1. In August 1991 a car driven by Yosef Lifsh, a Lubavitch Hasid, wentout of control in Crown Heights and fatally injured a seven-year-old Guyanese-American boy, Gavin Cato. Lifsh was part of a motorcade that was returningfrom escorting the Lubavitch leader, Rebbe Menahem Schneerson, on his weeklyvisit to his wife's grave in a cemetery in Queens. Several hours later, a crowd of Black youths surrounded a Hasidic yeshiva student, Yankel Rosenbaum, and community and the largely Hasidic Jewish community in Crown Heights. (See New York Newsday, September 3, 1991; Village Voice, September 3, 1911.)

2. As of the 1990 census, 18.5% of Black people in New York County wereforeign-born. Of these, 33.1% were naturalized, while 66.8% reported that theywere “not a citizen.” This figure compares to 42% foreign-born among Hispanics,

3. Irma Wviding health and funeral benefits have long been a component of Afro-Caribbeanand African-American im/migrant society in New York (Blood Relations, 65).

4. Asians were ineligible for citizenship from the Exclusion Act of 1882 untilthe McCarran-Walter Act in 1954.

5. Hongo, “America Singing.”

6. The cosmology of Haitian vodou sees the dead as having access to Ginen, or Africa. See Brown, Mama Lola. See also Ng, Bone, on the disruption of Chinese-American burial traditions as a result of “paper” identities taken on tosatisfy anti-Chinese immigration regulations in California.

7. Benedict Anderson's now classic Imagined Communities is of course the source of this phrase. But many critics have extended both the site of the community and the source of the imaginings beyond Anderson's formulations. See especially Homi Bhabha, “Introduction: Narrating the Nation” and “Dissemi-Nation: Time, Narrative, and the Margins of the Modern Nation,” both in his Nation and Narration; and Partha Chatterjee's useful postcolonial counter to Anderson in Nationalist Thought.

8. Counting illegal immigrants is, of course, a dicey business: how does thestate account for those most likely to elude its technologies?

9. Yellow Bird and Milun, “Interrupted Journeys,” 20.

10. Cities of the Dead, 38.

11. Immigrant Acts, 2

12. Gilroy, Black Atlantic, 37.

13. Nora, “Between Memory and History.”

14. Hall, “Culture, Community, Nation.”

15. Noel, “Politics of Carnival.”

16. It is estimated, for example, that about half of the Cherokee people diedas a result of removal during the 1838 Trail of Tears. See Stiffarm and Lane, “Demography of Native North America”; Thornton, “Cherokee Population Losses.”

17. See Thomas, “Pan-Indianism.”

18. Roach, Cities of the Dead, 4.

19. Ibid., xi.

20. See Bederman, Manliness and Civilization; Lott, Love and Theft; Rosaldo, Culture and Truth; Green, “Pocahontas Perplex.”

21. See my “Teaching Crown Heights”; Slotkin, “Buffalo Bill's ‘Wild West’”;Moses, Wild West Shows.

22. Winokur, American Laughter, 10.

23. See Powers, War Dance.

24. Black Atlantic, 102.

25. Ibid., 37.

26. In 1966, before the decolonization of the British West Indies, the number of immigrants admitted from the United Kingdom who intended to make

27. See Patricia Williams, Alchemy of Race and Rights. For an example of relationship between Garveyism and Rastafarianism, see Nelson, “Rastafarians and Ethiopianism.”

28. Goldberg, Racist Culture.

29. Balibar writes about this contradiction:

This fiction, however, also derives its effectiveness from everyday practices, relations which immediately structure the “life” of individuals. And, most importantly … the race community dissolves social inequalities in an even more ambivalent “similarity”; it ethnicizes the social difference which is an expression of irreconcilable antagonisms by lending it the form of a division between the “genuinely” and the “falsely” national.(“Fictive Identity,” 167)

30. Hall, “New Ethnicities,” 162.

31. The heading for this section, “Stories That Could Be True,” comes fromthe title of William Stafford's collected poems. The same book includes the lovelyand applicable phrase: “We owe the rain/a pat on the back—barefoot, it haswalked/with us with its silver passport all over the world” (5–6).

32. Johannes Fabian argues in Time and the Other that in struggling to create a discourse of expertise, ethnographic practice forces a distance from the world of the “informants,” thus creating them as the objects rather than the subjects of our accounts. For Fabian, the separation between researchers and the researched creates the “denial of coevalness,” a deep rift between the social spaces each inhabits.

Interviewers and informants inhabit different systems of time: the Times reporter and photographer were on an overnight deadline; I was on the somewhatmore lenient but also exacting schedule of dissertation research.

33. The article that came out of this encounter does a good basic job of interviewing the public figures involved in West Indian–American Day Carnivaland in the Caribbean community in general. It makes osme very general speculations about the climate in Crown Heights, and actually quotes Randy Brewster very briefly. My point here is not necessarily to criticize journalists but ratherto point to the collective problematic in the representation of social experienceby “official discourses,” such as the New York Times and academic dissertations. See New York Times, August 30, 1991, B1, B3.

34. Traditional practices of “salvage anthropology” (Marcus and Fischer, Anthropology as Cultural Critique) documented primitive cultures displaced by the progress of colonization and modernization. Implicit in this notion of salvaging and preserving the primitive is the idea that ethnographers are separated from their subjects by time—the ethnographer is a modern interloper bringing the harvest of colonialist research back to the museums and archives of the bring west. The contradictions of salvage anthropology are particularly pronouncedfor im/migrant or diasporan cultures. Traditional ethnography misses the 184 Notes to Pages 18–24

35. In Orientalism, Edward Said broke important theoretical ground, arguing that the Western academic traditions that study nonwestern cultures often perpetuate colonial domination rather than advancing more rose-colored goals of humanist knowledge and mutual understanding. Influenced by such postcolonial criticism, anthropologists have turned to consider the role of the social sciences in promoting domination, questioning the practices of cultural salvage as well as the relationship between ethnographer and informants. At the same time, feminist and poststructuralist scholars have revolutionized the notion of subjectivity itself, pointing to the multiple discursive constructions of the roti eater as authority, consumer of culture, white person, woman, and to the effects of such divided subjectivity on the relationships among researchers and ethnographic “subjects.” This critique of the unitary subject has promoted self-reflectiveness amongethnographers about their position among those they study, and about the disci-selves what our scholarship promotes on a political level, and what we are reallyable to see and say about other cultures at all.

This encounter of the “West and the rest,” where traditional methodologies meet the multiply conscious subjectivities of internal colonization and exile, has changed ethnographic practice. Recent critical work elucidates the contradiction between the desire of scholars to understand and recount consciousness (Spivak, “Can the Subaltern Speak?”) and what Trinh calls “the positivist dream of a perfect double” (Woman, Native, Other, 55).

Waking up from this dream, or from what many would argue comprises the long Enlightenment nightmare of positivist social science, we realize with a start that the institutions from which scholars draw our knowledge and authority do not necessarily produce expertise across cultural boundaries. What, then, becomes of our desires to understand consciousness; to narrate the conflicts that have comeabout in the long Western history of contact, mutual influence, and colonization?

1. For a discussion of the syncretic nature of Afro-Atlantic music, see Hebdige, Cut ‘n’ Mix; Roberts, Black Music of Two Worlds; for the hybrid natureof “American” popular culture in the nineteenth century, see Saxton, Rise and Fall of the White Republic.

2. E. Hill, Trinidad Carnival; Safa, “Preface.”

3. Anzaldúa, Borderlands; John Martínez Weston, personal communication, March 1994.

4. Valaskakis, “Dance Me Inside,” 40.

5. For an excellent discussion of Indian cultural ties to the land, see V. Deloria, God Is Red. For an account of current Anishanabe struggles at Mole Lakesee Donato, “‘To Allow This Mine.’”

6. Orsi, Madonna of 115th Street, esp. 150–162.

7. Howard, “Pan-Indian Culture”; Gamble, “Changing Patterns.”

8. Howard and other anthropologists in the 1950s and 1960s stressed the emergence of pan-Indian culture as signaling the demise of specific tribal characteristics and the eventual assimilation of the Indians into mainstream society as an ethnic group. The ideas of Ralph Linton (“Distinctive Aspects of Acculturation”) and Anthony Wallace (Human Behavior) about revivalism as a contradictory component of acculturation were central to the assimilationist model. Thismodel, however, took a certain cultural teleology as a given, assuming that thedirection of history was toward “progress” in the Western sense of the word. Revivalism is not necessarily about assimilation; we must historicize the occurrence of cultural revivals and look for their specific social and political negotiations.

9. Rachlin, “Tight Shoe Night.”

10. See Ball, Indeh!; Buff, “Gone to Prophetstown.”

11. Kees, “Stockbridge Indians”; O'Connell, On Our Own Ground, “Introduction”; Perdue and Green, Cherokee Removal, “Introduction.”

12. Lomawaima, They Called It Prairie Light, xiii, 32–33; Child, Boarding School Seasons, 4.

13. Mooney, “Ghost Dance Religion”; Hagan, American Indians; Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity.

14. See Iverson, “We Are Still Here,” esp. chap. 1; also Moses, Wild West Shows.

15. Rynkiewich, “Chippewa Powwows.” See also Heth, Native American Dance, “Introduction.”

16. “We Are Still Here,” 30–49.

