Preferred Citation: Cook, Sherburne F., and Woodrow Borah Essays in Population History, Vol. III: Mexico and California. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971-1979. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5d5nb3d0/
Essays in Population History: |
Preferred Citation: Cook, Sherburne F., and Woodrow Borah Essays in Population History, Vol. III: Mexico and California. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971-1979. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5d5nb3d0/
Preface and Acknowledgements
This is the last volume of Cook and Borah Essays , for Sherburne F. Cook died on November 7, 1974. His death necessarily forced changes in our plans. By the fall of 1974 we had brought one essay near completion; it is Chapter I of this volume. For two more essays, we were in the middle of the inquiry and discussions that over the years we found mutually stimulating and creative. I have completed them—although one, on the California mission records, has been considerably reduced from the scope of our original project. These are Chapters II and III. A fourth inquiry, to identify the epidemics that so devastated the Indian population of central Mexico during the colonial period, we had planned but not begun; that I have abandoned. Implementation would require my collaboration with a scholar trained in physiology or medicine—in short, an intellectual partnership would have to be developed anew.
Accordingly, our third volume has three essays. Chapter I locates the low point of the Indian population of central Mexico at the end of the long decline unleashed by the Spanish Conquest. With that point finally in place, we are able to sketch a reasonably complete outline of the course of Mexican population since 1518 and to demonstrate that the destructive forces introduced by the Europeans brought the Indian population of central Mexico within a century to approximately 3 percent of its 1518 value. The document which furnished the basic data also gave much information on the royal fiscal system, which we have analyzed in the same chapter.
Our second chapter, on food production and nutrition in central Mexico during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, reopens inquiries that had deeply interested a generation of anthropologists in the 1930's and 1940's. So much has come
to light since those years that we thought the topic worthy of new attention. Our tentative reopening took the form of a paper read at the symposium on socio-economic history at the XLII International Congress of Americanists, held in Mexico City in September 1974. Although that paper excited considerable interest, it was not published in the proceedings because shortage of funds led the secretariat of the Congress to omit all symposium papers. The content of that paper, here included in a considerably extended essay, revises views we had published earlier: We propose a theory of sustained undernutrition as the lot of the bulk of the population of central Mexico in late aboriginal times.
Chapter III, on the registers of eight northern California missions, moves our focus from central Mexico and the Caribbean to California. The shift was not a departure from our central concern with the impact of the coming of the Europeans upon the Indians of Mexico, but rather an extension of that concern. For Sherburne Cook, further, it meant returning to the territory of many of his earlier studies. He had long wished to apply to the California mission registers the kinds of analysis we had learned for Mexican materials. When we found that the research funds available to us—modest indeed by present standards for demographic or social science research, but generous by any terms we had had before—would cover the costs, we agreed to collect data to analyze the registers of the California missions. Our plan was to start with those among the Costanoan Indians and widen our scope gradually to include those of the rest of the state. We also hoped to complement materials from the California missions with study of one or two comparable groups elsewhere in the Southwest of the United States and the North of Mexico. At the time of Sherburne Cook's death, we had collected data for seven northern California missions, were drawing off data on Mission Santa Clara, and were about to begin negotiations for access to the registers of the other northern California missions. Chapter III in this volume thus represents a truncated implementation of our project; it covers the eight missions for which we had collected or were collecting data. Now that we have shown what can be done, others may carry out similar, and perhaps better, work on the other missions. Our essay indicates need for considerably more examination of the functioning of the California missions; the potential for new insight is far from exhausted.
In preparing the essays of this volume, as for those of the earlier ones, we have had much help and kindness, which we should want remembered. Film and permission freely to use the document basic to Chapter I, we owe to the gracious understanding of His Excellency, the Duque del Infantado; to the good offices of his sister, the Reverend Mother Cristina de la Cruz de Arteaga; and to the disinterested and generous wish to further scholarly inquiry of E. William Jowdy, then a graduate student working in the archives of Madrid. In the preparation of Chapter II, we have needed and have had much advice and help from colleagues on the various campuses of the University of California. They are, among others, Martin Baumhoff, Lincoln Constance, Robert Heizer, Jonathan Sauer, and John M. Tucker. For access to materials and assistance of other kinds for Chapter III, we are indebted to the officials of the diocesan archive of the Monterey- Salinas diocese; to the library of the University of Santa Clara; to the good will toward all scholars of Father Norman Martin, S.J., of the University of Santa Clara, and to the librarians and archivists, past and present, of that institution; to the Genealogical Society of Utah through its branch in Oakland, California; and to Father Stafford Poole, C.M. Finally, our work on California missions has been greatly aided by the assistance of Thomas Workman Temple III, Dr. María C. Puerta, and Dr. Harry Cross. Dr. Cross has served not merely as research assistant but also as statistical aide. His help has been indispensable in reducing a mass of data into comprehensive parallel tables. Finally, let me record my deep personal gratitude to my co-author for a quarter of a century of warm and stimulating partnership.
WOODROW BORAH
Abbreviations Used in Citations
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A NOTE ON MONEY
Colonial Mexican money (silver pesos of 8 reales, each real of 12 granos) is written as in the old English system: 1/3/11. If there are no granos, the third grouping is omitted, but there is always a notation for the peso, as 1/ and 0/7.
Chapter I—
Royal Revenues and Indian Population in New Spain, ca. 1620-1646
1—
Introduction
In a series of earlier studies, we examined materials on the Indian population of central Mexico and made calculations of numbers based upon our analysis of those materials. We have thus been able to present estimates for various years in the sixteenth and the first decade of the seventeenth centuries. For the convenience of the reader we list them:
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These are based upon samples whose extent and ease of interpretation vary considerably. The estimate for 1568, the most firmly based, derives from a sample of perhaps 90% of the towns in central Mexico, which were newly counted in terms of a reformed and relatively uniform classification of tributaries and half-tributaries. That for 1605 is based upon a small sample of towns whose populations had shrunk so badly that they were relocated in new larger towns under the policy of congregación .[1]
At the other end of the colonial period, calculations of Indian population are comparatively simple for various years of the eighteenth century, since tribute counts for that century are
[1] Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, The Indian Population of Central Mexico, 1531–1610 (IA 44), pp. 47–49 and correction at end; Borah and Cook, The Aboriginal Population of Central Mexico on the Eve of the Spanish Conquest (IA 45), p. 88; Borah and Cook, The Population of Central Mexico in 1548: An Analysis of the Suma de visitas de pueblos (IA 43), passim . The discussion of sources is found throughout all three works.
frequent and careful, and the viceregal administration was making the first attempts at general civil censuses. So for the eighteenth century, scholars have abundant material, subject to the new problems that arise from the increasing number of racial mixtures in the population and the growing confusion in the application of social and racial criteria to them.[2]
The span of years from 1610 to perhaps 1700, in contrast, has presented a gap in evidence. Yet those years contain the point at which the Indian population of central Mexico reached its nadir and began to recover from the long decline unleashed by the European Conquest. Our difficulty, like that of other students, has been to find materials that under treatment could provide evidence. In recent years a number of papers have appeared that offer partial or regional approaches to the problem. In August 1962, in a paper read at the XXXV International Congress of Americanists in Mexico City, José Miranda presented comparisons of prevailing tribute assessments for a number of towns in the bishoprics of Mexico, Puebla, and Michoacán for two periods in the seventeenth century: 1644–1657 and 1692–1698. He found them in accounts of the half-real for cathedral construction (medio real de fábrica ) levied annually on every Indian tributary and directly convertible to the prevailing tribute assessment. There was no indication of the precise year when the assessments were made. Miranda's material showed a substantial increase in Indian population, on the order of 28%, between assessments in force in 1644–1657 and in 1692–1698. He conjectured that the low point of the Indian population came in the 1620's or 1630's.[3]
Subsequently, in our study of the historical demography of one small region in central Mexico, the Mixteca Alta, published in 1968, we made use of the Montemayor y Córdova de Cuenca count of that region in 1661, found in the Archivo General de Indias, in Seville. Analysis of the count indicated that the nadir of Indian population in the Mixteca Alta probably came in the decades 1600–1620 at a value of from 20% to 25% of the population in 1569, and as little as 3% or 4% of the pre-Con-
[2] Cook and Borah, Essays in Population History , I and II, passim , but esp. chap. 1 of vol. I.
[3] José Miranda, "La población indígena de México en el siglo XVII," pp. 182–189. See also Miranda, "La población indígena de Ixmiquilpan y su distrito en la época colonial."
quest level. The Montemayor y Córdova de Cuenca report also gave the dates of the previous counts and so provided the first clear evidence of the extent to which prevailing accounts should be adjusted to an average year some time back.[4]
Another study, which we published in 1971, of the population of west-central Mexico, 1548–1960, indicates that the low point of Indian numbers in that region occurred around 1650, with a value of slightly over 12% of that for 1548 and 33% of that for 1570.[5] Much of west-central Mexico, however, was conquered and settled later than central Mexico. Moreover, it remained essentially a frontier area until late in the colonial period. Accordingly, the experience of west-central Mexico cannot be extrapolated directly, without adjustment, to central Mexico.
