Supai, Ariz.: Havasupai Tribe, 1985), 39–40.

12. Spier, “Havasupai Ethnography,” 246–48.

13. The Havasupai apparently had horses as early as 1775. See Francisco Garces, On the Trail of a Spanish Pioneer: The Diary and Itinerary of Francisco Garces in His Travels through Sonora, Arizona, and California, 1775–1776, ed. Elliot Coues (New York: Francis P. Harper, 1900), 2:337–39. Garces suspected that many of the Havasupais' animals may have been stolen from settlers in New Mexico, since they sported Spanish brands. One additional advantage of having horses was that the Havasupai could kill and eat them during lean times. See Hanna, Autobiography of Mark Hanna, 23; and Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 28–34.

14. Spier, “Havasupai Ethnography,” 362–68; Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja, 45–46; “Depositions, 1950,” 35.

15. Hughes, In the House of Stone and Light, 47.

16. Flagstaff, Arizona, Champion, September 1886 and January 22, 1887. A useful account of early tourism can be found in Frederic Trautmann, trans. and ed., “Germans at the Grand Canyon: The Memoirs of Paul Lindau, 1883,” Journal of Arizona History 26 (winter 1985): 375–94.

17. Hughes, In the House of Stone and Light, 54; and Douglas H. Strong, “The Man Who ‘Owned’ Grand Canyon,” American West 6 (September 1969): 33–40. For more on the Hance and Cameron trails, see Thomas E. Way, Destination: Grand Canyon (Phoenix: Golden West Publishers, 1990), 83, 85–86, 88–90.

18. Henry F. Dobyns and Robert C. Euler, The Havasupai People (Phoenix: Indian Tribal Series, 1971), 34. A glimpse of the Havasupai oral tradition about this population loss can be found in Sinyella, “Havasupai Traditions,” 42–43.

19. Cushing, Nation of the Willows, 52; and U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1892 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1892), 650. Mark Hanna recalls searching for old clothing in the Williams dump. Hanna, Autobiography of Mark Hanna, 20. During this time, the Walapai also “clothe[d] themselves frequently with garments cast off by the whites.” William McConnell to Secretary of the Interior, August 9, 1899, Reports of Inspection of the Field Jurisdictions of the Office of Indian Affairs, 1873–1900, M1070, Roll 20, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, RG 75, National Archives.

20. Earl Henderson, The Havasupai Indian Agency, Arizona (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1928), 8; Frank Hamilton Cushing, “Navajo's Message,” July 7, 1881 (1881: Letter 17,434) LR/BIA. This letter was supposedly dictated by Chief Navajo to Cushing.

21. George Wharton James, Indians of the Painted Desert Region: Hopis, Navahoes, Wallapais, Havasupais (Boston: Little Brown, 1903), 232–33; Hanna, Autobiography of Mark Hanna, 51.

22. Frank E. Casanova, ed., “General Crook Visits the Supais as Reported by John G. Bourke,” Arizona and the West 10 (autumn 1968): 272–73; Prescott, Arizona, Journal-Miner, August 23, 1890; Daniel Dorchester, “Report of Matters Relating to the Supai,” March 28, 1892 (1892: Letter 12,588) LR/BIA; Testimony of John Davis, September 14, 1893 (1893: Letter 36,542) LR/BIA.

23. Casanova, “General Crook Visits the Supais,” 268; U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1892, 650; Cushing, Nation of the Willows, 57; Frank Hamilton Cushing, “Navajo's Message,” July 7, 1881 (1881: Letter 17,434) LR/BIA.

24. Symons to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, July 16, 1913, Havasupai Agency, File 307.4, CCF/BIA; Dobyns and Euler, Havasupai People, 33.

25. For copies of the original executive order, as well as its subsequent revisions, see the Phoenix Territorial Expositor, July 9, 1880; and the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1882 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1892), 246–47.

26. Palfrey's report of July 20, 1881, can be found in the Records of the Adjutant General's Office, Letters Received, 1881–1889 (M689), 1528 AGO 1881, RG 94, National Archives. (Hereafter 1528 AGO 1881.)

27. Navajo's supposed recommendations can be found in Report of William Redwood Price, July 1, 1881 (1528 AGO 1881). For the Havasupais' later response to their reservation's monuments, see D. H. Dillon to Secretary of the Interior, January 17, 1891 (1891: Letter 3,266) LR/BIA.