17. Hickerson, Ethnohistory of the Chippewa.

18. Dyck, “Powwow.”

19. Here I think Michel Foucault's sense of the relationship between ecclesiatical and governmental forms of discipline is useful (Discipline and Punish). The government sponsored missions to the Indians as part of its Indian policy (especially in the immediate post–Civil War period, with U.S. Grant's creation of the Peace Commission in 1867); in turn, federal efforts to acculturate Indianchildren dovetailed with missionary efforts.

20. Pratt also founded the Indian section of Hampton Institute in Virginia, which had been founded to educate former slaves. Both sections of the institute, as well as other institutions of this kind, followed then-contemporary race theory in attempting to educate Blacks and Indians to assume a subordinate socioeconomic position in the dominant society.

21. Roger Buffalohead, lecture, American Indian Studies, University of Minnesota, January 11, 1991.

22. Child, Boarding School Seasons, 5.

23. Bill Means, interview, Minneapolis, February 1993.

24. Hertzberg, Search for an American Indian Identity, 19–20.

25. They Called It Prairie Light, 129.

26. See Gunther, “Westward Movement.”

27. Initially discovered by Columbus and claimed for Spain in 1498, Trinidad remained a Spanish possession until the British conquest of the island in 1797. The French influx was due to a peace treaty signed between France and Spain, which encouraged the immigration of Roman Catholics to the island by offering land grants to all settlers, both white and colored. The defeat of Napoleon'sforces in Haiti in 1802 and France's concurrent abandonment of its plans for economic dominance in the Americas when it sold the Louisiana Territory in 1803 ironically paved the way for federal Indian removal by giving the United States unprecedented access to lands west of the Mississippi. See Brereton, “Social Organisation and Class” and History of Modern Trinidad; Plummer, Haiti and the United States.

28. E. Hill, Trinidad Carnival, 4–9; Pearse, “Carnival in Nineteenth-Century Trinidad”; Brereton, “Social Organization and Class.”

29. rereton, “Social Organization and Class,” 34, 52.

30. Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, 196–277; E. Hill, Trinidad Carnival, 11; Nunley, “Masquerade Mix-up.”

31. E. Hill, Trinidad Carnival, 31–32.

32. Ibid., 20–25.

33. Brereton, History of Modern Trinidad, 49.

34. Nunley, “Masquerade Mix-up,” 92–94; Lott, Love and Theft.

35. rereton, History of Modern Trinidad, 132.

36. Brereton, “Social Organization and Class,” 52.

37. E. Hill, Trinidad Carnival, 100.

38. Brereton, “Social Organization and Class,” 52; see also K. Singh, Bloodstained Tombs.

39. It is worth noting, however, that the similarities between these conflicts didnot lead to more solidarity among working-class Afro- and Indo-Trinidadians. See K. Singh, Race and Class.

40. See Powrie, “Changing Attitudes”.

41. Even before emancipation, Trinidad had a large population of urbanslaves; in 1813, 25% of slaves lived in cities. After the end of the apprenticeship in 1838, favorable wages allowed freedpeople much more mobility than in the United States. Particularly as Indian indentured workers were imported, starting in the 1840s, the Black population tended to be more urbanized in Trinidadthan in the United States and in other British colonies, such as Barbados. See Brereton, History of Modern Trinidad, esp. chaps. 5–6.

42. Quoted in Pearse, “Carnival in Nineteenth-Century Trinidad,” 185.

43. Brereton, History of Modern Trinidad, 132.

44. Trinidad Carnival, 33–38.

45. D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo, 22–43.

46. Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 54; D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo, 200–202.

47. D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo, 203.

48. Segal, “Living Ancestors.”

49. Warner, “Ethnicity and the Contemporary Calypso.”

50. Chaney, Migration from the Caribbean Region; D. Marshall, “Migration and Development.”

51. Manning, “Overseas Caribbean Carnivals,” 29; A. Cohen, Masquerade Politics, 40.

52. One story of the origin of the jingle dress was told to me by Ellie Favel, a Canadian Ojibwa woman who works as a guidance counselor at Heart of the Earth Survival School in Minneapolis:

The jingle dress story, the one that the elders gave me the right to tell, is from the Lake of the Woods area. And there's three that I heard … one from that lake, Red Lake, that area. And there's even one I heard from Sisseton, South Dakota. And they're all a little bit different, but they're all, you know, special, because they're visions and dreams, and the vision was a gift from the Creator.

But the one that I'll share with you is the one I brought from my area. And it comes from a dream that this elder had. This elder had a granddaughter who was raised, andhe loved her so much … but she was really sickly. And he was a real simple man, a kindman, a really down-to-earth person, who prayed a lot. He prayed a lot for his granddaughter. For her to get well. And tirelessly, he did that for many years, and kept praying for her. And then finally, he was honored, and he had this dream, this vision. And, where this beautiful elder man came, you know, with gray hair, and the kindest eyes. The color and the design. And he had to make this with love and prayers. And so he didthat, he made it a special way, he made it with love and prayers. And then, when he wascomplete with the dress, he was to cook all this food that he had in his home and shareit with the village, call all the people together, in honor of this dress, after it was completed, so he did that. And he was also to instruct his granddaughter in when she could wear this dress, and how she was supposed to take care of it, like it was a spirit.…

… the dress was a spirit. So, she would know how to properly take care of it. So he did that too. When he was complete, with all the instructions, and then the young girl danced with it, and she became well. So that'women. The jingle dress. It's a medicinal dress. And it's to cure what ails the person, you know, who's sickly.

53. Horse Capture, Powwow, 27.

54. This interpretation was suggested to me by Ellie Favel, who emphasizes the healing properties of the jingle dress in her work with young Indian women at the Heart of the Earth Survival School in Minneapolis; and also by Debbie Ironshield, a student at Heart of the Earth, who talked about the spiritual dimensions of dancing the Jingle Dress Dance.

55. Ellie Favel, interview, Heart of the Earth School, Minneapolis, April 1994.

56. See Heth, Native American Dance, 17.

57. D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo, 179–181.

58. A contemporary movie manual advised would-be producers:

The Red Indians who have been fortunate enough to secure permanent engagementswith the several Western film companies are paid a salary that keeps them well provided

59. There is some controversy over the origins and authorship of this popular calypso. For a discussion of this controversy as well as background on Decca andother American companies in Trinidad, see D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo, 114–144.

60. E. Williams, Capitalism and Slavery, 27.

61. See Enloe, Bananas, Beaches, and Bases; Nash and Fernández-Kelly, Women, Men, and the International Division of Labor.

62. For an excellent account of the show and its relation to contemporaryfrontier conflicts, see Slotkin, “Buffalo Bill's ‘Wild West.’”

63. Gunther, “Westward Movement”; Powers, War Dance, 18. As L.G. Moses points out, the timing of the Wild West shows allowed Indian participants to turn the nomadic lifestyle of the traveling circus to their won ends—whether to escape the poverty of reservation life in the late nineteenth century, to meet other Indian people, or to maintain a lifestyle officially outlawed at the time bythe Indian Bureau (Wild West Shows, 45–46).

64. A fascinating parallel to the Wild West Show is the Canadian Calgary Stampede, which performs a similarly mythologized “Wild West” to this day. See Burgess, “Canadian ‘Range Wars.’”

65. War Dance, 161.

66. Lipsitz, Time Passages, 233–255.

67. rowley, “Traditional Masks of Carnival.”

68. Nunley, “Masquerade Mix-up,” 96.

69. rereton, History of Modern Trinidad, 21, 48.

70. Crowley, “Traditional Masks of Carnival,” 264.

71. Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 55.

72. Guillermoprieto, Samba!

73. A. Cohen, Masquerade Politics, 40.

74. Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 148–159.

75. E. Hill, Trinidad Carnival, 97.

76. Though this is the historical narrative of how such costumes as those of Cleopatra and Roman gladiators became popular, it is important to note that itis popularly disputed. “Trinidad put the Ten Commandments on the road before Hollywood ever thought of it,” insisted one costume designer (interview, August 1992).

77. Trevor Johns, interview, Basement Recording Studios, Brooklyn, July 1991.

78. Caribbean New York; Manning, “Overseas Caribbean Carnivals.”

79. Interview, Jackie, August 1992.

80. Valaskakis, “Chippewa and the Other.”

81. In 1884 the U.S. government banned participation in many Indian ceremonies, including the Sun Dance. Under John Collier's administration of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, this proscription was lifted in 1933. See Huenemann, “Northern Plains Dance,” 125.

82. Sometimes, as Lomawaima points out, boarding school were sites for cultural innovation and preservation. The Chilocco Indian School in Oklahoma, for example, tolerated stomp dance ceremonies held by students. She writes: “Participation in stomp dances or other covert religious activities was an important way students could retain ties to their home cultures. School authorities frowned on stomp dances, but, for whatever reasons, did not stop them” (They Called It Prairie Light, 140).