More recently, a study by Günter Vollmer on Indian towns in southern Puebla sets the low point of the Indian population at approximately 1650, when he estimates it to have been 27% of the value for 1570.[6] Another study, by Claude Morin, of Santa Inés Zacatelco in the Puebla basin suggests also that the low point of population in central Mexico occurred around 1650, with perhaps 816,000 Indians.[7] A more general study of central Mexico in the seventeenth century, by J. I. Israel, holds that "the Indian population of central Mexico, having fallen to a level of between 1 1/2 and 2 million in 1607, continued to decline at least until the middle of the century." Increase did not become manifest until 1671.[8] So the effort to fill the gap has continued, with fair agreement that the low point of the Indian population came in the seventeenth century, although there has
[4] Cook and Borah, The Population of the Mixteca Alta, 1520–1960 (IA 50), pp. 33–38 and 71–75.
[5] Cook and Borah, Essays , I, chap. 5, esp. p. 310.
[6] Günter Vollmer, "La evolución cuantitativa de la población indígena en la región de Puebla (1570–1810)."
[7] Claude Morin, "Population et épidémies dans une paroisse mexicaine: Santa Inés Zacatelco, XVII –XIX siècles," esp. p. 70.
[8] J.I. Israel, Race, Class and Politics in Colonial Mexico, 1610–1670 , pp. 27–28. Israel cites the estimate of Landeras de Velasco, 10 January 1607, that there were 344,000 full tributaries, presumably in the Audiencia of Mexico without Yucatan. Israel must be using a multiplicative factor of close to 5.0 to estimate total Indian population, for at the factor we have established on the basis of very careful inspection of evidence (2.8), the total Indian population would be 963,200. Even with adjustment to include the Indians of Nueva Galicia, the total, using the factor of 2.8, would not reach a million. See Cook and Borah, Essays , I, p. 309, for estimates of Nueva Galicia.
been no agreement on a more exact placing of the point within that span of years nor on the value to be assigned to the Indian population at that point. Our own two studies, it will be noticed, differ on placement of the point, admittedly for two very different regions.
Clearly the resolution of this question required more data in the form of counts of Indian population in the early and middle decades of the seventeenth century. Since there had been available as yet almost no tribute counts for that period, we turned to another possible source of information in the records of the pastoral inspections of bishops, some of them published, others unpublished but available in manuscripts. Unfortunately, those for the seventeenth century did not give adequate information on numbers of Indian tributaries, total population, or some group in the population that would give a clue to total number.[9] So this attempt met a dead end.
Ideally, we wanted a set of counts taken in a relatively short period of time and covering all of central Mexico, either like the Montemayor y Córdova de Cuenca count for the Mixteca Alta or those of the tribute reform of the 1560's. In the absence of the ideal, we could use a statement of prevailing assessments, like those in the encomenderos' petition of 1597, but would have to understand that the data referred to the time when each count was made and that an average year should be calculated to adjust for the lag in the set as a whole. In 1958–59 Woodrow Borah spent a sabbatical year in Spain for the purpose inter alia of hunting for just such material. The search turned up the Córdova de Cuenca count and a great deal of eighteenth-century data, but only a few scattered town counts for the rest of central Mexico. After that and searches in Mexico, we had decided that the hunt would have to be left to the next generation of scholars exploring as yet ill-known reaches of the Archivo General de Indias, the bodega of the Archivo General de la Nación in Mexico City, or the largely unknown private archives of Spanish noble families, few of which in 1958–59 were open to scholars. Then, literally out of the blue, an airgram dated October 24, 1971, came to Woodrow Borah from E. William Jowdy, then a graduate student at the University of Michigan and doctoral candidate under the guidance of Charles
[9] Many records of pastoral inspections are valuable sources of demographic data. See Cook and Borah, Essays , I, chap. 1, esp. pp. 47–48.
Gibson, doing archival research in Madrid. Jowdy reported finding a document in the archive of the Duques del Infantado which gave much information on royal revenues and tribute assessments in the Audiencia of Mexico in 1646. A reply by return mail indicating that the find might be very important brought a generous offer to try to secure a film copy for our use. Jowdy brought the matter to the attention of the Duque del Infantado through the good offices of the latter's sister, the Reverend Mother Cristina de la Cruz de Arteaga, whereupon the duke graciously gave full permission to film the document and use it in any way.
The document of thirty-three folios is found among the papers of the Conde de Salvatierra, viceroy of New Spain from November 1642 to May 1648, when he moved to Peru. It forms folios 148–180 in volume 54 of the archive, the entire volume being correspondence and reports of various kinds of the Conde de Salvatierra for the years 1645–46[10] The document consists of a one-folio letter of transmittal and thirty-two folios of report, both dated at Mexico City 4 September 1646, and signed by Juan de Cervantes Casaus, Contador Mayor of the Tribunal de Cuentas.[11] It is addressed merely to an excelentísimo señor , who could be either the viceroy or the visitador-general, Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, but since the closing paragraph of the report states that it was prepared at the express command of the visitador-general, it seems probable that the report and covering letter are addressed to him. On the other hand, since the document is among the Salvatierra papers, it may be that we deal here with a second clean, signed copy prepared for the viceroy as well. The personal papers of both men have become part of the archive of the Duques del Infantado.
It is worth recalling here that the Palafox visita, a remarkably stormy one, occurred during years of unusual strain for the monarchy in Spain—continuation of the Thirty Years' War, the dissolution of the Crown Union with Portugal, and the revolts
[10] The published description is as follows: "Libro LIV. Correspondencia, informes y otros papeles referentes a América del conde de Salvatierra, 1645–6." Spain, Dirección General de Archivos y Bibliotecas, Guía de fuentes para la historia de Ibero-América conservadas en España , II, p. 90.
[11] Genealogical details may be found in Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Los americanos en las órdenes nobiliarias , I, pp. 103–105 and 173–174. Juan de Cervantes Casaus was an important Creole figure in the early and middle seventeenth century. See Israel, passim .
of Catalonia and Naples—and of perhaps the low point of decay and inefficiency in royal administration in New Spain. The royal government was in ever greater need of funds just when the treasury in the Audiencia of Mexico found that local costs absorbed almost all local revenues. New taxes, such as stamped paper, were imposed, but were just coming into yield in 1646. On royal command Palafox removed one viceroy, the Marqués de Villena, a relative of the Duke of Braganza and new King of Portugal, through fear of disloyalty, and governed the colony until the arrival of the Conde de Salvatierra. In the end, the political storms arising from attempts at church reform delayed attempts at reforming civil administration, despite the cooperation of Salvatierra and Palafox in finding funds for remittance to Spain. Salvatierra was promoted to be viceroy of Peru; Palafox was recalled to Spain shortly afterward and left Mexico in June 1649.[12] A normal element in any general inspection would have been a review of the royal finances; in the special circumstances of the Castilian monarchy in the 1640's, one was especially necessary and incumbent upon both visitador-general and viceroy. The report of 1646 was at least part of such a review.
The closing paragraph of the report clearly states that the review was ordered by Palafox, at what date we have no clear indication. The covering letter asks pardon for delay in preparing the report, blaming the delay upon burden of work and upon the difficulty of obtaining precise figures, since collections of royal revenues in the provinces (alcaldías mayores ) were sometimes placed in charge of the governors and sometimes entrusted to others at the decision of the Comptroller of Tributes and Sales Tax. The report, therefore, must have been asked for some months or even years before the date it bears. Preparation, even in terms of the leisurely processes of that period, was delayed and made difficult by the complex subdivision of administration of royal finance, which defeated any attempt at centralized supervision and accounting. The amounts due as royal tribute, one of the principal sources of revenue, could be ascertained by consulting the assessments of the Indian towns; but, without resort to the Comptroller of Tributes and Sales Tax, there was no way of determining amounts paid and in
[12] Israel, p. 247.
arrears, the latter a considerable sum. The yield of taxes leased out could be ascertained easily, and averages estimated for some revenues of variable yield, directly administered by the Crown, such as the state monopoly of mercury and other taxes upon mining. Even so, the clerks collecting the material worked with surprising negligence, since, as we shall see, they passed over the folios of tribute assessments for a large number of Indian towns. The report is a substantial sample rather than a full statement. It is, nevertheless, a remarkable view of the royal finances in the Audiencia of Mexico for what were probably the years of most corrupt and inefficient fiscal administration during the entire colonial period. In the 1650's there was a drastic overhaul of the administration of Indian tributes and the royal monopoly of mercury after a quarter-century of virtual paralysis.
We now discuss the report under the rubrics of data on Indian population and the royal fiscal system.