28. Extract from a report of R. K. Evans, February 10, 1881 (1528 AGO 1881). Even in 1930, the chief of the Havasupai could produce documents from the 1880s demonstrating his tribe's right to the lands contained within the reservation. Caring for these documents appears, in fact, to have been a mark of leadership. As the chief Manakaja remarked through an interpreter, “Those letters is from officials; they are official letters. … before he is made a chief one of his relatives had those papers along with him. … He is supposed to keep them as long as this tribe lives.” U.S. Congress, Senate, Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States: Part 17: Arizona: Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Indian Affairs, 71^st Cong., 3^rd sess., 1911, 8749.

29. “Examiner's Report on Tribal Claims to Released Railroad Lands in Northwestern Arizona, May 1942,” Exhibit DD, Records of the Indian Claim Commission, Havasupai Tribe, Docket 91, RG 279, National Archives.

30. H. S. Welton to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 29, 1888 (1888: Letter 16,641) LR/BIA; G. M. Brayton to Assistant Adjutant General, January 26, 1888 (1888: Letter 4,739) LR/BIA; and H. S. Welton to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 29, 1888 (1888: Letter 16,641) LR/BIA.

31. W. W. Bass to T. J. Morgan, July 25, 1890 (1890: Letter 23,359) LR/BIA; McGowan to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 11, 1890 (1890: Letter 28,941) LR/BIA.

32. W. H. Holabird to Secretary of the Interior, May 26, 1890 (1890: Letter 17,065) LR/BIA.

33. George B. Duncan to Post Adjutant, February 21, 1890 (1890: Letter 20,227) LR/BIA.

34. “Depositions, 1950,” 57–58. Supai Mary gives a similar account of dispossession, 46.

35. A similar, if less planned, pattern unfolded in the canyon itself, where feral burros, having escaped from prospectors, competed with the mountain sheep that the tribe normally hunted.

36. Bean to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, December 12, 1885 (Letter 29759:1885) LR/BIA.

37. Bass to Miles, January 28, 1890 (1890: Letter 9,185) LR/BIA.

38. Powell to Belt, February 8, 1892 (1892: Letter 5,117) LR/BIA; W. H. Holabird to Secretary of the Interior, May 26, 1890 (1890: Letter 17,065) LR/BIA. Mark Hanna recollected that during his youth he ate rabbits and rats more often than antelope and mountain sheep. Hanna, Autobiography of Mark Hanna, 2.

39. For examples of calls to enlarge the Havasupai reservation, see Brayton to Adjutant General, January 26, 1888 (1888: Letter 4,739) LR/BIA; and Duncan to Post Adjutant, February 21, 1890 (1890: Letter 9,185) LR/BIA. The quotations on BIA efforts to improve Havasupai farming are from the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1892, 649–50; and Daniel Dorchester, “Report of Matters Relating to the Supai,” March 28, 1892 (1892: Letter 12,588) LR/BIA.

40. Gaddis to McCowan, April 30, 1892 (1892: Letter 18,326) LR/BIA; U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1893 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1893), 402; Gaddis to McCowan, May 6, 1893 (1893: Letter 17,893) LR/BIA.

41. U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1899 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1899), 156; Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 44.

42. Putesoy quoted in Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja, 91. The poaching of livestock seems to have been more common among the Havasupais' close relatives, the Walapai, who were forced to such desperate measures because of the meager resources on their reservation. See Henry F. Dobyns and Robert C. Euler, The Ghost Dance of 1889 among the Pai Indians of Northwestern Arizona (Prescott, Ariz.: Prescott College Press, 1967), 8; and Ewing to Taggart, April 30, 1899 (1899: Letter 21,339) LR/BIA.

43. U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1906 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1906), 179; Hanna, Autobiography of Mark Hanna, 30, 44–46. Arizona resident A. G. Oliver reported in 1890 that the Havasupai were “industrious and at all times willing to work having had a number of them in my employ, in the mines at several times.” Oliver to Russell, February 11, 1890 (1890: Letter 9,185) LR/BIA. For a discussion of the appeals of seasonal wage labor for marginal groups, see Sarah Deutsch, No Separate Refuge: Culture, Class, and Gender on an Anglo-Hispanic

44. Bass to McGowan, March 2, 1891 (1891: Letter 9,602) LR/BIA.

45. This description of the dance, which comes from a Walapai informant, must have closely paralleled the Havasupai understanding of the ceremony. Quoted in Dobyns and Euler, Ghost Dance, 20. For a description of the official reaction to the Ghost Dance, see Ewing to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, March 29, 1898 (1898: Letter 15,139) LR/BIA.