83. Peace Pipe 2 (February 1955), Box 10, American Indians, SWHA.

84. American Indian Center News 1, no. 4 (March 1962), Box 4, ibid.

85. Powers, War Dance.

86. Jim Clermont, interview, Minneapolis, 1994.

87. Vine Deloria, Behind the Trail of Broken Treaties, a common tactic of the mainstream media during the 1970s to portray AIM as “outside agitators,” urban, educated Indians who returned to reservations such as Pine Ridge to “make trouble.” in fact, AIM organizers were often from reservations, and worked closely with ongoing political organizations there. For a detailed case study of reservation resistance, see Peroff, Menominee Drums.

88. Bill Means, interview, Minneapolis, 1993.

89. See Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness; Omi and Winant, Racial Formation.

90. Basch, Schiller, and Szanton Blanc, Nations Unbound, 45.

1. See H. Bhabha, Nation and Narration.

2. See Harvey, Consciousness and the Urban Experience. The percentage ofgoods produced by the 100 largest corporations zoomed in the first two yearsof the war, from 30% in 1941 to 70% in 1943 (Nash, American West Transformed, 8); this war machine, along with the propaganda appratus generated to support the war effort, would readily translate after the war into the production and marketing of consumer goods.

3. See N.P. Singh, “Culture/Wars,” 510.

4. See Corber, In the Name of National Security, esp. 1–39.

5. Sommer, “Irresistible Romance,” 75.

6. See, for example, Goldberg, Racist Culture; Thompson, Theories of Ethnicity; Wald, Constituting Americans.

7. For a discussion of the Enlightenment roots of citizenship and the ongoing conflict between the citizen-ideal and social life in civil society, see Alejandro, Hermeneutics, esp. 9–41.

8. Thompson, Theories of Ethnicity, 64.

9. Lomawaima, They Called It Prairie Light, 164.

10. For more information on Bandung and its significance, see Mason, Development and Disorder, esp. 31–32.

11. Of course, the history of covert operations in these nations in thepost–World War II period is long and brutal. See W.A. Williams, Empire as a Way of Life; LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America; Chomsky, American Power.

12. Quoted in Iverson, “Building towards Self-Determination,” 165.

13. Ibid., 166.

14. Philp, Termination Revisited, 171, 156.

15. The Crisis 59, no. 7 (August–September 1952): 442.

16. New York Times, January 6, 1961, 10.

17. See Von Eschen, Race against Empire.

18. Among the Jewish components of this alliance were the American Jewish Committee, the Anti-Defamation League, the Jewish War Veterans of the U.S.A., the National Commission on Religion Advisory Council, the National Council of Jewish Women, the Synagogue Council of America, the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, and the United Service for New Americans. In addition, leaders of local Jewish communities often took part in political workas it concerned local elections.

The American Committee for Special Migration was a coalition of thirty-fivegroups, including the Church World Service and the National Lutheran Council. Other groups included the Catholic Resettlement Commission, the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, the American Committee to Aid Homeless Armenians, and the American Committee on Italian Immigrants.

19. For the Bracero Program, see Acuña, Occupied America, 260–270;Calavita, Inside the State.

20. Rogin writes: “The liberal principle behind such tactics was that coerciocion emanated only from the government and not from the economy or society” (Ronald Reagan, 164).

21. Congressional Record, April 25, 1946, 4993.

22. Public Law 40, passed in April 1947, provided for emergency laborthrough December of the same year. With pressure from western agricultural interests, as well as State Department intervention, an accord was arranged with the Mexican government to continue the importation of labor into the United States; the Bracero Program would continue until 1964.

23. Bell, End of Ideology.

24. Quoted in New York Times, January 1, 1951, 20.

25. Rogin writes, “The cold war marks the third major moment in the history of countersubvarsion. In the first moment whites were pitted against people of color. In the second Americans were pitted against aliens. In the third, which of colorrevolves around mass society and the state, a national-security bureaucracy confronts the invisible agents of a foreign power” (Ronald Reagan, 68).

26. Termination Revisited, 20.

27. Rogin, Ronald Reagan.

28. On allotment, see Iverson, “‘We Are Still Here,’” 30–36; Deloria and Lytle, Nations Within, 28–36; Josephy, Now That the Buffalo's Gone, 131–132.

29. Philp, Termination Revisited, esp. 70, 105.

30. The Senate Civil Service Committee, including William Langer (R-N.D.), Zales Ecton (R-Mont.), and Dennis Chavez (D-N.M.), wanted to overturn the IRA and replace it with states' rights and the unrestrained economic development of the West. On the state level, the Governors' Interstate Indian Councilsupported the same goals (ibid., 70, 95).

31. Ibid., 105.

32. New York Times, July 24, 1952, 17. Jean O'Brien-Kehoe noticed the parallel between termination and allotment-era rhetoric; I am indebted to her insight on this matter.

Rich Kees suggests that the concern over “citizenship” during the 1950s focused on the issue of state citizenship rather than that of the nation (personal communication, April 1993). It is true that Indians were not considered to be difficult for Indians to vote. As the debate about termination was disseminatedthrough Congress and the press, however, references to state or national citizenship were dropped. Most Americans, including policy makers, considered the idea of “Indian emancipation” to represent access to citizenship in the nation.

33. New York Times, April 6, 1953, 24.

34. Quoted in Fixico, Termination and Relocation, 17.

35. Philp, Termination Revisited, 105.

36. Depaoli v. United States (1944), cited in Philp, Termination Revisited, 104.

37. Quoted in Nash, American West Transformed, 187.

38. See Proctor, “Censorship,” for an account of the connection between uranium, mining and indigenous land and labor struggles; also Churchill and LaDuke, “Native North America.” For an accounting of postwar land policy, see Churchill, “Earth Is Our Mother”; for water rights, see Guerrero, “American Indian Water Rights.”

39. Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire, 90.

40. N.P. Singh, “Culture/Wars,” 509.

41. See Sollors, Beyond Ethnicity, 4–6.

42. Erratic but steady changes in the immediate postwar period toward Asian immigration, particularly war brides, exemplify the kind of debate I am talkingabout here. In 1942, Japanese and Koreans were allowed to immigrate and naturalize, and given an annual quota of 100 each. In 1943, Congress rescinded Chinese exclusion and prohibitions on naturalization, allowing for the immigration of 105 Chinese per year. A 1946 bill allowed for a small quota for Asian Indians and Filipinos. The War Brides Act of 1945 was amended in 1947 to include veterans of Asian ancestry. In 1946, Asian spouses of U.S. citizens were allowed to enter as nonquota immigrants. See Espiritu, Asian American Women and Men.

43. Lowe, Immigrant Acts, 27.

44. See Lipsitz, Possessive Investment in Whiteness.

45. Reimers, Still the Golden Door, 17–22.

46. As Candice Bredbenner points out in A Nationality of Her Own, the history of the wife as a special candidate for naturalization is long and complex. See also Stoler, “Sexual Affronts,” for a discussion of marriage as it functions ina multiracial colonial context to create a boundary for national inclusion andexclusion. The excellent work of the Women, Immigration, and Nationality Group (WINGS) has pointed to the connections between race, gender, and immigration policy; see Bhabha, Klug, and Shutter, Worlds Apart.

47. Congressional Record, April 25, 1949, 4993. Husbands were not allowedunrestricted immigration until 1952, parents until 1965 (Jasso and Rosenzweig, New Chosen People, 412).

48. A common theme in Indian, immigration, and Americanization programsgenerally. See Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American; Lomawaima, “Domesticity.”

49. See Lowe, Immigrant Acts, esp. 154–173; Espiritu, Asian American Women and Men, 7–12.

50. NCAI Bulletin, no. 4, 1946. The parallels with the inability of many African-American veterans to take advantage of the mortgage provisions of the G.I. Bill, because of banks' redlining policies and restrictive real estate covenants, is illuminating here.

51. Congressional Record, July 21, 1947, 9562.

52. Ibid.

53. Ibid.

54. Ibid., January 16, 1954, 625.

55. NCAI Bulletin, July 1947.

56. The operation metaphor, with its particularly Foucauldian and vampiricovertones, is borrowed from Zipes, Operated Jew.

57. NCAI Bulletin, July 1948.

58. NCAI Bulletin, June 1949.

59. New York Times, March 4, 1952, 19.

60. The provisions of the McCarran-Walter Act that remain on the books at the present time have been used against such American citizens as the poet Margaret Randall, as well as against gay and lesbian activists. In addition, such controversial nonnational artists as the South African performers Malanthini and the Mahotella Queens, the Haitian band Boukman Eksperyans, and the Scottish pop band Big Country have encountered difficulty entering the country underthese regulations.

61. The rhetorical significance of the language of immigration and refugee policy is discussed in Kaplan, Questions of Travel, esp. 100–110.

62. Goldberg, Racist Culture, 99.

63. “Senator James O. Eastland contended today that the relaxation of refugee immigration requirements would flood the United States with ‘criminals and communist agents’” (New York Times, September 17, 1955, 10).

64. New York Times, April 26, 1956, 13.

65. See May, Homeward Bound.

66. Amerindian 4, no. 3 (January–February 1956). A New York Times editorial, indicative of the lack of support for termination policies among eastern Democrats, criticized McKay's interpretation of the constitution on January 12, 1956: “;The circumstance in which our tribal Indian populations find themselves are obviously different from those of any other American citizen, and we therefore think that the Interior Department is straining a point in stating that the principle of Indian consent ‘has most serious constitutional implications’” (26).