2—
Indian Population
The initial determinations that must be made are how complete is the coverage of the data on Indian tributaries—i.e., how many towns are represented in the report and what is their proportion to the total number in the Audiencia of Mexico at the time; and further, what year should be set as the average date for the counts on which the assessments were based, since all of them must have been made some time before the formal tribute was set and an even longer interval before the listing in the report. Let us start with the second matter.
In terms of mid-sixteenth-century town boundaries, there are approximately 740 towns in the 1646 list. The statements of tribute for towns held by the Crown give the amounts due under the standard tribute assessment of money, maize, cacao, cotton cloth, etc.; the amount of money due as servicio real , an additional tax of four reales per tributary; and usually an additional statement on the number of tributaries found at the count on which the assessment was based. For example, the statement on Atoyac finishes "respecto de tener ciento y quarenta y tres tributarios" ["since it has 143 tributaries"]. For towns held partly by the Crown and partly by an encomendero, the statement of standard tribute usually covers only the share of the Crown, and so it is the servicio real and statement of
number of tributaries that provide the data. For towns held entirely by encomenderos, there is usually no statement of standard tribute or number of tributaries; but the servicio real, which was levied on all Indian tributaries whether in Crown or encomienda towns, is given, and since it had a standard relation to the number of tributaries, is directly convertible to the number in the prevailing assessment.
There is unfortunately no statement in the report on the date when the assessments were made. Nor is it likely that the interval between the date of the count and the report was so short that we may ignore the matter. For, in the closing years of the sixteenth century, the rhythm of recounts and reassessments began to slacken and the intervals between counts to lengthen. In the neighboring Audiencia of Nueva Galicia, a survey of tributes in 1594 reported that in that treasury jurisdiction, Crown towns were paying under assessments made an average of nine years five months earlier, and that for the six towns reassessed in 1594 the average interval to the preceding count was fourteen years one month.[13] Nueva Galicia was a separate treasury jurisdiction, although in general it followed the lead of the Audiencia of Mexico. Accordingly, its experience is no more than an indication. We do know that in the second quarter of the seventeenth century the administration of tributes in the Audiencia of Mexico was under an unusually fraudulent and inept administration. In 1653 charges were brought against the Comptroller, and the entire administration eventually was shaken up and reorganized. One of the failures of the Contaduría General de Tributos in that period was in carrying out recounts and reassessments—some indeed were made, but few.
The most useful testimony we have for the Audiencia of Mexico is that of Montemayor y Córdova de Cuenca about the Mixteca Alta in 1661. His reporting gave the dates of previous tribute counts, and inter alia has enabled us to determine that the 1646 report embodies the latest count up to 1646 for the towns of the Mixteca Alta. The average interval between time of assessment and the reassessment by Montemayor y Córdova de Cuenca in 1661 was thirty and a half years.[14] One cannot
[13] Woodrow Borah, "Los tributos y su recaudación en la Audiencia de la Nueva Galicia durante el siglo XVI," pp. 40–42.
[14] Cook and Borah, The Population of the Mixteca Alta , pp. 33–35.
subtract fifteen years (1661–1646) from this average and apply it without further adjustment, for in the reporting for the Mixteca Alta there are a number of towns counted and reassessed after 1646 which bring down the average. The intervals between those counts and the preceding ones would raise it. Neither can we apply the thirty and a half years without downward adjustment, for Indian towns nearer Spanish centers may well have been counted and reassessed more frequently than those in the Mixteca Alta; and the lag in recounts must have built up at some time after the period in the second half of the sixteenth century when recounts were frequent. An average lag of thirty and a half years probably represents the low point of tribute administration. The adjustment we must make is thus fifteen years plus another term of years ranging from five to ten, a total of twenty to twenty-five. The average date of the assessments in the 1646 list should be set somewhere between 1620 and 1625. If the reader demands a single year, 1622 or 1623.
The other matter to be determined here is the extent to which the 1646 list covers the Indian towns of the Audiencia of Mexico. Our basis for comparison is the assessments of the tribute reform with an average date of 1568, which give us our fullest list with least adjustment. Indian towns in the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia would automatically be excluded because they lay in another treasury jurisdiction, that of Guadalajara. Similarly, Tabasco would be excluded because it lay in the subordinate but separate government of Yucatán. Its Indian tributes were administered by the subcaja of Santa María de la Victoria, reporting to the caja of Mérida, for Yucatán was also a separate treasury jurisdiction. These automatic exclusions remove from either list some hundreds of towns of the approximately 2,000 which existed in the early sixteenth century in central Mexico as we have defined it. Another group of towns on neither list is those that went out of existence in the first half-century of Spanish rule. In all, the 2,000 towns would come down to perhaps 1,400.
Comparing the two lists is also complicated by the changes of the nearly eighty years separating them. During that long interval, shrunken towns were consolidated through congregación; settlement shifted within the territory of towns remaining formally intact; within other towns dependent units (sujetos ) be-
came autonomous, for they saw no reason to continue in a status of dependency forced upon them by former rulers when the current overlords were willing to annul it; in some regions where population almost vanished, new towns were created; and in the zone to the north which had been the territory of nomadic Indians in 1520, the Spanish founded new settlements.[15] The identification of relationships and shifts has been a detective job of considerable difficulty. One surprise has been the uncovering of a substantial number of towns on the 1646 list which we knew existed in the first half of the sixteenth century, but thought had gone out of existence by the 1560's. In terms of number of towns, we may tabulate our findings:
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Relative to the 1568 list there is, then, a coverage of approximately 50%; in terms of the number of towns in the district of the royal treasury of Mexico City, the 1646 list gives information on 54%.
Another way of approaching this determination is in terms of proportion of aggregate population involved in coverage and omission. The best approach here is to compare the aggregate population reported by the 1646 list with that calculated by ratio through comparison with the 1568 list. (We jump to our results here; the detail is in Table 1.2, part C.) For the plateau, the omission is 18.6%; for the coasts, 37.0%; for the district of the caja of Mexico City as a whole, 24.1%. In other words, the 1646 list reports 75.9% of the reconstructed total population, and in these terms is an even better sample. The difference in the findings by number of towns and aggregate population is easily explainable as due to a tendency to pass over smaller rather than larger towns in preparing the 1646 list.
The omissions from the 1646 list cast further light on the way the Contaduría de Tributos kept its records of Indian tribute counts and assessments. We know through the discovery
[15] On the shifts in town jurisdictions and relationships, see Peter Gerhard, A Guide to the Historical Geography of New Spain, passim . This volume is an invaluable and now indispensable guide to a remarkably intricate local history.
and publication of a substantial part of the second colonial set of such records that they were kept in looseleaf fashion. The records of a single town, especially if important; of towns held initially by one encomendero, even if dispersed geographically; or of contiguous towns were entered on a single folio or group of folios. We do not know how these were filed in relation to each other, for the present alphabetical order of the records, manuscript and printed, reflects a recent arrangement of the scattered folios discovered. The second colonial matrícula de tributos was superseded in the 1570's, presumably by copying off the latest assessments on fresh folios to form a new set of records.[16] The 1646 list may have been taken from the third colonial matrícula de tributos, or even a fourth one, although the slowing down of tribute reassessments suggests that the creation of a fourth set by 1646 was unlikely. The 1646 list indicates that there was a tendency to file together the folios of town assessments for a single region. The partial listing together of towns in the Zapotecas, the Veracruz coast, Colima, etc., can only have come about in this way. We may surmise that the tribute records of many towns in 1646 were filed together by alcaldía mayor, but that systematic grouping by province was to wait until the eighteenth century. The order of towns in the 1646 report, as well as the omissions in it, must arise either directly or at one remove from the perhaps hasty work of a scribe taking off the information from the folios of the Contaduría de Tributos. It was easy to miss folios, especially if the assessments for any group of towns ran to more than one folio so that it was necessary to locate the end of one set of records and the beginning of the next.
Let us turn now to our procedure in taking off and using the information in the 1646 report for calculating Indian population. Our first step was to identify the towns one by one, ascertain their geographical location and their identity or relation to towns on the 1568 list, include data for 1595 where possible, and prepare working charts by region. The regions were automatically those we had laid out for our calculations of population in the sixteenth century.[17] The data for Indian population in 1568 and 1595 had been segregated previously
[16] Mexico, AGN, El libro de las tasaciones de pueblos de la Nueva España, passim .
[17] A full description with map may be found in Cook and Borah, The Indian Population of Central Mexico, 1531 –1610 , pp. 33–36.
and published for those regions.[18] As we have already suggested, identification of the towns involved a long series of problems in detection. Many towns in Mexico have identical names; others have nearly identical ones, which in the more haphazard spelling of the seventeenth century become identical. Here the tendency of the 1646 report to list together contiguous towns or towns of one region helped very greatly. Changes brought by the nearly eighty years between 1568 and 1646 also created serious problems of identification, for many towns had changed their names, or moved the location of the main settlement within their territory, sometimes keeping the name and sometimes taking on the name associated with the new site; others had become consolidated; others were sujetos of towns in 1568, but had since become autonomous and dealt directly with Spanish authorities; others represented new settlement on abandoned land—a phenomenon particularly of the lower altitudes; yet others were new settlements within what had been nomadic Chichimec territory in 1520, but was being brought under control by the Spaniards. In all probability, the task of identification would have been impossible for at least a quarter to a third of the names if we had not been able to use the newly published A Guide to the Historical Geography of New Spain by Peter Gerhard. This remarkable volume, organized by the alcaldías mayores of the eighteenth century, permits tracing the territorial history and changes of towns in the district of the treasury of Mexico City. It even gives the history of encomiendas and parishes. In the end, we were unable to identify and locate just three of the towns in the 1646 list.