46. Dobyns and Euler, Ghost Dance, 27; Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja, 56–57; Spier, “Havasupai Ethnography,” 261–66. Most scholars, following Spier, have argued that the Ghost Dance movement died out after a year. There is some evidence, however, that certain elements of the dance were integrated into the Havasupais' ongoing ceremonial life. Smithson and Euler, Havasupai Legends, 28–30.

47. A copy of the order creating the Grand Cañon Forest Reserve can be found in Records of the Department of the Interior, Patents and Miscellaneous, Entry 168 (Records Relating to Forest Reserves), RG 48, National Archives. See also U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1893 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1893), 77–79; and “List of the Western Forest Reserves,” Forest and Stream 52 (January 28, 1899): 67.

48. Henry S. Graves, The Principles of Handling Woodlands (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1911), v; U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1902 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1902), 81–83. References to the import of forest conservation for irrigation can be found in Edward Braniff, “The Reserve Policy in Operation,” Forestry Quarterly 2 (May 1904): 142; and “Forest Reserves of North America,” in American Big Game in Its Haunts, ed. George Bird Grinnell (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1904), 455–60. Marsh's arguments are referred to in U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1877 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1877), 25. For a discussion of national forests in the East, see William E. Shands, “The Lands Nobody Wanted: The Legacy of the Eastern National Forests,” in Origins of the National Forests: A Centennial Symposium, ed. Harold K. Steen (Durham, N.C.: Forest History Society, 1992), 19–44.

49. See, for example, the mentions of Indian incendiarism in Franklin B. Hough, Report upon Forestry, 1877, 155, Report upon Forestry, 1878–79 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1880), 12, and Report upon Forestry, 1882 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1882), 224; as well as Schotzka, American Forests, 11. Even as late as 1901, federal administrators would blame native peoples for setting 124 fires on national forest lands during the previous year. U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1901 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1901), 135, 441.

50. Report of Edward Bender, January 31, 1898, Records of the General Land Office, Division R, National Forests, Grand Canyon, Box 59, RG 49, National Archives.

51. F. B. Hough, Report upon Forestry, 1877, 26–27.

52. F. B. Hough, Report upon Forestry, 1882, 129–30.

53. U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1885 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1885), 81–82; U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1886 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1886), 101; and Schotzka, American Forests, 11.

54. The report of the American Association for the Advancement of Science is reprinted in F. B. Hough, Report upon Forestry, 1882, 54; “Recent Forest Legislation,” Garden and Forest 4 (April 22, 1891): 181; F. B. Hough, Report upon Forestry, 1877, 15, n. 1. A concern for morality floated near the surface of much of the late nineteenth-century writing about conservation. Fernow, for example, spoke of “the wide bearing which a proper forestry policy has upon the material and moral development of a country,” arguing that it was “the moral aspect of our present condition in regard to our public timber lands” that necessitated the creation of governmentally protected forest preserves. Bernhard E. Fernow, “Report of the Forestry Division,” in U.S. Department of Agriculture, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Agriculture, 1887, 606. See also Samuel Hays's intriguing discussion of how the term conservation was applied to all sorts of crusades during the progressive era, in Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency, 175.

55. The quote about “unscrupulous companies” can be found in U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1886, 102; see also U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1880 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1881), 171; Gifford Pinchot, The Fight for Conservation (New York: Doubleday, Page, 1910), 43, 80. The argument that corporations favored conservation has been made most eloquently by Samuel Hays in Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency, 1–2, 50. Other scholars to reach similar conclusions include Gabriel Kolko, The Triumph of Conservatism: A Reinterpretation of American History, 1900–1916 (New York: Free Press, 1963); and Michael Williams, Americans and Their Forests: A Historical Geography (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 407–9.

56. Breen to Commissioner of GLO, May 10, 1902 (1902: Letter 1,583) Records of the Department of the Interior, Lands and Railroad Division, Entry 550, RG 48, National Archives; and Hanna to Commissioner of GLO, March 9, 1901 (Letterbook of Isaac B. Hanna) Records of the Forest Service, Entry 13, RG 95, National Archives.