67. Congressional Record, October 7, 1949, 14118.

68. Philp, Termination Revisited, 96, 3.

69. Lomowaima, “Domesticity,” 203.

70. Quoted in Fixico, Termination and Relocation, 49.

71. “Proceedings of the Minnesota Indian Conference,” Bemidji, April 11, 1950, p. 14, in Box 10, American Indians, SWHA.

72. New York Times, September 16, 1956, 14.

73. Fixico, Termination and Relocation, 185. The Klamaths had beenawarded a $5.3 million settlement by the Court of Claims in 1938; the awardwas part of their fitness for termination. See Philp, Termination Revisited, 18.

74. New York Times, February 7, 1963, 2.

75. Quoted in Ames and Fisher, “Menominee Termination Crisis,” 105. Ames and Fisher were both University of Wisconsin faculty members (in sociology and anthropologymittee and Wisconsin Legislative Council for the Menominee Indian Study Committee and the Governance Committee on Human Rights. This coalition attempted to study the conditions for termination and then to implement it. Thearticle is included in the folders of The Menominee News, a reservation-based BIA paper, in the Wisconsin State Historical Society, Madison.

76. Ibid., 103.

77. Menominee News, August 23, 1956. See also the issues of September and October 1957.

78. Ibid., October 29, 1958.

79. Much of the research on relocation policy and its effects was done in concert with Joe Austin. I have drawn heavily on our joint seminar paper, “The Relocation Programs: Context, Evaluation, and Response,” written for Roger Buffalohead's seminar Contemporary Indian Social Movements, Winter 1991.

80. Ablon, “American Indian Relocation,” 364–365.

81. Sorkin, “Some Aspects,” 30.

82. Price, “Migration and Adaptation,” 173. Other studies of relocation in the early period include Ablon, “Relocated American Indians” and “American Indian Relocation”; Clinton et al., “Urban Relocation Reconsidered”; Graves, “Personal Adjustment”; Sorkin, “Some Aspects” and Urban American Indian.

83. Gundlach and Roberts, “Native American Indian Migration,” 117. Foran excellent elaboration of the republican/individualist bias of U.S. social welfare policy, see Bates, “Settling the Industrial Frontier.”

84. Philp points out that Dillon Myer overturned Collier's criteria, determining “competency” for termination by the amount of mixed blood, literacy, 194 Notes to Pages 64–69

85. Indian agencies placed the population much higher, estimating between 7,000 and 8,000 in the Minneapolis–St. Paul metropolitan area.

86. “Minnesota Indians,” Report of Minnesota Legislative Research Committee, Publication 27, March 1950, 44, in SWHA.

87. Following the work of feminist and Foucauldian scholars, many historians of colonization have noted the importance of intimate life to the colonialproject. See esp. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came; Mitchell, Colonizing Egypt; Stoler, “Sexual Affronts.”

88. Menominee News, February 27 and March 23, 1956.

89. Fixico, Termination and Relocation, 91.

90. Sangari and Vaid, Recasting Women, 6.

91. New York Times, October 12, 1958, 44.

92. Ibid., August 8, 1956, 12.

93. Immigration History Research Center, Minneapolis, OSIA News Office, Box 2, folder 9. This research is the work of Lee Bernstein, who generouslybrought it to my attention.

94. Because the timing of the immigration reform coalition coincides with civil rights alliances between African-American and white ethnic groups, Jewish Americans in particular, this is a point that calls for further research. To what extent were Jewish efforts against national origins quotas in line with the broader antiracist agendas of the NAACP? I suspect that this was a cause for divisionand debate within the Jewish community. A progressive interpretation would see the national origins quotas as posing a racialized threat to both Jewish and African-American-American communities. This further research project was suggested tome in a conversation with George Lipsitz.

95. New York Times Magazine, July 8, 1951, 8. Other senators who supported immigration reform included Philip Hart (D-Mich.); Joseph Clark Jr. (D-Pa.), Richard Neuberger (D-Ore.), Hubert Humphrey (D-Minn.), and Patrick McNamara (D-Mich.). Congressmen Kenneth Keating (R-N.Y.), Herbert Lehman (D-N.Y.), and Emanuel Celler (D-N.Y.), among others, were strong supporters in the House.

96. New York Times, March 17, 1959, 37.

97. bid., February 10, 1956, 20.

98. I 19, 1957, 8.

99. See Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream.

100. New York Times, January 3, 1956, 7.

101. Jasso and Rosenzweig, New Chosen People, 425.

102. New York Times, October 7, 1961, 20.

103. For an excellent account of the ways Caribbean immigrants specificallysubvert this aspect of immigration policy, see Garrison and Weiss, “Dominican Family Networks.”

104. Jasso and Rosenzweig, New Chosen People, 185. Current family-sponsored preferences are ranked as follows: spouses and unmarried sons andchildren of alien residents and unmarried sons and daughters of alien residents, 21 years of age or

105. New York Amsterdam News, October 3, 1964,18.

106. Kennedy, Nation of Immigrants.

107. Fraser, Unruly Practices, 22.

108. Winant, “Postmodern Racial Politics,” 121–147.

1. Statistics are from the U.S. Census. It's important that such official figures do not account for illegal immigration. While official census data in 1990 puts the West Indian population of New York City at 370,000, for example, estimates that try to account for illegal immigration and census miscounting put the number much higher, toward 700,000 (New York Times, September 6, 1993, 17).

2. Elaine Neils, who studied the effects of relocation on the Indian community in Chicago, argues that increased migration from reservation to city allowed Indians to return to more migratory patterns of living that the reservation system did not permit (“Reservation to City,” 125).

3. “Urban Indians,” 434.

4. See Nagel, American Indian Ethnic Renewal, 19–33.

5. It is important to note the overlap between federal internment and relocation policies. As Richard Drinnon points out in Keeper of Concentration Camps, in the Twtee moved after the war from helping Japanese-Americans to settle in the areato relocating Indians (Shoemaker, “Urban Indians,” 453).

6. Dillon S. Myer, quoted in F. Cohen, “Erosion of Indian Rights,” 376.

7. Gilroy, “There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack,” 33–34.

8. Cornell, Return of the Native.

9. See Kasinitz, Caribbean New York; Watkins-Owens, Blood Relations.

10. See Peroff, Menominee Drums; also the discussion of the Menominee Warrior Society's activities in the 1970s in Nagel, American Indian Ethnic Renewal, 174–175. In addition to the Klamaths and Menominees, four other groups of Indians were targeted for termination: four small Paiute bands, a mixed-blood population

11. Cornell, Return of the Native, 126.

12. Nagel, American Indian Ethnic Renewal, 158–178.

13. See Ho, Salt-water Trinnies.

14. Neils, Reservation to City, 52. In addition, Shoemaker points out thatfederal relocation was ill timed to coincide with postwar urban overcrowding (“Urban Indians,” 453).

15. Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 103–106. Roger Waldinger argues, however, that “ethnic niches” within the deindustrialized economy of New York City still offer economic mobility to many immigrant groups. Most salient to incomeinequality, Waldinger argues, is racism within the existing economy rather thansome economic transformation that disallows upward mobility. See Still the Promised City? 1–32.

16. Watkins-Owens, Blood Relations, 66.

17. Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 19–37.

18. Watkins-Owens, Blood Relations, 83–84.

19. In 1920 only 4% of West Indian men and 18% of the women had taken U.S. citizenship, as compared to 49% of European men and 53% of the women (Basch, Schiller, and Szanton Blanc, Nations Unbound, 66).

20. See Basch, “Politics of Caribbeanization.”

21. Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 91–92.

22. Basch, Schiller, and Szanton Blanc, Nations Unbound.

23. New York Amsterdam News, February 28, 1923, 2.

24. Watkins-Owens, Blood Relations, 172.

25. Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 25.

26. D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo, 114–144.

27. “Resolution Adopted by the 43rd Annual Convention of the NAACP,” in The Crisis, August–September 1952.

28. New York Times, January 6, 1961 10.

29. See New York Times, September 6, 1993, 17.

30. In 1940 the federal census estimated the total Indian population of Minnesota at 12, 528. Of these, 875 lived in urban areas, including Duluth, Minneapolis, and St. Paul (Minnesota Division of Social Welfare, Indian Study, 1948, Minnesota Human Service Department Library, Box 10, American Indians, Social Welfare, Indian Study, 1948, Minnesota Human Service Department Library, Box 10, American Indians, Social Welfare History Archives, University of Minnesota [hereafter SWHA]). Shoemaker asserts that most urban Indians during the 1940s and 1950s lived in the Indian neighborhood of South Minneapolis (“Urban Indians,” 444).

31. Alan Sorkin estimates that 23,000 Indians, or 32% of all able-bodiedmales between the ages of 18 and 50, served in the armed forces during World War II; 90,000 Indian people left reservations in 1943–44 for war work (Urban American Indian, 25). In Minnesota, 1,074 Indian men and women served inthe military, while 1,800 were employed in defense work (“The Indian in Minnesota: Report to Governor C. Elmer Anderson by the Governor's Interracial Commission,” 1952, 55, in Minnesota Human Service Department Library, Box 10, American Indians, SWHA).