Once towns in the 1646 report were segregated by region and listed with information, where possible, on population in 1568 and 1595 and numbers of tributaries in 1646, the second step was to convert tributaries into total population. We have explored at considerable length elsewhere the problems and evidence for arriving at appropriate multiplicative factors for various years in order to convert tributary number into total Indian population.[19] There is accordingly no need to repeat the
[18] Ibid. , pp. 59–109.
[19] Borah and Cook, The Population of Central Mexico in 1548 , pp. 75–102; Cook and Borah, The Indian Population of Central Mexico, 1531 – 1610 , pp. 59–109; Cook and Borah, The Population of the Mixteca Alta , pp. 39–47; Cook and Borah, Essays , I, chaps. 3 and 4.
exploration here. For 1568 and 1595, our data already applied the factor of 2.8 (which implies a factor of 3.3 for a married man or casado ). That value, although low, is derived from a substantial mass of evidence and must be regarded as solidly based. It is, however, clearly inapplicable to a later period when the number of tributaries reached nadir but demographic changes within the Indian population were preparing the way for the fairly steady increase that was characteristic from some time in the first half of the seventeenth century to the end of the colonial period. Equally, the relatively high factors necessary for conversion of eighteenth-century tributary numbers to total Indian population, although they are very firmly based on a substantial mass of data—some of the best we have for Mexico at any time—cannot be applied to the years in the seventeenth century when the population was in transition from one demographic pattern to another. Accordingly we returned to our explanation and the graph in our study of the population of the Mixteca Alta and chose 3.4 as the most appropriate value for application to the data in the 1646 report, understanding that the data should be regarded as falling in the years 1620–1625.
We had hoped to verify our calculations further by a comparison of the data in the 1646 report with the tribute counts of the early eighteenth century, approximately 1715–1733, for which there survives an unusually full series of new counts for the treasury district of Mexico. The appropriate factor for converting tributaries to total Indian population for those data would be 3.8. Unfortunately for our needs in this study, the eighteenth-century tribute counts and assessments were made under a new system which handled a province at a time. Comparison on any extensive basis with earlier counts and assessments by individual towns accordingly required so much adjustment that we abandoned the attempt.
Our next steps were to rearrange the regional data on new worksheets, breaking down the regional division into further categories which we applied uniformly to the eleven regions (which are numbered from I to X, with a IIA). For each region, Table 1.1, part A for that region lists all towns or other places which occur on both the 1568 and 1646 lists. From the total of these we have calculated the ratio of the two populations 1646/1568. Table 1.1, part B for the region gives the names of places which occur in the 1646 reporting but are not on the 1568 list. The aggregate of these populations must be added to
the regional total in order to calculate the percentage of deficiency in the 1646 reporting for the region. Table 1.1, part C for each region gives the names of places for which only the 1568 list has a value, i.e., they are missing from the 1646 list. We have not included towns or places for which we had calculated hypothetical populations for 1568 on the basis of information of earlier date. The numerical weight of places with a population value in 1568, but not in the 1646 reporting, can be estimated by dividing the total of their population by that of the entire region. The resulting value, expressed as a percentage, gives an index to the degree of deficiency found in the 1646 reporting for the region.
Since the population reported in the 1646 list is deficient in all regions, the probable true population must be calculated. An estimate may be obtained by the use of simple proportions based upon the logical assumption that the mean ratio found for each region from the paired values for places in Table 1.1, part A holds equally for each region for the towns in Table 1.1, part C for which we have no information in the 1646 reporting. Since the proportion of places for which we have information in each region is large—for some regions very large—the ratios, although not absolutely precise, are reasonably close to the true value. We then applied the ratio for each region of the population reported in the 1568 data for that region to the totals in parts A and C. The resulting value is the reconstructed Indian population of the region in 1620–1625 (our adjusted average date for the tribute assessments).
As a check upon the results secured by comparing the data in the 1568 and 1646 reporting, we have turned to the data of average date of 1595. For each region, Table 1.1, part D shows the towns for which we have data in the 1568 and 1595 reporting, together with the ratios 1595/1568. We determine the mean ratio and apply it to the total Indian population of the region in 1568, a procedure which yields an estimated population for the entire region in 1595. A similar operation is performed with those towns of each region for which we have population figures in both the 1595 and 1646 reporting. The numerical values and ratios of 1646/1595 are in Table 1.1, part E for each region. In all cases, the populations in 1595 calculated from those in 1646 are smaller than the populations calculated from the 1568 data. This difference, or deficiency, in
the values calculated from 1646 confirms the result of direct, town-by-town comparison of 1568 and 1646.
We turn now to the analysis of the data region by region. Our explanation is deliberately arranged to be as uniform as possible for each region, in accordance with the uniform organization of the data.
Region I
The Central Plateau, a culturally homogeneous area that was the core of ancient Mexico at the time of the Spanish Conquest and still has substantial unity today. On the north, the boundary is the Chichimec frontier of 1550. On the east, it is the Atlantic escarpment at approximately the contour line of 1200 meters to the meeting point of the state boundaries of Veracruz, Oaxaca, and Puebla. On the south, the boundary runs along the Balsas River, including the south bank, as far as Michoacán. From there it runs north along the Mexico-Michoacán state line and then east along the Hidalgo-Querétaro state line to the Moctezuma River.
We find 206 places, not necessarily towns, which occur on both the 1568 and 1646 lists. In 1568 the population of these 206 places is 1,321,329; in 1646 it is 303,717. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.230. (See Table 1.1, Region I, part A.)
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Part B of the table for Region I shows 21 places found on the 1646 list which had to be omitted from part A because the name did not appear on the 1568 list, because the place was part of another town for which no population was given, or for various other reasons. The total population of these 21 places is 9,662, making the total for the 1646 list 313,379. Of this, the population deleted (9,662) is only 3.1%, an insignificant amount. We conclude, therefore, that the 1646 reporting for Region I, within plus or minus 3%, can be found in the 1568 list, and that the population ratio of 0.230 for these places is valid.
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Table 1.1, Region I, part C gives the names of 125 places which occur in the 1568 list but are not found in the 1646 reporting. Some of these are of considerable size and cannot possibly have been depopulated or lost in congregation between the two dates; for example, Metztitlán and Tulancingo in Hidalgo; Acolmán, Amecameca, and Oxtotipac in the state of Mexico; Tacubaya and Churubusco in the Distrito Federal; and Tecamachalco in Puebla. The only explanation is that the 1646 reporting is incomplete and that a relatively large number of towns has been omitted. The total population in 1568 of the 125 places which are missing from the 1646 reporting is 396,306. The aggregate for 1568 would be 1,321,329 plus 396,306, or 1,717,635, of which the towns missing in the 1646 report would account for about 23%.
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We may calculate the probable true population of Region I in 1620–1625 (our estimated average date) simply by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two sets of data was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 1,717,635 × 0.230 = 395,056. The latter figure should be taken as the population of Region I in 1620–1625.
The data in the 1595 list may serve to verify our calculations for the other two dates and, in turn, may be verified by them. Table 1.1, part D shows the population of 119 places in 1568 and 1595. The total of the former is 668,867 and of the latter 332,256. The ratio 1595/1568 is 0.497. By proportion, the entire population of Region I in 1595 would be 1,709,793 × 0.497 = 849,767. Table 1.1, Region I, part E shows similar data for 1595 and 1646, with 81 places. Here the totals are respectively 231,140 and 93,572, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 0.405. The entire population of Region I in 1595, calculated from the total in the 1646 reporting (313,379 as above), would be 773,775. The two results differ by 10% but, allowing for omissions in the 1646 list, are remarkably close.
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Region II
Valles–Pánuco. This is the coastal plain and foothills of the Huaxteca from southern Tamaulipas to northern Veracruz as far south as latitude 20°N. There are 28 places which occur in both the 1568 list and the 1646 list. In 1568 the population of these 28 places is 35,316; in 1646 it is 8,559. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.242. The data are given in detail in Table 1.1, Region II, part A. Part B shows 9 places found in the 1646 report which had to be omitted from part A. The total population of these 9 places is 353, making the total for the 1646 list 8,912. Part C shows 122 places which occur in the 1568 list but which are not found in that for 1646. The total 1568 population of these 122 places is 37,818. The aggregate for 1568 would be 35,316 plus 37,818, or 73,134, of which the towns missing in the 1646 list would account for 52.2%.