57. H. S. Betts, Possibilities of Western Pines as a Source of Naval Stores. Forest Service Bulletin No. 116 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1912); Entry 64 (General Correspondence, Forest Supervision, Region 3), Records of the Forest Service, RG 95, National Archives. See also Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency, 57–60; Robbins, American Forestry, 17; and J. H. Allison, “Silvical Report on the Coconino National Forest,” 1906, Box 65, Entry 115 (Forest Research Compilation Files) Records of the Forest Service, RG 95, National Archives; and George W. Kimball, “The Silvicultural and Commercial Future of the Woodland Type in Northern Arizona,” 1914, Box 27, Entry 115 (Forest Research

1. Lamoreux to Secretary of the Interior, April 14, 1894, Records of the Department of the Interior, Patents and Miscellaneous, Entry 168, RG 48, National Archives. This order forbade the driving, feeding, grazing, pasturing, or herding of cattle, sheep, or other livestock in the forest reserves. See also Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency, 55.

2. Descriptions of the tearing down of signs posted at forest reserves can be found in U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1894 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894), 95; and U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1900 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1900), 113.

3. U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1892 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1892), 48; U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1897 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1897), 85; “Forestry by Proclamation,” Garden and Forest 7 (December 12, 1894): 491.

4. “Our National Parks and Forest Reservations,” Garden and Forest 5 (December 28, 1892): 613–14.

5. “The Army and the Forests,” Garden and Forest 3 and 4 (September 10, 1890): 437, and (January 7, 1891): 2.

6. [Robert Underwood Johnson,] “How to Preserve the Forests,” Century 38 (June 1889): 312–13. Johnson's editorial drew much of its inspiration from “The Nation's Forests,” Garden and Forest 2 (January 30, 1889): 49, in which the magazine's editors first proposed using the army to patrol public forestlands.

7. Bowers to Secretary of the Interior, June 23, 1893. The army's response can be found in Grant to Secretary of the Interior, August 28, 1893, Records of the Department of the Interior, Patents and Misc., Entry 168, Box 1, RG 48, National Archives. Further discussions on having the military manage the forest reserves can be found in U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1890 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1890), 81–82; U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1894, 97; U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1896 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1896), 71–73; “Extending the National Park,” Forest and Stream 52 (January 7, 1899): 1; and the New York Sun, November 5, 1896.

8. U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1896, 72; Gaddis to Dorchester, April 2, 1893 (1893: Letter 14,387) LR/BIA. The best study of GLO management during this time

9. Commissioner of GLO to Stewart, August 5, 1893, Letterbook 12, 168, Records of the General Land Office, Division R, Entry 911, RG 49, National Archives (hereafter LS/GLO); Commissioner of GLO to Tilton, October 21, 1893, Letterbook 12, 456, LS/GLO.

10. In New Mexico, Spanish-speaking Hispanos were to find a similar set of legal barriers barring their use of collective lands enclosed within forest reserves during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

11. U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1898 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1898), 85, 91–92; U.S. General Land Office, Annual Report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office, 1900, 96–97. See also Charles D. Walcott, The United States Forest Reserves (New York: D. Appleton, 1898), a reprint of an article that appeared in Appletons' Popular Science Monthly in February 1898.

12. B. Hermann to W. P. Hermann, August 1, 1898, Letterbook 28, 249, LS/GLO; B. Hermann to Allen, September 28, 1898, Letterbook 30, 1–6, LS/GLO.

13. W. P. Hermann to Commissioner of the GLO, November 9, 1898 (1898: Letter 53,747) LR/BIA. Arizona's game law is discussed in the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1897 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1897), 105. The Havasupais' agent worried that tribe members, who continued to hunt off the reservation despite the changes in Arizona's law, might find themselves in the same sort of violent confrontation that had occurred near Yellowstone between the Bannock Indians and white settlers: “I devoutly hope that the ‘Jackson Hole’ trouble will not be repeated with these Indians as victims.”

14. Holland to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 14, 1901 (1901: Letter 51,455) LR/BIA; Indian Rights Association, Nineteenth Annual Report of the Executive Committee of the Indian Rights Association (Philadelphia: Indian Rights Association, 1902), 22–23. See also Indian Rights Association to Secretary of the Interior, May 21, 1901 (1901: Letter 8,079) Records of the Department of the Interior, Indian Division, Entry 653, RG 48, National Archives; and Ewing's comments in U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1901 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1901), 527.