32. Iverson, “We Are Still Here,” 132–135.

33. Philp, Termination Revisited, 99.

34. Iverson, “We Are Still Here,” 132.

35. “Chest and Council responsibility concerning the ever-increasing problem of the Indians,” Community Chest 8 Council memorandum, September 1, 1955, SWHA. South Minneapolis is still a center of the Minneapolis Indian community, although the Elliot Park neighborhood was partially demolished by thebuilding of Interstate 94.

36. See Neils, “Reservation to City,” on Chicago; Weibel-Orlando, Indian Country, L.A., on Los Angeles; and Guillemin, Urban Renegades, on Boston.

37. Richard Drinnon, Keeper of Concentration Camps, does an excellent job sonnel as well as by the operative institutional logic, a kind of bellicose variantof ethnicity theory.

38. Omi and Winant write: “Ethnicity theory is therefore primarily concerned with questions of group identity; with the resolution of tensions between the twin pressures of assimilation (dissolution of group identity) and cultural pluralism (preservation of group identity); and with the prospects for political integration via normal political channels” (Racial Formation, 52).

39. “The Problems and Needs of Indians in Urban Centers, with Some Consideration of Reservation Life,” an address to the National Conference on Social Welfare, Los Angeles, May 28, 1964, by Kent Fitz Gerald, Superintendent, Crownpoint, N.M., U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs, in Community Health and Welfare Council, SWHA (hereafter CHWC).

40. DeRosier, “Indian Relocation,” 458–459.

41. Dorene Day, interview, Indian Family Services, Minneapolis, January 1994. A 1956 report on Native American applicants for welfare in the Twin Cities found that “some have been given small amounts of $15.00 or $20.00 bysome welfare board and advised to move to the city to find employment. In manycases, serious need arises before a pay check is received” (Welfare Task Committee, “The Minnesota Indian in Minneapolis,” 1956, 12, in Minnesota Human Service Department Library, Box 10, American Indians, SWHA).

42. Proceedings of the Governor's Interstate Indian Conference, St. Paul, March 14, 1950, 12, ibid.

The “special status” of Indian people led to contradictory policies. In 1956 the BIA offered vocational training programs, for example, but to qualify for them, Indian people had to be enrolled in a tribe or living on a reservation ortrust land. Similarly, PL 874 in 1957 said that Indian children would receiveschool aid if their parents lived or worked on federal property.

43. The program was significantly reformulated twice after its inception: onceunder the Indian Vocational Training Act of 1956 1961, to emphasize employmentcloser to home. It bears emphasizing here, however, that even a 1955 congressional review suggesting the allocation of more money for industrial and natural resource development closer to the reservation was ignored by the BIA.

44. Horse Capture, Powwow, 8.

45. Ibid., 30.

46. Jim Clermont, interview, Minneapolis Indian Center, June 1994.

47. One source estimates that 25–50% of Minnesota Indians left reservations Indians of Minnesota.)

48. Jim Clermont interview; Johnny Smith, interview, Heart of the Earth School, Minneapolis, November 1994.

49. Quoted in “Bridging the Gap, the Twin Cities Native American Community,” Minnesota Advisory Committee to the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, January 1975, 21, in SWHA.

50. Peace Pipe, June 1956, p. 1.

51. Quoted in Basch, Schiller, and Szanton Blanc, Nations Unbound, 78.

52. M.F. Jacobson, Special Sorrows; Von Eschen, Race against Empire.

53. Gilroy, “There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack,” 37.

54. Calypso Callaloo, 44–64.

55. E. Hill, Trinidad Carnival, 100.

56. These balls are still held in the form of parties sponsored by immigrant associations throughout the year, some of them at the time Carnival is celebrated in the Caribbean, some during the New York Labor Day Carnival season.

57. Race against Empire, 13.

58. Victor Brady, telephone interview, New York, August 1993. Brady remembered another incident from his experiences playing pan in Harlem during this period. Victor Brady's Twenty-one Piece Villa Theresa Steel Orchestra performed for Elijah Muhammad, leader of the Nation of Islam. In that context, he claimed, Caribbean steel drums became a symbol of Black pride and innovation. “Elijah Muhammad called me a genuis,” he recalled. “He put me on stage andsaid, ‘We don't need the white man. This boy can make music from these cans!’”

59. “165,000 Watched West Indies Labor Day Parade,” Amsterdam News, September 13, 1958, 18.

60. Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 134.

61. “Anti-Riot Injunction Lifted in New York,” The Militant, September 28, 1964, in Vertical File, Harlem Riots, Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York.

62. “Services to newly urbanized Indians,” 1961, in SWHA.

63. “Bridging the Gap: The Twin Cities Native American Community,” Minnesota Advisory Committee to U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, January 1975, in Box 5, CHWC.

64. Myer spent $2 million under the Johnson-O'Malley Act to subsidize localschool districts taking in Indian children (Philp, Termination Revisited, 97); inthe Twin Cities this idea of mainstreaming often backfired and led to astronomical dropout levels among Indian students.

65. Confusion about who was to provide these services prevails throughoutthe social welfare literature of the 1950s and 1960s. See “The Minnesota Indianin Minneapolis: A Report of the Indian Committee,” Fred Barger, Chairman, November 1956, 6; and “Working draft of plan for improving the situation of Minnesota Indians in urban areas,” June 18, 1962, both in CHWC. Similarly, in this period, responsibility for education and health care switched from specifically Indian agencies to general ones with disastrous, and quickly reversed, results. In 1969 a League of Women Voters study found that one-third of socialservice agencies “were less successful with Indians than with other clients”

66. A “Welfare Task Committee” in 1956 was made up of representatives ofthe Hennepin County Welfare Board, the Minneapolis Division of Public Relief, the Salvation Army, American Indians, Inc., and the Traveler's Aid Society.

67. Shoemaker, “Urban Indians,” 433–437.

68. American Indians, Inc., was sponsored by the Minnesota Interracial Commission in 1950 (ibid., 453).

69. “Minnesota Indian in Minneapolis,” 2.

70. Shoemaker, “Urban Indians and Ethnic Choices,” 435.

71. Upper Midwest American Indian Center News, December 15, 1961; “To Help Indians: Statements from Sixteen Different Twin City Organizations,” Waite Neighborhood House, 1962, in Box 4, American Indians, CHWC.

72. “To Help Indians.”

73. Ron Libertus, interview, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, October 1994.

74. American Indian Center Organization Committee, July 1964, in Box 4, American Indians, folder “American Indian Centers Review, 1969 Study,” CHWC.

75. Day may have been referring to a group called the Indian Native Council of Minneapolis Education (INCOME), which lobbied the Minneapolis schoolsfor better treatment of Indian students and more parental control of federalfunds. See Max Nichols Star, “Indians Voice School Demands,” Minneapolis Star, October 30, 1974.

In 1975, Indians at South High School had a 24% dropout rate. Citywide, Citywide, Indian students had an attendance rate of 83.7%, compared to 90% for the general population. Though Indians accounted for 5% of students in Minneapolispublic schools, only 1% of school employees were Indians: 21 teachers and staff, 61 “non-professional staff,” no principals, no assistant principals (“Indian Education Statistics,” Minneapolis Star, February 10, 1975).

76. Norine Smith, interview, Indian Health Board, Minneapolis, January 1994. Smith, then head of the Indian Health Board in Minneapolis, was in direct conflict with the AIM leadership in Minneapolis at the time.

77. See Haar, Between the Idea and the Reality; Frieden and Kaplan, Politics of Neglect; Fainstein and Fainstein, View from Below.

78. See Peroff, Menominee Drums; Fixico, Termination and Relocation. Philppoints out that termination and relocation resulted in an increase of federal expenditures through the BIA, rather than the promised “getting the governmentout of the Indian business” (Termination Revisited, 154).

79. Folder, “American Indian Centers Review, 1969 Study,” meeting of April 3, 1969, in Box 4, American Indians, CHWC.

80. “Proposal for an American Indian Urban Opportunity Center,” 1968, ibid.

81. Emily Peake to Members of the Citizen Community Centers Board, October 24, 1968, memo, ibid.

82. The Minneapolis American Indian Center was the first building designedexplicitly for use as an urban Indian cultural center. See Krinsky, Contemporary Native American Architecture, 162.

In 1969 Ron Libertus's controversial Model Cities proposal, “Social Development:Provision of Adequate Social Environment,” listed the following, divided into categories: “Organizations who service the American Indian public and are Indian in scope and have some board members who are American Indians” (Department of Indian Work, Model Neighborhood, Episcopal Center, Pilot Center); “Organizations who service the Indian public and are Indian in scope with the majority of board members being Indian” (North Side Teen Council, South Side Teen Council, Indian AFDC League, Broken Arrow Service Guild, Sioux Council of the Twin Cities, St. Paul Indian Center, North Side Concerned, Citizens, American Indian Movement, Upper Midwest American Indian Center, Indian Education Committee, American Indian Citizen Community Center, Twin Cities Chippewa Tribal Council, STAIRSClub, Inter Tribal Council, St. Paul Indian Youth Group, Singspiration, Duluth Indian Club) (Box 4, American Indians, CHWC).