We may calculate the probable true population of Region II by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two sets of data was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 73,134 × 0.242 = 17,698. The difference between this value and that of the 1646 list (8,912) is very great and may invalidate the assumption. It may be necessary to assume additionally that many of the places on the 1568 list disappeared before 1646.
Table 1.1, Region II, part D shows the population of 22 places in 1568 and 1595. The total of the former is 26,991 and of the latter 23,752. The ratio 1595/1568 is 0.880. By proportion, the entire population of Region II in 1595 would be 73,134 × 0.880 = 64,358. Part E shows similar data for 1595 and 1646, with only 5 places. Here the totals are respectively 14,087 and 5,039, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 0.358. The entire population of Region II in 1595, calculated from the total in the 1646 data (8,912 ÷ 0.358), would be 24,894. The two results are discrepant, a fact probably referable to the disappearance of many small towns in the region.
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Region II-A
Central Veracruz. This is a small homogeneous area embracing the clusters of towns around present-day Jalapa and Orizaba. Although in part the region is coastal plain, most of the towns are at fairly high elevations. The region, in general, resembles the interior plateau more than Pánuco to the north or the region of the Alvarado River to the south. There are 25 places which occur on both the 1568 and 1646 lists. In 1568 the population of these 25 places is 22,394; in 1646 it is 10,065. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.449. (See part A of Table 1.1, Region II-A.) Part B shows 8 places found on the 1646 list which had to be omitted from part A. The population of these 8 places is 1,684, making the total for the 1646 list 11,749. Part C shows 20 places which are found in the 1568 list but are not in the 1646 report. The total 1568 population of these 20 places is 10,306. The aggregate for 1568 would be 22,394 plus 10,306, or 32,700, of which the towns missing in the 1646 list would account for 31.5%.
We may calculate the probable true population of Region II-A in 1620–1625 by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two sets of data was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 32,700 × 0.449 = 14,682. The difference between this value and that of the actual list (11,749) is not large and supports the assumption.
We verify by use of data in the 1595 list. Part D of Table 1.1 for the region shows the population of 6 places in 1568 and in 1595. The total of the former is 2,950 and of the latter 1,762. The ratio 1595/1568 is 0.597. By proportion, the entire population of Region II-A in 1595 would be 32,700 × 0.597 = 19,522. Part E of Table 1.1, Region II-A, gives similar data for 1595 and 1646, with only 3 places. Here the totals are respectively 492 and 530, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 1.077. The entire population of Region II-A, calculated from the total in the 1646 report (11,749 ÷ 1.077), would be 10,909. The two results are discrepant, but the numbers of cases are too small for adequate calculation.
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Region III
Alvarado–Coatzcoalcos. This region embraces southern Veracruz and the coast of Tabasco and Campeche to the Laguna de Términos. The part of Campeche included in the region was populous in aboriginal times, but by the seventeenth century was deserted. The region includes the lowland basins of the Alvarado-Papaloapan drainage, the northwest portion of the Usumacinta drainage, and the small part of northeastern Oaxaca which is in the basins of the Papaloapan and Coatzacoalcos systems.
There are 33 places which occur on both the 1568 and 1646 lists. In 1568 the population of these 33 places is 20,751; in 1646 it is 5,183. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.250. (See Table 1.1, Region III, part A.) Part B shows 11 places found on the 1646 list which had to be omitted from part A. The total population of these places is 1,463, making the total for the 1646 list 6,646. In part C there are 41 places which occur in the 1568 list but are not found in the 1646 report. The total 1568 population of these 41 places is 26,928. The aggregate for 1568 would be 20,751 plus 26,928, or 47,679, of which the towns omitted in the 1646 report would account for 56.5%.
We calculate the probable true population of Region III in 1620–1625 by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two sets of data was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 47,679 × 0.250 = 11,920. The difference between this value and that of the 1646 list is considerable. The condition resembles that obtaining in Region II and indicates the disappearance of numerous towns between 1568 and 1646.
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In parts D and E of Table 1.1, Region III, we use the data for 1595 for verification. Part D shows the population of 12 places in 1568 and 1595, the ones for which there are data in both lists. The total of the former is 10,686 and of the latter 6,442. The ratio 1595/1568 is 0.603. By proportion, the entire population of Region III in 1595 would be 47,679 × 0.604 = 28,750. Part E shows similar data for 1595 and 1646, with only 5 places. Here the totals are respectively 1,496 and 925, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 0.618. The entire population of Region III, calculated from the total of the 1646 list for this region (6,646 ÷ 0.618), would be 10,754. The two results are discrepant. The numbers of places are small, but there may also be a difference due to the disappearance of towns between 1595 and 1646.
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Region IV
Northwestern Oaxaca. This region embraces the Mixteca Alta and Baja (but not the Mixteca of the coast), the central valleys of Oaxaca, and some peripheral territory. Most of the region is plateau or of intermediate altitude, and resembles the Central Plateau.
Table 1.1, Region IV, part A gives the names of 87 places which occur in both the 1568 and 1646 reporting. In 1568 the population of these 87 places is 183,601; in 1646 it is 60,785. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.331. According to part B, the 1646 list contains 8 places which had to be omitted from part A. The total population of these places is 1,289, making the total for the 1646 list 62,074. Part C shows 39 places which are in the 1568 list but are not found in that of 1646. The aggregate for 1568 would be 183,601 plus 39,732, or 223,333, of which the towns missing in the 1646 reporting would account for 17.8%.
We calculate the probable true population of Region IV in 1620–1625 by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two sets of data was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 223,333 × 0.331 = 73,923. The difference between this value and that of the actual list (62,074) is relatively small. The smallness of the discrepancy indicates that most of the towns remained in existence, and that relatively little disturbance occurred between 1568 and 1646 in this area.
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Verification of our calculations is supplied by the date in parts D and E of Table 1.1, Region IV. Part D gives values for 31 places in 1568 and 1595. The total of the former is 92,517 and of the latter 49,655. The ratio 1595/1568 is 0.537. By proportion, the entire population of Region IV in 1595 would be 223,333 × 0.537 = 119,930. Part E gives similar data for 1595 and 1646, with 29 places. Here the totals are respectively 48,561 and 24,919, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 0.513. The entire Indian population of Region IV, calculated from the total in 1646 (62,074 ÷ 0.513), would be 121,002. The two results are almost incredibly close, and indicate that for this region the data are as accurate as could ever be expected.
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Region V
The Zapotecas, the term used by the Spaniards. This region is the home territory of the northern Mountain Zapotecs, the Mijes, and several smaller adjacent linguistic groups. In elevation it ranges from high mountain to relatively low foothill and coast, with considerable ecological variation. The area was distinct in the sixteenth century in terms of culture and territorial arrangements. It was penetrated and dominated relatively slowly by the Spaniards, in part because of the difficult terrain, in part because of political fragmentation. On the whole, the region is warm country descending at points to coastal elevations.
We work with the data for the region in Table 1.1, parts A–E. In part A, we are able to identify 72 places as occurring on both the 1568 and 1646 lists. In 1568 the population of these 72 places is 37,142; in 1646 it is 22,774. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.613. According to part B, the 1646 reporting gives the names of 20 places which had to be omitted from part A. The total population of these 20 places is 4,277, making the total for places reported in the 1646 list 27,051. Part C shows 68 places which are found in the 1568 list but not in that of 1646. The total 1568 population of these 68 places is 32,427. The aggregate for 1568 would be 37,142 plus 32,427, or 69,569, of which the towns missing in the 1646 reporting would account for 46.7%.
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We calculate the probable true population of Region V in 1620–1625 (our estimated average date) by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two dates was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 69,569 × 0.613 = 42,646. The difference between this value and that of the actual list (27,051) is considerable, and may be
due to the disappearance of many small places through congregación and extinction of the entire population. Further, the Huatenicamanes and the Chontales Bravos, for which the 1568 values are only a vague estimate, account for 8,750 souls. If these are deducted from the 1568 total, the values for the calculated and the actual population, according to the 1646 reporting, come quite close together.
Resort to the 1595 data for verification yields further discrepancy. Part D of Table 1.1, Region V, shows the population of 24 places in 1568 and 1595. The total of the former is 16,120 and of the latter 10,309. The ratio 1595/1568 is 0.639. By proportion, the entire population of Region V in 1595 would be 69,569 × 0.639 = 44,455. Similar data for 1595 and 1646 are given in part E, with 23 places. Here the totals are respectively 6,862 and 7,184; the ratio 1646/1595 is 1.047. The entire Indian population of Region V, calculated from the total in 1646 (27,051 ÷ 1.047), would be 25,837. These results are widely apart. In connection with this discrepancy, it should be noted that for the 23 towns the population in 1646 is actually greater than in 1595. There may have been a real increase in population, the extension of Spanish control may have come later than has been generally assumed, or there may be a factor of selection in the data whereby the more important towns are represented at the expense of those which disappeared. The Zapotecas may have constituted a special case which deserves further examination.