15. Richards to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, February 10, 1903 (1903: Letter 9,631) LR/BIA; Kirk to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, April 18, 1901 (1901: Letter 22,004) LR/BIA; Reed to Forester, November 24, 1900 (1906: Letter 107,320) LR/BIA; and Commissioner of General Land Office to Secretary of the Interior, October 18, 1898 (1898: Letter 47,743) LR/BIA. For more on the presence of Navajos and Apaches in the Gila River Forest Reserve,

16. Big Jim's letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs is best read as one effort in this direction—an appeal to one branch of the state, the BIA, to nullify the position taken by another branch, the Arizona Fish and Game Commission and the Forest Service. For examples of interagency cooperation, see Commissioner of GLO to Secretary of the Interior, October 29, 1898 (1898: Letter 49,680) LR/BIA; and Commissioner of GLO to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, October 29, 1898 (1898: Letter 49,346) LR/BIA.

17. Flora Gregg Iliff, People of the Blue Water: My Adventures among the Walapai and Havasupai Indians (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1954), 196–97. A similar example comes from the agent at the La Pointe Reservation in Wisconsin, who admitted to his superiors, “I would not report or prosecute an Indian, if I saw him kill a deer for his own use in closed season.” Campbell to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, August 23, 1906 (1906: Letter 74,394) LR/BIA.

18. Assistant Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Ewing, December 2, 1898, Letterbook 392 (Land), 385–87, LS/BIA. Ewing to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, February 4, 1899 (1899: Letter 6,835) LR/BIA.

19. Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Secretary of the Interior, December 13, 1900, Letterbook 461 (Land), 147–48, LS/BIA; Hanna to Commissioner of the General Land Office, October 6, 1900 (1900: Letter 53,353) LR/BIA; and Commissioner of the GLO to Secretary of the Interior, February 8, 1900, and Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Secretary of the Interior, February 17, 1900 (1898: Letter 4,437) Records of the Department of the Interior, Lands and Railroads Division, Entry 550, RG 48, National Archives. (These last two letters are included within the same GLO file.)

20. Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Sliker, November 8, 1902, Letterbook 567 (Land), 27–28, LS/BIA. Sliker was Arizona's Fish and Game Commissioner. See also Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Hayzlett, December 3, 1900, Letterbook 460 (Land), 67–69, LS/BIA.

21. Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Ewing, November 3, 1900, Letterbook 457 (Land), 198–99, LS/BIA.

22. Commissioner of Indian Affairs to Ewing, December 13, 1900, Letterbook 461 (Land), 168–70, LS/BIA.

23. Ewing to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, December 18, 1900 (1900: Letter 63,048) LR/BIA; U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1904 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1904), 154.

24. Taggart to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 30, 1905 (1905: Letter 52,472) LR/BIA. Taggart was a Special U.S. Indian Agent, charged with investigating conditions on reservations throughout the West.

25. Ibid.; Iliff, People of the Blue Water, 200; Association of American Indian Affairs, The Havasupai: Prisoners of the Grand Canyon (N.p.: Association of American Indian Affairs, [1972?]), 8; Barbara J. Morehouse, A Place Called Grand Canyon: Contested Geographies (Tucson: University of Arizona Press,

26. Report of H. F. Robinson in U.S. Congress, House, Grand Canyon National Park, 65^th Cong., 2^nd sess., 1917–18, H. Rept. 832 (Serial Set 7308), 4.

27. National Park Service Grazing Permit, 1923. Records of the National Park Service, File 901, Central Classified File, 1907–32: Grand Canyon, RG 79, National Archives. (Hereafter CCF/NPS.) Inspection report of S. A. M. Young, May 8, 1916, File 150, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA.

28. Lovenskiold to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, July 8, 1924, and Gensler to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 4, 1919; both are in File 916, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; Lovenskiold to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, January 8, 1926, File 100, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA.