83. American Indian Movement to Citizens Community Centers Board of Directors, January 28, 1969, ibid.

84. Indians in Minnesota, 1.

85. An article in the Minneapolis Tribune, May 26, 1969, claimed that the Model Cities program pitted Indian and African-American organizations againsteach other. Similarly, in the final report of the American Indian Centers Study Committee, the group wondered if: “perhaps another reason for the fact that no solid and productive Indian Center got established is the result of the prevailing opinion that integration of the races was the goal, and that establishing an Indian Center or Centers would lead to separation or self-segregation” (February 6, 1969, 2). Both in folder “American Indian Centers Review, 1969 Study,” ibid.

86. AIM Newsletter, February 12, 1969, ibid.

87. Pamphlet, May 1975, in Box 4, American Indians, CHWC.

88. Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 38–89; J.R. Mintz, Hasidic People, 139–153

89. Hill and Abrahamson, “West Indian Carnival”; Kasinitz and Friedenberg-Herbstein, “Puerto Rican Parade”; Carlos Lezama, telephone interview, Brooklyn, 1992.

90. File “West Indian Carnival,” Local History Room, Brooklyn Public Library.

91. Nunley, “Masquerade Mix-up,” 166; see also Hill and Abrahamson, “West Indian Carnival,” 24; Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 14; Manning, “Overseas Caribbean Carnivals,” 30.

92. The Harlem Riots marked the 1960s discovery of northern Black America for the mainstream press. The cover story in Time, July 31, 1964, reads:

No walls surround the ghetto except the invisible ones that can be the hardest of all tosurmount. Harlem'necessity, into a world of their own, complete with its own pride, its own lingo, andeven its own time. In Harlem, CPT means “Colored People's Time,” and it runs onefull hour behind white people's time.

93. New York Times, September 4 1973, 43.

94. New York Daily News, May 2, 1971, B72.

95. New York Times, August 18, 1974, B10–11.

96. Ibid., September 3, 1974, 43.

97. Antillean Echo, January 1973, 8.

98. New York Amsterdam News, September 9, 1978.

99. Manning, “Overseas Caribbean Carnival.”

100. Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 33.

101. New York Amsterdam News, September 8, 1979, 3, and September 22, 1979, 15; New York Daily News, September 6, 1979, 2. The possibility ofconflict between Black and Jewish residents of Crown Heights was very real during the late 1970s, though the rumors were probably spurious on this occasion. Responding to harassment of yeshiva students and the murder of Israel Turner in 1975, Hasidim organized “Maccabee patrols” to provide a security they increasingly felt was threatened. In 1978 a sixteen-year-old Black youth, Victor Rhodes, was beaten senseless by a group of young Hasidim. The Black United Front was organized in Crown Heights to counter both the police and the Hasidim. The Reverend Heron Sam, a Guyanese community leader, spoke openly of Blacks' fear of “Zionist expansion” in the neighborhood. See J.R. Mintz, Hasidic People, for an excellent account of the politics of race and anti-Semitism in Crown Heights.

102. New York Daily News, September 6, 1979, K1.

103. A. Cohen, Masquerade Politics, 66–67.

104. New York Amsterdam News, August 23, 1980.

105. Times (London), September 1, 1976, 1.

106. Joyce Quinoma, Interview, Culture of Black Creation mas' camp, Brooklyn, August 1992.

107. New York Amsterdam News, September 22, 1979, 15.

108. Antillean Echo.

109. For the differences between Carnival and the St. Patrick's Day paradein New York, see Corrette, “You Can Kiss Me If I'm Irish.”

110. Bridges, “Policing the Urban Wasteland,” 32.

111. In 1971 founded in the Twin Cities by Indian parents in concert with the American Indian Movement; a state judge had threatened to penalize an Indian couple if theydid not enroll their children in school. Title IV of the Indian Education Actamended the 1936 Johnson-O'Malley Act to provide for bilingual and biculturaleducation. The Survival School's funding comes through these two acts, alongwith contributions from the tribes, foundations, corporations, and individuals. See Ebbott, Indians in Minnesota, 144.

112. This phrase is borrowed from George Lipsitz's important book Time Passages.

113. Hokie Clermont and Opie Day, interview, Little Red Schoolhouse, St. Paul, June 1994.

114. Malinda Hannel, interview Shakopee, Minn., August 1994 wows was revealing. In Hinckley, at a powwow given by an Ojibwa band, thelicense plates were predominantly Minnesota and Wisconsin, with several from Red Lake, Leech Lake, and Mille Lacs; I spotted a few from Iowa, Oklahoma, and Ontario, and a scattering from New York, Arizona, Oregon, and Louisiana. At the Mdewakanton Dakota powwow, licenses from Minnesota and South

115. Szewd and Abrams, After Africa, 34.

116. See D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo.

117. “Memories of the Notting Hill Carnival,” 21.

118. Foner, “West Indians,” 92.

119. Kasinitz, Caribbean New York, 155–156.

120. New York Daily News, September 13, 1981, B6, and September 9, 1983, KI 3.

121. According to Jerome Mintz, Hasidim filled a demographic vacuum in the early 1960s, as other white ethnics—predominantly other Jews—were fleeing the city and African-Americans and Caribbean people had not yet movedinto the area in sizable numbers. As Jewish groups left the city, the Lubavitch Hasidim gained control of the Jewish Community Council of Crown Heights, and for a time were the only effective neighborhood organization able to take advantage of government loan programs initiated to fight urban decay (Hasidic People, 141–143).

122. As reported in the New York Times, September 28, 1975: “A neighbor said Mrs. Turner was composed, even though she saw her husband fall before her. ‘She told me that she and her husband had been inmates in the Auschwitz concentration her concentration camp, had seen members of their family tortured and had learnedto have strength for things like that’” (quoted ibid., 143).

123. Jacob Goldstein, interview, Manhattan Housing Authority, August 1993.

124. By 1981, whites in Crown Heights, 9.3% of the population, controlled 33% of Community Development funds.

125. Smith, Fires in the Mirror.

126. My information on 1994 Carnival comes from “The Politics of Carnival,” Village Voice, September 6, 1994, 30–32.

127. Ibid., 30.

128. See Institute for Natural Progress, “Unusual and Accustomed Places; Contemporary American Indian Fishing Rights Struggles,” in Jaimes, State of Native America.

1. Donna Fields, Public Relations Office of the Daily News, telephone interview, September 2, 1993.

2. In the 1870s, as colonial authorities began clamping down on new Afro-Creole practices of masquerading at Carnival, the Madrasi Hindu fire-pass festival was banned; in the 1880s, such restrictions resulted in both the Canboulay Riots and the Muharram Massacre at the Muslim festival of Hosay (Brereton, “Social Organization,” 52); see also K. Singh, Bloodstained Tombs.

3. See Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 45–53. Ancil Neil says that Laventille, among other places, was traditionally known as a “Shango” area becauseof its association with the most African, lower-class aspects of Trinidadian society (Voices from the Hills, 27).

4. Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 40. Bridget Brereton traces the complexities of Trinidad working-class ethnicity in “Social Organization,” 33–55, as well as in History of Modern Trinidad. See also K. Singh, Race and Class.

5. Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 47–50.

6. See Kasinitz, Caribbean New York; Nash and Fernández-Kelly, Women, Men. Roger Waldinger notes that the gendered division of labor among Caribbean immigrants is particularly salient among the “ethnic niches” of health care work and apparel; in 1990, 44% of West Indian women were employed insuch niches, while only 20% of West Indian men found work in the same settings (Still the Promised City? 121).

7. At the same time that West Indian immigrants brought their cultural practices north, increased postwar affluence for the U.S. white middle class funded an expansion of tourism in the economically underdeveloped islands. As the popularity of calypso tunes such as “Yellow Bird” and “Marianne” in the late 1950s and early 1960s attests, tourism led to a temporary surge in U.S. popular interest in Caribbean music.

Record companies such as Decca and Black Swan recorded music in the Caribbean during the 1930s and 1940s; at the same time, famous calypsonians circulated throughout North America. After the war, African American entertainers such as Harry Belafonte, Ella Fitzgerald, and Louis Jordan and such white Americans as the Andrews Sisters popularized Caribbean music in the States. For a detailed history of the calypso and steel band music craze in the United States, see D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo.

In Tsponsorship from both Caribbean and multinational sources during the 1960s. With support from the West Indian Tobacco Company and Coca-Cola, Desperados steel band members attended the First World Festival of Negro Arts in 1966, toured Africa in 1968, and played in the United Kingdom and the United Statesduring 1975 and 1976 (Neil, Voices from the Hills).

8. Rudy King, interview, Brooklyn, August 1992.

9. “The 1940s, like the 1870s, was a period of extensive migration, urbanovercrowding, and more prevalent prostitution” (Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 70).

10. See Hoetink, “Race and Color” and Slavery and Race Relations; Mintz, Caribbean Transformations.

11. Williams sponsored the Best Village Competition for steel bands, fre-1965 pro-moted the passage of the Industrial Stabilization Act, which encouraged both therinidad and the support of such multinationals for the steel bands (Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 118–144).

At the same time, Williams's People's National Movement advocated grassroots African forms at the expense of a more multiethnic, inclusive national history. The rival People's Democratic Party (PDP) was led by the East Indian head of the sugar workers' union (Yelvington, Trinidad Ethnicity, “Introduction”). Daniel Segal writes: “Thus Williams and the PNM took up the banner of ‘creolisation,’ but this ideology constructed ‘Trinidadian’ and ‘national’ as Afro-Trinidadian-derived culture and labeled practices (such as ‘East Indian’ culture) which deviated from such a process as ‘racist’ and ‘unpatriotic’” (“Race and Color,” 101.)