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Region VI
Oaxaca Coast. This region is the coast of the present state of Oaxaca, a strip extending inland from sixty to eighty miles. Although, as in the Zapotecas, the region includes high mountains, its ecology is coastal. In aboriginal times the states of Tehuantepec, Huatulco, and Tututepec were included within the region.
We here work with the data presented in Table 1.1, Region VI, parts A–E. According to part A, 45 places occur in both the 1568 and 1646 lists. In 1568 the population of these 45 places is 50,316; in 1646 it is 30,106. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.600. Part B gives the name of the only place found on the 1646 list which is not in the 1568 reporting. The population of this place is 22, making the total for the 1646 list 30,128. According to part C, the 1568 list has 28 places which are not found in the 1646 report. The total population in 1568 of these 28 places is 13,680. The aggregate for 1568 would be 50,316 plus 13,680, or 62,996, of which the towns missing in the 1646 list would account for 21.7%.
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We calculate the probable true population of Region VI for the 1646 data by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two sets of data was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 62,996 × 0.600 = 37,798. The difference between this value and that of the actual list, 30,128, is only moderate. This coastal region, therefore, was much more stable with respect to retention of towns than the inland Zapotecas.
Verification of our calculations through resort to the data for 1595 is in parts D and E. Part D shows the population of 19 places in 1568 and 1595. The total of the former is 33,684 and of the latter 28,197. The ratio 1595/1568 is 0.837. By proportion, the entire population of Region VI in 1595 would be 62,996 × 0.838 = 52,728. Part E gives similar data for 1595 and 1646, with 17 places. Here the totals are respectively 23,345 and 16,407, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 0.703. The entire Indian population of Region VI, calculated from the total in the 1646 data (30,128 ÷ 0.703), would be 42,856. This is moderately different from the value obtained by proportion from the population in 1568.
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Region VII
Zacatula–Guerrero. This region includes two natural areas grouped together because of similarity. The first is the long coastal strip extending from the Oaxaca–Guerrero state line, past Acapulco, to the western extremity of the old province of Zacatula in the southwestern corner of Michoacán. The second area is the inland group of towns south of the Balsas basin centering around Tlapa, Chilapa, and Tixtla. In a strict sense, the area is neither coastal nor plateau but, rather like similar areas in Oaxaca, ranges from tierra templada toward tierra caliente . The Balsas basin here constitutes a natural dividing line; to the south there is no such boundary.
Our data are in Table 1.1, Region VII, parts A–E. Part A lists the names of 51 places which occur in both the 1568 and 1646
reporting. In 1568 the population of these 51 places is 58,403; in 1646 it is 20,036. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.343. According to part B, 5 places found in the 1646 report had to be omitted from part A. The population of these 5 places is 470, making the total for the 1646 report 20,506. Conversely, part C shows 101 places which occur in the 1568 list but are not in the 1646 report. The total 1568 population of these 101 places is 52,376. The aggregate for 1568 would be 58,403, plus 52,376, or 110,779, of which the towns omitted in the 1646 list would account for 47.3%.
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We calculate the probable true population of Region VII in 1620–1625 by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two sets of data was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 110,779 × 0.343 = 37,997. The difference between this value and that of the actual list (20,506) is considerable. It should be noted that Region VII contains a group of fairly large interior towns, such as Tlapa, Chilapa, and Iguala, all of which continued to exist, but that it also had many small places in Zacatula, most of which had disappeared by 1646. These two components should give quite different results, but the difference is obscured by their fusion into a single region.
Our verification by use of 1595 data is in Table 1.1, Region VII, parts D and E. According to part D, we have values for 14 places in both the 1568 and 1595 data; almost all of them are relatively large towns. In 1568 the population of these 14 places is 34,400; in 1595 it is 24,761. The ratio 1595/1568 is 0.720. By proportion, the entire Indian population of Region VII in 1595 would be 110,779 × 0.720 = 79,761. Part E shows similar data for 1595 and 1646, with 8 places. Here the totals are respectively 18,078 and 9,006, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 0.498. The entire Indian population of Region VII, calculated from the total in 1646 (20,506 ÷ 0.498), would be 41,177. The two results are widely different, and may be referable to the extinction of the coastal strip of Zacatula.
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Region VIII
Michoacán. This region is Tarascan Michoacán, except for the area south and west of the Tepalcatepec River. The region is true plateau, but in aboriginal times was separate from the core of the Central Plateau because of the clear independence of the Tarascan state from the Triple Alliance and the cultural divergence of the inhabitants from the Nahua linguistic groups. Even today it has regional individuality.
Our data are in Table 1.1, Region VIII, parts A–E. Part A shows 35 places which occur in both the 1568 and 1646 lists. In 1568 the population of these 35 plaees is 138,364; in 1646 it is 34,310. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.248. According to part B, the 1646 report contains the names of 3 places not found in the 1568 list. The population of these 3 places is 1,033, making the total for the 1646 list 35,343. Conversely, part C shows 20 places which occur in the 1568 list but are not found in the 1646 report. The total 1568 population of these 20 places is 60,596. The aggregate for 1568 would be 138,364 plus 60,596, or 198,960, of which the towns missing in the 1646 list would account for 30.5%.
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We calculate the probable true population of Region VIII in 1620–1625 by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two sets of data was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 198,960 × 0.248 = 49,342. The difference between this value and that of the actual list (35,343) is moderate and probably can be accounted for mainly by the omission on the 1646 list of fairly large towns, such as Pajacuarán and Pátzcuaro, which continued to exist throughout the colonial period.
Our resort to 1595 data for verification is in parts D and E. Part D shows the population of 17 places which are in both the 1568 and 1595 reporting. The total of the former is 63,188 and of the latter 38,182. The ratio 1595/1568 is 0.604. By proportion, the entire Indian population of Region VIII in 1595 would be 198,960 × 0.604 = 120,172. Part E shows similar data for 1595 and 1646, with 14 places. Here the totals are respectively 30,586 and 18,330, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 0.599. The entire Indian population of Region VIII, calculated from the total in the 1646 data (35,343 ÷ 0.599), would be 59,003. This is very different from the value obtained from the 1568 data.
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Region IX
Eastern Jalisco–Zacatecas. This region is in the high cold country of west-central Mexico. It includes the Avalos towns and the Guadalajara plain as far west as, but not including, the volcano of Colima and the low-lying valleys of Autlán and Milpa. To the north, the region extends to the great canyon of the Santiago River and the southern valleys of Zacatecas. To the east, it extends to Tarascan Michoacán and the Chichimec frontier. Part of the western boundary lies in what in the sixteenth and seventeenth century was the deeply dissected, inaccessible country of eastern Nayarit and the Bolaños area of Jalisco. A very large part of our Region IX lay in the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia and was governed from Guadalajara. Accordingly, its Indian towns paid tribute to the royal treasury in Guadalajara. Only the Avalos towns in southwestern Jalisco were in the Audiencia of Mexico, or New Spain.
Table 1.1, Region IX, part A shows 16 places which occur in both the 1568 and 1646 lists. These 16 places are all within that
part of Jalisco that was under the jurisdiction of New Spain, and were located either on the plateau or in the zone intermediate between the plateau and the coast. In 1568 the population of these 16 places is 26,878; in 1646 it is 10,347. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.385. Part B shows 1 place found on the 1646 list which is not in the 1568 reporting. The population of this place is 1,081, making the total for the 1646 list 11,428. Part C shows 10 places which are in the 1568 list but not in the 1646 report. These 10 places are all located in New Spain. All others which could be identified as being located in Nueva Galicia were omitted. The total 1568 population of these 10 places is 5,354. The aggregate for 1568 of that part of Region IX lying within New Spain would be 26,878 plus 5,354, or 32,232, of which the towns not found in the 1646 reporting would account for 16.6%.
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We calculate the probable true population of Region IX in 1620–1625 for that portion lying within New Spain by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two dates was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 32,232 × 0.385 = 12,409. The difference between this value and that of the actual list (11,428) is very small.
Our resort to 1595 data for verification is in parts D and E. Part D shows the population of 9 places, all in the province of Avalos, in 1568 and 1595. In 1568 the population of these 9 places is 14,404; in 1595 it is 18,760. The ratio is 1.303. By proportion, the entire Indian population of this portion of Region IX in 1595 would be 32,232 × 1.303 = 41,998. Part E gives similar data for 1595 and 1646, with the same 9 places. Here the totals are respectively 18,760 and 6,544, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 0.349. The entire Indian population of this portion of Region IX, calculated from the total in 1646 (11,428 ÷ 0.349), would be 32,745. This result is not widely different from the value obtained from the 1568 data.