29. “Depositions, 1950,” 15; U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1906, 179; Taylor to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, May 11, 1914, File 255, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA. The adoption of cattle raising did not completely prevent all conflicts over ownership: non-Indian ranchers occasionally accused the Havasupai of poaching their cattle. One such misunderstanding led to the death of Wa luthma (Supai Charley), who died in the Flagstaff jail of pneumonia after being arrested for killing a cow that he asserted belonged to him but which ranchers claimed as their own. See File 175, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; and Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja, 80–82. A useful analysis of the legal history of rights to wild game can be found in Arthur McEvoy, “Toward an Interactive Theory of Nature and Culture: Ecology, Production, and Cognition in the California Fishing Industry,” in The Ends of the Earth: Perspectives on Modern Environmental History, ed. Donald Worster (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 211–29.

30. By 1941, the impact of cattle grazing was such that “the Havasupai often found it difficult to locate even an isolated specimen of many of the old staple wild food plants.” Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 45–47.

31. U.S. Congress, Senate, Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States: Part 17: Arizona, 8739, 8746. In his ethnography of the Havasupai, Whiting asserted that by 1941 “the feeling of obligation to share with everyone was decreasing,” with more and more meat being traded or sold for cash instead of being given away. See Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 42–43.

32. Laben to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, December 8, 1921, File 916, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; News Bulletin, October 4, 1927, File 501, Grand Canyon, CCF/NPS; Glen Sturdevant, “Mescal,” Grand Canyon Nature Notes 1 (June 26, 1926): 4–5.

33. “Grand Canyon National Forest Made Game Preserve,” Forestry and Irrigation 14 (August 1908): 453.

34. Laben to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, April 26, 1921, File 112, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA.

35. W. H. Peters, Report for December 1919, Reports Superintendent, PI 166, Entry 7, Central Files, 1907–39, Records of the National Park Service, RG 79, National Archives. (Hereafter RS/NPS.)

36. W. W. Crosby, Report for December 1922, RS/NPS; George Bolton, Report for February 1923, RS/NPS; J. R. Eakin, Report for February, 1926, RS/NPS.

37. A discussion of the Havasupais' use of snares, clubs, and hunting sticks can be found in Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 37–39; for other hunting tactics used at this time, see Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja, 127–28. The Havasupais' intimacy with their local surroundings did not go unnoticed by contemporary observers. In 1912, the naturalist Charles Sheldon hired a Havasupai named Sinyala “to show me the country up the east canyon.” “It is interesting to go with him [Sinyala],” observed Sheldon. “He knows every foot of the country.” Sheldon, The Wilderness of the Southwest: Charles Sheldon's Quest for Desert Bighorn Sheep and Adventures with the Havasupai and Seri Indians, ed. Neil B. Carmony and David E. Brown (1979; reprint, Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1993), 12.

38. Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 77–78; U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Board of Indian Commissioners, 1929 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1929), 28–29; Spier, “Havasupai Ethnography,” 144–45; and “Depositions, 1950,” 34. See also Symons to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, January 1, 1913, File 205, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; and White to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, May 23, 1918, File 151, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA.

39. U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1897, 105; U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1900 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1900), 203. See also U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1898 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1898), 122; and Indian Rights Association, Nineteenth Annual Report of the Executive Committee of the Indian Rights Association, 25.

40. Inspection report of S. A. M. Young, May 8, 1916, File 150, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; Watahomigie to Secretary of the Interior, March 21, 1914, File 307.4, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; Iliff, People of the Blue Water, 196–97. A further account of the Havasupais' reduced access to meat can be found in Symons to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, July 16, 1913, File 307.4, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA.

41. Iliff, People of the Blue Water, 196–97. (One cannot help wondering whether Chickapanyegi actually spoke in such a stilted manner or if Iliff felt the need to render his speech into “authentic” Indian fragments.) The travel-book writer George Wharton James alluded to much the same argument in his turn-of-the-century discussion of Havasupai poaching of mountain sheep in the canyon: “This they do regardless of a territorial law, which forbids even an Indian killing mountain sheep at any time. The Indian regards his as a prior right, existing long before there was any territorial legislature, and he acts accordingly.” James, Indians of the Painted Desert Region, 244.

42. Walter G. Mann and S. B. Locke, The Kaibab Deer: A Brief History and Recent Developments (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1931); and Report of Kaibab Investigative Committee (n.p., 1931). (This second pamphlet is located in Yale's forestry collection). See also Dennis Tresidder, “History of Game Management, Part II,” Arizona Wildlife Views (April 1995): 6–7.