12. Corporations as diverse as Esso, Mobil, Shell, Pan Am, Coca-Cola, Angostura, Texaco, Guinness, Chase Manhattan, British West Indian Airways (BWIA), Hilton, Carib, and Kirpalani supported the steel band movement in thelate 1950s and 1960s.

For an account of the development of the steel band as a grassroots Laventille form, see Neil, Voices from the Hills; also “Steelband,” the mimeographed news letter of the West Indian–American Calypso Association. D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo, and Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, discuss the association of the steelband movement with the labor uprisings led by Uriah “Buzz” Butler during thelater 1930s and early 1940s.

13. Les Slater, interview, Brooklyn, 1992.

14. The dilemma that Partha Chatterjee points out in Nationalist Thought—the undermining of emancipatory discourses of postcolonial nation formation by the racialized and capitalistic hierarchies embedded in Enlightenment ideas of liberation—finds a structural echo in metropolitan reliance on nineteenthcentury models of ethnicity and assimilation to rationalize urban politics.

15. It has been suggested to me that this situation may be shifting somewhatsince 1992; Indo-Trinidadian im/migrants may be returning to Carnival. Thesubject was discussed at “West Indian Migration to New York: Historical, Contemporary, and Transnational Perspectives,” Research Institute for the Study of Man, New York, April 16–17, 1999.

16. This discussion is based on Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 72–75. Seealso Wilson, “Reputation vs. Respectability”; Abrahams, “Reputation vs. Respectability.”

17. For analyses of zoot-suiters, see Kelley, Race Rebels, 161–181; Cosgrove, “Zoot Suit and Style Warfare”; Daniels, “Los Angeles Zoot.”

18. Stuempfle, Steeldrum Movement, 51–52.

19. The existence of these bases was both a spur to the development of political and cultural radicalism in Trinidad and motivation for government repression of both during the war (Brereton, History of Modern Trinidad, 189).

20. Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 178.

21. Leslie Ward, interview, Brooklyn, August 1992.

22. See Prell, Fighting to Become Americans; Gabaccia, From the Other Side.

23. As Paul Gilroy puts it, “gender is the modality in which race is lived” (Black Atlantic, 85).

24. As Mikhail Bakhtin has pointed out, such genealogies tend to take the, featuring true heroes and classical struggles between theforces of good and evil (Dialogic Imagination, 259–422).

25. At the same time, it is worth noting that the story of pan as the forward progress of Afro-Caribbean culture is also a construction, tending to elide Indo-Trinidadian grass-roots contributions. Daniel Segal notes that the nationalist embrace of Africanized forms ironically tends both to prioritize Afro-Trinidadian sendorsement (“Living Ancestors”)., culturally naked without nationalist

26. Brennan, “National Longing for Form,” 51.

27. For an exigesis of the relationship between such Enlightenment categories and the construction of racist discourse, see Goldberg, Racist Culture.

28. See Sowell, Ethnic America; Omi and Winant, Racial Formation.

29. As Daniel and Jonathan Boyarin perceptively write, “The pathos of notions such as assimilation, cultural demise, and cultural survival grows precisely out of the ways in which they are embedded in political processes of domination and exploitation” (“Diaspora,” 705).

30. R. Hill, “Dreadlocks.”

31. D. Hill, Calypso Callaloo, 203. On one level, then, this is a liberatory process, where nationalist narrative goes about “reclaiming community from within boundaries defined by the very power whose presence denied community” (Brennan, “National Longing for Form,” 58).

32. See Segal, “Living Ancestors.”

33. I want to hold open here the possibility that what is dismissed by academics as “essentialism” may be a semiotic container for ontological categories that fall outside the rational capacity of Enlightenment thought. See Harraway, “Situated Knowleges.”

34. See Radhakrishnan, “Nationalism, Gender.”

35. Signifying a loyalty to a nation abroad is quite a different thing than acting patriotically at home, as the Boyarins note: “Practices that in Diaspora haveone meaning … have entirely different meanings under political hegemony” (“Diaspora,” 713).

36. While Brooklyn pan yards can be said to represent a range of im/ migrant negotiations, steel band music has also been significantly affected by the transnational circulation of capital, people, and ideas. Musically, the development of the steel band has been influenced by traditions as diverse as European classical music, American jazz, and the cross-pollination of soul and calypso music in soca (so ul ca lypso). Continuing a tradition that began as early as the 1930s, Caribbeanmusic today is often recorded, produced, and distributed in small storefront

37. Lamuel Stanislaus, telephone interview, August 1993; Earl Alleyne, interview, Brooklyn, August 1993.

38. This decentralization can have both radical and centrist implications. On one level, New York politics became increasingly polarized by race after the divisive struggle over local control at Ocean Hill–Brownsville and the Civilian Review Board referendum of 1966 tween African-Americans, West Indian–Americans, and progressive whiteethnics. See Rogowski, Gold, and Abbott, “Police,” and Marilyn Gittell, “Education.” Joe Austin brought these discussions to my attention.

39. Stuempfle, Steelband Movement, 145–156.

40. Nancy Grey, British West Indian Airways, telephone interview, August 1993; Alleyne interview.

41. Mary Waters asserts that middle-class Caribbean people hold onto theirnational and ethnic identifications in order to avoid identification with African-Americans, whom they perceive as lower-class and less ambitious (“Ethnic and Racial Identities”).

This observation raises several questions. As far as class is concerned, Frances and two of the other young women I interviewed at Sonatas perceive themselvesas professionally oriented and college bound. Two of the women were studying to be doctors. But financial limitations make it difficult to stay in college; Caribbean students often wind up studying in the City University system, whichslots them into the lower-paying paraprofessions, such as dental hygiene andmedical technology. So the racialized landscape of the urban United States playsa role in the class aspirations as well as the realized professional ambitions of second-generation Caribbeans.

As for cultural identification, all the second-generation players I interviewed talked about having two or more groups of friends: a group who played pan, some who listened to rap, others who listened to classical. Frances talked about explaining steel band music to African-American friends in Virginia. Trevor Johns emphasized the ongoing connections between African-American and Caribbean forms: “Bob Marley grew up on James Brown. And if you listen to early Bob Marley, it's straight-up funk, and that goes back to the whole gospel tradition.”

It is possible that the young pan players I spoke to correspond with a section of Waters's sample whom she characterizing as having “an immigrant attitude toward their identities” some 28% of the second-generation im/migrants she interviewed “had a strong identity, such as Jamaican or Tevidence much distancing from American blacks. Rather, their identities were strongly linked to their experiences on the islands, and they did not worry much about how they were seen by other Americans, white or black” (ibid., 179).

42. See Rosaldo, Culture and Truth; Hobsbawm and Ranger, Invention of Tradition.

43. Homi Bhabha writes; “The origins of national traditions turn out to be as much acts of affiliation and establishment as they are moments of disavowal, displacement, exclusion and cultural contestation” (Nation and Narration, 5).

1. See Powers, War Dance, 59; also Kavanagh, “Southern Plains Dance”;Huenemann, “Northern Plains Dance.”

2. Karel Ann Coffey and DaLynn Alley, interview, Powwow Arena, Mille Lacs Band Ojibwa Casino, Hinckley, Minn., July 1994.

3. Johnny Smith, interview, Heart of the Earth Survival School, Minneapolis, November 1994.

4. Green, “Tribe Called Wannabee,” 33. As Green further points out, it is common for both whites and African-Americans to claim Indian blood, particularly to claim Indian princess grandmothers. Whites who make this claim, Green argues, do not expect a diminishing of their white skin privilege, but rather an amplification of their sense of individual uniqueness, of historical richness anddepth (ibid., 45–47). The moment of photo opportunity, the sighting of the exotic Indian maiden, must not be contiguous with contemporary urban Indians, or the mythology of wildness, of freedom, is undermined. See also P. Deloria, Playing Indian.

This ideology of free access to Indian ancestry with social impunity through the bloodline of the mythical princess may well naturalize the moment of photo opportunity. Even for those who do not go so far as to claim actual Indian blood, easy to. nization are indistinguishable without the crucial category of gender (Cooperand Stoler, “Introduction,” 613). As Ann Stoler writes: “Sexuality illustrates the

See my essay “Tecumseh, Tenskwatawa, and the National Popular”;Churchill, Fantasies of the Master Race; Root, Cannibal Culture.

5. Horse Capture, Powwow, 42.

6. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger define “invented traditions” as “responses to novel situations which take the form of reference to old situations, or which establish their own past by quasiobligatory repetition. It is the contrast between the constant change and innovation of the modern world and the attempt to structure at least some part of social life within it as unchanging andinvariant” (Invention of Tradition, 1).

7. “Powwow” is derived from a Narragansett word meaning a curing ceremony. It passed into contemporary native English to mean “a secular event featuring group singing and social dancing by men, women, and children” (Kavanagh, “Southern Plains Dance,” 105).