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Region X
Colima–Nayarit. Actually this region includes Colima, a small part of Michoacán, western Jalisco, and Nayarit. It is large but relatively homogeneous ecologically. The topography and climate vary widely, ranging from temperate valleys, at altitudes of 1000 to 1200 meters, to hot coastal plain. Region X lay partly in the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia and partly in the Audiencia of Mexico, and we have to treat the data as we did for Region IX. Table 1.1, Region X, parts A–E lists the data for the towns in the Audiencia of Mexico. Part A lists 51 places which occur in both the 1568 and 1646 reporting. They include the Autlán–Tuscacuesco area of Jalisco, the entire state of Colima, and the Motines area of western Michoacán. They do not include coastal Jalisco, Nayarit, or Sinaloa. In 1568 the population of these 51 places is 15,892; in 1646 it is 5,692. The ratio 1646/1568 is 0.358. Part B shows 7 places found in the 1646 report but not in the 1568 list. The population of these 7 places is 317, making the total for the 1646 list 6,009. Conversely, part C lists towns in the 1568 reporting but not in that for 1646; there are 57 such places, all within New Spain. (The remainder of the towns, which were in Nueva Galicia, have been omitted.) The total 1568 population of these
57 places is 10,528. The aggregate for 1568 would be 15,892 plus 10,528, or 26,420, of which the towns omitted from the 1646 report would account for 39.8%.
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We calculate the probable true population of Region X (i.e., that portion lying within New Spain) by using proportions and assuming that the ratio between the two sets of data was the same for all towns alike (in totals). This would mean that 26,420 × 0.358 = 9,458. The difference between this value and that of the actual list (6,009) is relatively moderate.
Our use of 1595 data is in parts D and E. Part D shows the population of 17 places which occur in both the 1568 and 1595 reporting. The total of the former is 5,338 and of the latter 4,193, most of the difference being referable to Autlán alone. The ratio is 0.786. By proportion, the entire Indian population of this portion of Region X in 1595 would be 26,420 × 0.786 = 20,766. Part E shows similar data for 1595 and 1646, with 13 places. Here the totals are respectively 3,441 and 1,242, and the ratio 1646/1595 is 0.361. The entire Indian population in 1595 of this portion of Region X, calculated from the 1646 data (6,009 ÷ 0.361), would be 16,645. This result differs moderately from that obtained from the 1568 data.
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Central Mexico as a Whole
We are now ready to reach totals for the Indian population of the royal treasury district of Mexico City—that is, the Audiencia of Mexico—and for the larger area of central Mexico as we have defined it in previous studies. Our regional tabulations have necessarily been lengthy, and the important point perhaps deeply buried. We summarize regional totals and give overall totals in Table 1.2, parts A–D. Table 1.2, part A summarizes all parts A of Table 1.1, which contained the comparison of values for towns and entities whose names appeared on both the 1568 and 1646 lists. The proportion of change in the paired values gives us our proportion of change between 1568 and the data of 1646 (which must still be adjusted to an average date). For further comparison, we have segregated the regions into the two categories of plateau and coast. Table 1.2, part B is a test of the significance of difference between the values for plateau and coast. Table 1.2, part C summarizes aggregate population for the regions, again segregated into plateau and coast. We here compare aggregate populations for 1568 with aggregate populations for the same regions arrived at by totaling values for towns in the 1646 list. We then calculate the probable true aggregate populations of the regions by correcting for the deficiency revealed in the total for each region in the 1646 data, through our previous examination region by region. Table 1.2, part D summarizes the earlier series of parts D and E of Table 1.1—that is, our comparison with 1595 data for verification.
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Let us now examine this material in a somewhat different way, less bound to the exact format of these tables. We have already determined that the lag in recounts and reassessments of Indian tributes in the first decades of the seventeenth century indicates that data in the 1646 list really refer to an average date between 1620 and 1625. Accordingly, our references to data in the 1646 list should be given this placement in time. We have also discussed the problem of deficiency in the data of the 1646 list, both in terms of coverage of number of towns and coverage of aggregate population. We anticipated our finding, based upon regional examination, summarized in Table 1.2, part
C, that the data cover 75.9% of the aggregate population and constitute a very substantial sample.
Our reconstructed aggregate Indian population for the district of the royal treasury of Mexico City on the basis of data in the 1646 list is 702,929. This is an estimate and hardly exact to the last digit or even the last thousand. It should be compared to a value of 2,595,437 for the same area in 1568 and one of 1,442,270 in 1595. These values for 1568 and 1595 differ slightly from those we arrived at previously for a number of reasons: (1) The selection of data for comparison involves small differences which would result in insignificant variation in totals. One result here is that the total for 1595 is somewhat higher than our earlier one and may suggest a minor adjustment upward of that value in terms of the comparison with data from the 1646 list. (2) Perhaps the more important reason for difference is that our totals here do not cover territories in the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia which were parts of our Regions IX and X, including southern Sinaloa up to and just beyond the Culiacán Valley. To bring our 1620–1625 value to full comparability with our earlier estimate for 1568, we should adjust our total by adding 22,000 as a compromise value between 1620 and 1630 for Nueva Galicia exclusive of southern Sinaloa.[20] ) An adjustment for southern Sinaloa is much more difficult, since we have virtually no information on Indian population there for the seventeenth century. It functioned as an autonomous fiscal entity which reported merely totals to Guadalajara. We may guess from the data in the Suma de Visitas and the general course of Indian population in the Audiencia of Nueva Galicia that the Indian population of southern Sinaloa in the early decades of the seventeenth century fell below 10,000 and perhaps below 5,000. If we add 27,000 as an adjustment for all territories in Nueva Galicia, to bring our corrected aggregate total for Indian population in the Audiencia of Mexico in 1620–1625 to coverage of central Mexico, we cannot be far off the mark. The Indian population of central Mexico in 1620–1625, then, would be approximately 730,000. This value should be compared with our earlier values of 25.2 million for the same area in 1518, 2.65 million in 1568, and 1.375 million 1595. The decline was distinctly greater than we had previously thought.
[20] From our study of the population of west-central Mexico in Cook and Borah, Essays , I, chap. 5, esp. p. 310.
There was, of course, great regional variation in the extent of loss of population. Our segregation of regions by plateau and coasts gives evidence on climatic influence. We had previously determined that loss of population proceeded much more rapidly in coastal regions, that here population reached its nadir earlier than on the plateau, and that some measure of recovery started earlier.[21] Our comparison of data from the 1568 and 1646 lists confirms these determinations. (See Table 1.2, parts A–C.) Although the deficiency in reporting in the 1646 data is greater for the coasts than for the plateau, the large sample in the list indicates that the loss of population in coastal regions was less than in those on the plateau. Our test for significance of the difference gives a value of t that is far beyond the 1% level of probability; that is, the chance that the difference arises from mere random variation of the data is much less than 1%.
One further point remains to be discussed here. Does the average date 1620–1625 come close to the low point of Indian population in central Mexico? Most scholars, except for the increasingly fewer ones who insist in the teeth of all evidence that there was no decline, have found the turning point somewhere between 1610 and 1650. In the first decade of the seventeenth century, population loss was still going on. Shortly after the midcentury, the Spanish authorities began to recount Indian towns and found population increase. Obviously, the low point and beginnings of increase of population must have taken place at different times and perhaps in somewhat different circumstances in various regions. In addition, the years between the birth of more Indians and their reaching tributary status, plus the normal lag in royal fiscal awareness of the change and consequent move to reassessment of tributes, would mean some lapse of time before fiscal material would reflect the new state of affairs. Our study of the Mixteca Alta suggested that the turning point came about 1620. In terms of the evidence now available to us, we cannot be sure that 1620–1625 should be taken as the exact low point of all Indian population in the Audiencia of Mexico, but in the present state of our knowledge, it is close enough to the low point to serve—i.e., again a
[21] Cook and Borah, The Indian Population of Central Mexico, 1531–1610 , pp. 49–56; Cook and Borah, "Quelle fut la stratification sociale au centre du Mexique durante la premiere moitié du XVIe siècle?," pp. 238–241; Cook and Borah, "On the Credibility of Contemporary Testimony on the Population of Mexico in the Sixteenth Century," pp. 235–237; Cook and Borah, Essays , I, pp. 79–118.
reasonable compromise date in what must have been considerable regional variation involving a small span of years in either direction. We conclude, then, that the Indian population of central Mexico, under the impact of factors unleashed by the coming of the Europeans, fell by 1620–1625 to a low of approximately 3% of its size at the time that the Europeans first landed on the shore of Veracruz.
3—
The Royal Revenues
When we turn from Indian population to royal revenues, the information in the report of 1646 deals directly with that year or a short term of years immediately preceding 1646. The report is one of a long series of similar documents, prepared at irregular intervals during the three centuries of the colonial administration, to give an idea of the yield of the royal revenues. It is a tanteo , a trial balance or estimate, in this instance a mixture of information on theoretical yield of some taxes, such as the bulls of the Holy Crusade, and of actual yield for others, especially those which in part or in whole were leased out to cities or farmed to private collectors and so called for fixed yield. It is striking testimony of the disorder in the royal treasury at the time, that the visitador-general should be unable quickly to get exact information on the nature and yield of taxes from the central fiscal agencies in Mexico City.