43. Indian Rights Association, Nineteenth Annual Report of the Executive Committee of the Indian Rights Association, 26. In addition, Navajo Indians

44. Iliff, People of the Blue Water, 198, 204; Inspection report of Carl Moore, May 18, 1929, File 150, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; West to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 26, 1915, File 115, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; West to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 1, 1915, File 115, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA.

45. See Service, “Recent Observations on Havasupai Land Tenure,” 365; and John Hough, “The Grand Canyon National Park and the Havasupai People: Cooperation and Conflict” (manuscript, n.d.), 6.

46. Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 41–43, 109; Spier, “Havasupai Ethnography,” 323–24. A. F. Whiting was told that Havasupai boys were not allowed to smoke until they had killed their first coyote. Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 113.

47. Leanne Hinton, Havasupai Songs: A Linguistic Perspective (Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag, 1984), 265.

48. This song was recorded by Spier in 1918–19. Spier, “Havasupai Ethnography,” 110. Cushing recorded a similar song in the 1880s. See Cushing, Nation of the Willows, 71–72. Other hunting rituals can be found in Weber and Seaman, Havasupai Habitat, 41, 200–1; Spier, “Havasupai Ethnography,” 109; and Smithson and Euler, Havasupai Legends, 12–13.

49. Hanna, Autobiography of Mark Hanna, 16.

50. “Not until after 1919 did the government have either the intent or the personnel required to drive the Havasupai back to Havasu Canyon yearround.” Secretary of the Interior and Bureau of Indian Affairs, in consultation with the Havasupai Tribe, Secretarial Land Use Plan for Addition to Havasupai Indian Reservation: Section 10, Public Law 93–620, Grand Canyon National Park Enlargement Act (Washington, DC: GPO, 1982), 3.

51. Frank A. Waugh, Plan for the Development of the Village of Grand Canyon (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1918), 12–14. In 1919, the director of the newly created Park Service asserted that “Grand Canyon National Park is in need of broad development.” U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1919 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1919), 1010. See also Gordon Chappell, “Railroad at the Rim: The Origin and Growth of Grand Canyon Village,” Journal of Arizona History 17 (spring 1976): 89–107; and Marta Weigle, “From Desert to Disney World: The Santa Fe Railway and the Fred Harvey Company Display the Indian Southwest,” Journal of Anthropological Research 45 (spring 1989): 115–37. Linda Flint McClelland, Building the National Parks: Historic Landscape Design and Construction (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), provides a useful survey of the Park Service's building and landscaping efforts, including a discussion of Grand Canyon Village, 164–65.

52. Hughes, In the House of Stone and Light, 87; W. H. Peters, Report for November 1919, RS/NPS; Patraw to Director of National Park Service, October

53. Hanna, Autobiography of Mark Hanna, 71. By “we dug some places,” Hanna may be referring to the installation of the sewage system at Grand Canyon Village.

54. J. R. Eakin, Report for December 1925, RS/NPS; Hughes, In the House of Stone and Light, 88.

55. U.S. Congress, Senate, Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States: Part 17: Arizona, 8737; Patraw to Director of National Park Service, October 16, 1930, Havasupai Indian Collection, File 32096, Folder 1, GCNPMC.

56. D. Clinton West to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, December 17, 1914, File 307.4, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA. As Martha Knack and Alice Littlefield have argued, the “commitment to wage employment can serve as an index of the extent to which Indians had lost control over the land on which they could practice their traditional subsistence activities of hunting, farming, gathering, and intertribal trading.” “Native American Labor: Retrieving History, Rethinking Theory,” in Knack and Littlefield, eds., Native Americans and Wage Labor: Ethnohistorical Approaches (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996), 14.

57. Memoranda of September 8, 1938, and May 1, 1939, Havasupai Indians, File A9431, GCNPMC; Hamley to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, October 2, 1926, File 100, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; Henderson, 18; Memorandum of Charles Bender, December 7, 1926, File 100, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA; Lovenskiold to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, January 8, 1926, File 100, Havasupai Agency, CCF/BIA. The decline of Havasupai farming is discussed in John F. Martin, “The Organization of Land and Labor in a Marginal Economy,” Human Organization 32 (summer 1973): 153–61. An excellent example of how other communities in the Southwest became segmented along lines of age and gender following the rise of wage labor can be found in Deutsch, No Separate Refuge, 35–40.