8. Healthy Nations, Heart of the Earth Survival School Powwow, May 1994 (pamphlet).

9. Powers traces the diffusion of the Lakota Grass Dance to the late nineteenth century (War Dance, 71).

10. Pow Wow Time, 1992.

11. Lipsitz, Dangerous Crossroads, 19.

12. See Burgess, “Canadian ‘Range Wars.’”

13. H. Bhabha, Location of Culture, 91.

14. For a sense of how extensive this circuit has become, see Powwow 1995 Calendar

15. Malinda Hanell, interview., Mdewakaton Dakota Powwow Grounds, Shakopee, Minn., August 1994.

16. See Martin and Seagrave, Anti-Rock, esp. chaps. 1 and 3.

17. Horse Capture, Powwow, 10.

18. Ibid., 36.

19. The Indian Health Board sponsored a contest powwow in 1992. Cashprizes were as follows: drum contest: first, $1,000; second, $800; third, $600;fourth, $400; fifth, $300. Adult (18–44) dance events (ten events: Men's Senior Traditional, Men's Traditional, Ladies' Senior Tgle Dress, Ladies' Buckskin, Ladies' Cloth, Men's Grass Dance, Men's Fancy Dance, Men's Straight/Southern): first, $700; second, $600; third, $500; fourth, $400;fifth, $300; sixth, $200. Junior categories (11–17): first, $300 (Indian Health Board Powwow Notebook, courtesy of Norine Smith, Director, Indian Health Board).

20. Bob Larson, interview 1994.

21. Patrick Guineau, interview 1994.

22. Julie Beaulieu, interview, People of Philips Office, Minneapolis, October 1994.

23. See Burgess, “Canadian ‘Range Wars.’”

24. Norine Smith, interview 1994

25. Dorene Day, interview, Indian Family Services, Minneapolis, January 1994.

26. Opie Day and Hokie Clermont of The Boyz drum group, interview, Red School House, St. Paul, June 1994.

27. McRobbie, “Shut Up and Dance,” 407.

28. Debbie Ironshield, interview, Heart of the Earth School, Minneapolis, April 1994.

29. According to the 1980 census, 24.4% of Indian men and 15.7% of Indian women in Minnesota were unemployed; the disparity is higher in Minneapolis, where 28% of men and only 16.2% of women were unemployed. Inthe same year 38% of Indian families in Minnesota were headed by women, 57%in Minneapolis (Ebbott, Indians in Minnesota, 159).

30. Stoler, “Making Empire Respectable,” 651.

31. Fern Mousseaux, Oglala Nation Powwow Committee, telephone interview, August 1994.

32. Gina Artishon, interview, Carol's Diner, Minneapolis, July 1994. For an analysis of connections between blood quantum rules and racism, see M. Annette Jaimes, “Federal Indian Identification Policy: A Usurpation of Indigenous Sovereignty in North America,” in her State of Native America.

33. McRobbie, “Shut Up and Dance,” 409.

34. Rose, Black Noise, 163.

1. Kaplan, Questions of Travel, 182.

2. See Priscilla Wald's discussion of Gertrude Stein's use of the samemetaphor, in Constituting Americans, 252–253.

3. Ibid., 279.

4. Lomawaima, “Domesticity,” 203.

5. See Fernández-Kelly and Schauffler, “Divided Fates.”

6. See Espiritu, Asian-American Women and Men, 43–49; Prell, Fighting to Become Americans, 17–20.

7. Gilroy, Black Atlantic, 85. Prell writes, “Tensions between minority menmen and women, at least symbolically, represent how each gender understands his or her place in the larger society” (Fighting to Become Americans, 19).

8. Connolly, “Tocqueville, Territory, and Violence,” 110.

9. Timothy Dunn discusses the convergence of INS, military, and local police forces as a consequence of the War on Drugs, suggesting that the real achievement of this war was not the eradication of the drug trade but the implementation of racialized force throughout the Southwest and California (Militarization of the U.S.-Mexico Border).

10. Silko, “Border Patrol State.” See also Chang, “Meditation on Borders” and “Toward an Asian-American Legal Scholarship.” The momentum of recent legal decisions supports this blurring of rights in favor of the security of the “border patrol state” and the ongoing pursuit of the War on Drugs. See also Farm Labor Organizing Committee v Ohio State Highway Patrol et al.,. 3, 96CB7580, N.D. Ohio (1998).

11. This number is likely to represent an increase because of the militarization of the border resulting from Operation Gatekeeper. See Anne-Marie O'Connor, “Study Finds Changes in Causes of Border Deaths,” Los Angeles Times, August 12, 1997. Between 1985 and 1994, between 1,900 and 3,000 persons died at the

12. Kaplan, Questions of Travel, 110.

13. It's important that these terms are already being revised in academic andpolicy debates about borders. Would-be protectors of the perennially endangered nation increasingly conflate threats brought by refugees, “illegal aliens,” immigrants, and terrorists. This rhetorical success translates into the policy innovations made in the Welfare, Terrorism, and Immigration acts of 1996, but it iscontinuing as awareness of terrorism within the United States increases. See Washington Post, August 9, 1997, A13. Pat Buchanan and Representative (now Senator) Charles Schumer (D-N.Y.) used the discovery of a cache of bombs justabove the Atlantic Avenue subway station in Brooklyn to call for a of immigration (Reuters report, August 10, 1997). Both articles were posted on Center for Immigration Studies list, August 11, 1997.

14. See, for example, Brimelow, Alien Nation.

15. Georges, Making of a Transnational Community; Kearney, “Borders and Boundaries”; Basch, Schiller, and Szanton Blanc, Nations Unbound.

16. Schiller, Basch, and Blanc-Szanton, Towards a Transnational Perspective, 7.

17. Kaplan, Questions of Travel, 110.

18. Bryce-Laporte, “Black Immigrants.”

19. Basch, Schiller, and Szanton Blanc, Nations Unbound, 8.

20. Kearney, “Borders and Boundaries,” 55.

21. For a critical appraisal of the influence of Williams's insights on labor, race, and culture, see Bergquist, Labor and the Course of American Democracy, 1–8.

22. Jacobson, Special Sorrows, compares the influence of the diasporic consciousness of Polish, Irish, and Eastern European Jewish immigrants on theirviews of citizenship, race, and foreign policy; see also Winokur's Charlie Chaplin and the Marx Brothers in American Laughter and Jay Hoberman's imaginative history of the Yiddish film industry in Bridge of Light. Seealso Wyman, Round Trip to America.

23. Plummer, Rising Wind.

24. Gilroy's Black Atlantic and “There Ain't No Black in the Union Jack” are crucial here. Gilroy writes of the ways in which transnational connections among Afro-diasporic peoples have facilitated the emergence of other networks: “The transnational structures which brought the Black Atlantic world into being have themselves developed and now articulate its myriad cultural forms into a system of global communications” (“Sounds Authentic,” 94).

25. Hing, Making and Remaking Asian America; Yung, Unbound Feet.

26. For crucial discussions of how transnationalism as an intellectual and social paradigm has been shaped from the grass roots, see Kelley, “‘But a Local Phase,’” and Gabaccia, “Is Everywhere Nowhere?”

27. See Bredbenner, Nationality of Her Own; Lowe, Immigrant Acts; Schneider, “Women Immigrants at the Border.”

28. Zavella, “Tables Are Turned,” 137.

29. See Roediger, Wages of Whiteness.

30. Silko, “Border Patrol State.”

31. See my “Building Up Borders.”

32. The term “the nations within” comes from Deloria and Lytle, Nations Within, but it has a long history in legal rhetoric about Indian nations, dating “domestic dependent nationss” famous term in Cherokee Nation v. Georgia:

33. ∗∗∗∗mestizo ruling classes. These are genocidal wars conducted to secure Indian land 112–113). She also develops thesethemes at greater length and depth in Almanac of the Dead.

34. Indians became citizens by the Snyder Act of 1924.

35. Lemke-Santangelo, Abiding Courage.

36. Teaching the History of Immigration.

37. See Barrett and Roediger, “Inbetween Peoples”; Orsi, “Religious Boundaries.”

38. Peiss, Cheap Amusements.

39. Irma Watkins-Owens points out in Blood Relations that many Afro-Caribbean im/migrant women worked in the garment trades, making this pointabout race, ethnicity, and im/migration in treatments of the period all the morecogent.

40. Bryce-Laporte, “Black Immigrants.” 4.

41. Barrett and Roediger

42. Peter Kivisto, “Transplanted Then and Now,” discusses the transitionfrom the assimilation orientation of early immigration and ethnic historiography to social history's concern with the complexities of transnational identity. Kivisto limits his discussion, however, to changing approaches to the study of European immigrants.

43. For example, she discusses how Progressive reformers neglected living conditions for predominantly male African-American laborers, choosing instead to focus on the “sacrifice of golden boys and girls” of Italian parentage (Hahamovitch, Fruits of Their Labor, 38–54).

44. FLOC, for example, works with Mexican farmworkers' unions to attempt to forestall the flight of jobs across the border. Resolution 3 of the Seventh Constitutional Convention of FLOC (Toledo, Ohio, August 1997) calls forongoing collaboration with Mexican unions to ensure the rights of workers onboth sides of the border.

45. Hahamovitch, Fruits of Their Labor, 201.

46. Hammar, “State, Nation, and Dual Citizenship,” 24–25.

47. D. Jacobson, Rights across Borders, 1–18.