58. Demaray to Collier, August 22, 1938, Havasupai Indians, File A9431, GCNPMC; Memorandum of March 17, 1939, Havasupai Indians, File A9431, GCNPMC; Bryant to Shaffer, April 14, 1939, Havasupai Indians, File A9431, GCNPMC; Patraw to Director of National Park Service, October 16, 1930, Havasupai Indian Collection, File 32096, Folder 1, GCNPMC; U.S. Congress, Senate, Survey of Conditions of the Indians in the United States, Part 17: Arizona, 8738.

59. Memorandum for the Director, May 2, 1939, and September 8, 1938; McLaughlin, Memorandum, June 4, 1956; Coffin, Memorandum, April 4, 1956: all are in File A9431, Havasupai Indians, GCNPMC. Hirst, Havsuw 'Baaja, 151, gives a vivid account of the destruction of the Havasupais' camp.

60. Leanne Hinton, Havasupai Songs, 273–75.

61. For an illuminating study of Indian storytelling and its relation to the understanding of landscape, see Keith H. Basso, Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language among the Western Apache (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996).

1. By myth I mean a narrative that provides its listeners with a way of finding order and meaning in the world. A myth is not necessarily false (in fact, it needs a clear connection to reality to be compelling), but it can contain distortions or simplifications. For more on the relationship between myth and history (and, more particularly, between myth and western and environmental history), see Henry Nash Smith, Virgin Land: The American West as Symbol and Myth (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1950); Marx, The Machine in the Garden; White, It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own, 613–31; Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Vintage, 1995), 14–9; and Mark Fiege, Irrigated Eden: The Making of an Agricultural Landscape in the American West (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1999), 211 n. 1, 269 n. 1.

2. Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 27. See also Gifford Pinchot, “The Fight for Conservation,” in American Environmentalism: The Formative Period, 1860–1915, ed. Donald Worster (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1973), 84–90; and Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency, 5–6, 122–23.

3. Thompson, “Custom Law and Common Right,” in Customs in Common, 179. Scholars of Europe and Africa have recently argued that in the premodern countryside of these regions, physical force was the most common form of settling disputes over resources. See Eric A. Johnson and Eric H. Monkkonen, eds., The Civilization of Crime: Violence in Town and Country since the Middle Ages (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996); and Robert Harms, Games against Nature: An Eco-Cultural History of the Nunu of Equatorial Africa (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 128–56. An extended essay on these themes can be found in Lawrence Keeley, War before Civilization: The Myth of the Peaceful Savage (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).

4. William Novak, The People's Welfare: Law and Regulation in Nineteenth-Century America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 17–18; Skowronek, Building a New American State, 1–10.

5. Robert Harms makes a similar argument in his discussion of environmental control in Africa. According to Harms, the imposition of European colonialism checked the warfare that had often been endemic to the Nunu of equatorial Africa. Harms, Games against Nature, 177–79.

6. This emphasis on the value of the rule of law is also that of E. P. Thompson in the remarkable conclusion to Whigs and Hunters, 258–69.

7. As E. P. Thompson once observed, “Stability … may have its own kind of terror.” Ibid., 258.

8. Marsh, Man and Nature, 36–37; George Perkins Marsh, The Earth as Modified by Human Action: A New Edition of Man and Nature, rev. ed. (New

9. [Robert Underwood Johnson], “Attacks upon Public Parks,” Century Magazine 43 (January 1892): 473; and U.S. Department of the Interior, Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 1886, 77.

10. For accounts of the passage of the 1894 amendment to New York's constitution, see Terrie, Contested Terrain, 102; and Donaldson, History of the Adirondacks, 2:183–96. This vision of the Adirondacks' “wildness” also comes through in the 1883 comments of Verplanck Colvin, the head of the Adirondack Survey, who frequently spoke of the “Adirondack wilderness,” which he defined as “wild timbered lands which were seldom visited except by sportsmen and explorers.” New York Times, December 18, 1883.

11. The fullest description of the etymology of conservation is, of course, to be found in The Oxford English Dictionary, 2^nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 3:764–65. But see also Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World: Changing Attitudes in England, 1500–1800 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), 276.

12. Bruncken, North American Forests and Forestry, 54–56. For a recent study of the Adirondacks that reveals present-day resentments on the part of the region's residents at what they still see as their exclusion from the environmental decision-making process, see Catherine Henshaw Knott, Living with the Adirondack Forest: Local Perspectives on Land Use Conflicts (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998).