Let us start not with yield but with the system of Indian tributes: obligation to pay, assessments, kind of payment, and cession of the royal right to receive tribute to Spaniards through encomiendas. From the middle of the sixteenth century, there was a steady move toward extinction of encomiendas as such grants passed through a third life and reverted to the Crown. By the time of the encomenderos' petition to the Crown in 1597–98, approximately two-thirds of the towns in the Audiencia of Mexico were in the Crown, either through original retention or reversion.[22] By 1646 almost all of the original
[22] In the famous petition of encomenderos of 1597–98 and the legal proceedings carried out in support of it, the encomenderos declared that the proportion of privately held encomiendas still in existence at that time was less than one-quarter. A count of the certified statement of towns still in encomienda gives approximately 463 towns and fractions of towns, or approximately one-third. Francisco del Paso y Troncoso, comp., Epistolario de Nueva España, 1505–1818 , XIII, pp. 3–165, passim .
grants for three lives should have run out, since it would require three long-lived males with unusually wide spacing between generations to have held an encomienda for more than a century. On the other hand, a few of the grants, such as the very substantial one to the Cortés family, would not lapse, since they were in perpetuity. Furthermore, the Crown did make further grants, despite a general policy of letting encomiendas lapse, although the later grants were most often pension arrangements secured upon the tributes of specific towns. Some of the new grants were for one or more lives; some were in perpetuity.[23] The report of 1646 shows the interaction of these counterbalancing tendencies. It lists, after elimination of duplicate entries, approximately 871 entities. (We deal here with the listings of 1646, which in many instances divide entities as they existed in 1568. We have had to recombine them for our earlier section on Indian population.) There were 202 towns still held by encomenderos in their entirety, and 32 whose tributes were divided between the Crown and an encomendero. Encomienda then affected 234 entities listed in the report, that is, 26.8%. If the towns omitted from the report were entirely in the Crown, adjustment for omission at maximum would require reducing this value to perhaps 18% as the proportion of towns and other entities still paying tribute to encomenderos through old or new grants. Attrition since 1597 then had reduced the former proportion of one-third by nearly half.[24]
The tribute reform of the middle of the sixteenth century, implemented town by town in a steady series of reassessments, removed exemptions from obligation to pay and imposed a standard definition of tributary and half-tributary. There is no reason to think that these changes, which were fully implemented, changed in any significant way until the middle of the eighteenth century, when unmarried and widowed women were freed from payment of half-tribute. The mid-sixteenth-century reform also began to move assessments toward a standard quota, one silver peso of eight reales and half a fanega of maize as the ordinary tribute. It was supplemented by the half peso of
[23] These matters are treated at considerable length in Lesley Byrd Simpson, The Encomienda in New Spain , chaps. 11 and 12, and Silvio A. Zavala, La encomienda indiana, passim .
[24] A comparison of the number of towns in encomienda in 1646 with that of 1597 yields the same proportion.
real servicio instituted in the 1590's, payable by all Indian tributaries whether in royal towns or encomienda.[25] We have ignored the real servicio in this discussion, because it was collected uniformly with perhaps two exceptions.[26]
Movement toward a standard quota per tributary was hampered by the fact that not all Indian towns were able to pay in money and maize and that the commodities in which they could pay were not as yet easily convertible to money by them. Accordingly, many towns continued to be assessed in local products, usually cloth, clothing, and cacao, occasionally more unusual products such as salt or wheat. As access to Spanish markets and the money economy increased, payment in all kinds of products also increasingly became commuted to coin, usually at the average the tribute had sold at in the preceding three or five years.[27] That change introduced new elements of variation, for over the years the rise in prices affected different commodities at varying rates, and the towns which earlier had managed to commute their commodity payments to coin found themselves at an advantage compared to those which did so later. In the years from 1627 to 1631, the royal treasury finally set commutation rates for the two major tribute commodities at 9 reales the fanega for maize and 9 reales the pierna for cloth. That remained the rate despite later fluctuations of prices.[28] Most towns listed in the 1646 report as delivering maize probably paid in coin, for the report indicates that all maize was converted to money at the commutation rate. However, towns which had commuted their maize at an earlier date and lower rate, if the assessment had been changed to coin, continued to pay at the lower rate. Even at the end of the eighteenth century, differences in commutation rates continued to keep tributes, by then almost all paid in coin, from being uniform.29 Towns assessed in textiles continued to deliver products after 1631 despite the permission to commute, for the report of 1646 explicitly declares that no estimate of yield could be made, since tribute cloth and clothing were sold at public auction for varying prices.
[25] Cook and Borah, Essays , I, pp. 19–22.
[26] See below.
[27] See the discussion for the sixteenth century in Borah and Cook, Price Trends of Some Basic Commodities in Central Mexico, 1531–1570 , pp. 5–7 and 18–22.
[28] Cook and Borah, Essays , I, p. 20; Fabian de Fonseca and Carlos de Urrutia, Historia general de real hacienda , I, p. 422.
[29] Fonseca and Urrutia, I, table between pp. 450–451.
The extent to which tribute quotas had moved toward the standard assessment by the 1640's may be gauged from the 1646 report. Of 669 entities held in whole or in part by the Crown, 269, or 40.2%, varied from the standard of one silver peso and a half fanega of maize, or the money equivalent of 1/2/6. Accordingly, approximately 60% were at the standard. Our data cover only Crown towns or fractions thereof and do not touch towns entirely in encomienda. Neither can they give information on the very substantial number of towns omitted from the report. Clearly the movement toward a standard quota went somewhat more slowly than studies to date have supposed, and by the end of the sixteenth century came to a halt. It was resumed in the later seventeenth century, but the vagaries of commutation prevented adoption of a uniform tribute in money.
In Table 1.3 we list by region all of the royal towns, or fractions of towns, in the 1646 report that varied from the standard quota per tributary, either one peso and a half fanega of maize or the equivalent in money at the 1627–1631 commutation rate of 9 reales the fanega. The lowest quotas, and the greatest departures from the standard, involved Tlaxcala, Analco, and the two frontier towns. The province of Tlaxcala paid only one-half fanega of maize per tributary as a special royal favor for its services to Cortés and the Spaniards in the Conquest. Analco (Region V) paid only real servicio:
La prouinçia de çapotecas que cuyo suge to es el pu [ebl] o de analco esta reseruado de la paga del tributo y deue por El Seruy [ci] o R [ea] 1 veynte y dos pessos y quatro tom [ine] s por quarenta y çinco tributarios.
(The province of Zapotecas, of which the town of Analco is a dependency, is exempt from tribute and owes for real servicio 22/4 for 45 tributaries.)
Since the other towns of the Zapotecas all paid tribute, this statement and arrangement are both puzzling. The exemption was probably a remnant of a once much wider one which through negligence or difficulty in bringing the town to pay had been allowed to continue.
The two frontier towns, Tancajual and Tanleón in the Huaxteca (Region II), paid respectively totals of 20/ and 15/ because they were on the Chichimec frontier. Those sums included whatever was given on account of real servicio as well.
Much of the variation revealed in Table 1.3 can be ascribed to small adjustments made as compensation for sterility or unusu-
ally favorable fertility of land. Thus a number of towns paid at the rate of one peso per tributary without maize, or paid a lower quota in money but more maize, the latter kind of adjustment being particularly prominent in the Chalco district, one of the granaries of Mexico City, where the local quota was 0/6 and one fanega of maize. The Indian suburbs of Mexico City represent another kind of adjustment, since they paid only 1/0 on the ground that they were held to provide special services in the city.[30] It is also true that they raised relatively little maize. Still other towns with quotas ranging from 1/1 to 1/2 without maize probably represent towns that took early advantage of the possibility of commuting commodity payment to coin, that is, they did so when the commutation value of maize was lower. In the instance of Tehuantepec (Region VI), where the commutation of maize took place at different times for two separate fractions of the town, commutation at different rates meant different quotas per tributary within the same town. The heaviest impact of commutation upon tributary quota came in Huapanapa (Region IV), where an original quota of 0/2 and a pound of cochineal became 1/7/4 upon commutation of the cochineal. Tribute quotas calling for delivery of wheat, still not commuted in 1646, were likely to follow a similar course.[31]
[30] See the assessment of Santiago Tlaltelolco, 7 September 1565, in Mexico, AGN, El libro de las tasaciones , pp. 515–516.
[31] Borah and Cook, Price Trends , p. 18.Gastos y alimentación de un ejército en el siglo XVI según un presupuesto de la época , and the long series of studies published in Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations , frequently under the heading "Vie matérielle et comportements biologiques." See, for example, the articles in the bibliography by Frank Spooner, Frederick C. Lane, Jean-Jacques Hémardinquer, Michel Morineau, J.-P. Filippini, and B. Bennassar and J. Goy, eds. See also José Gentil Da Silva, Desarrollo ecónomico, subsistencia y decadencia en España , pp. 17–63; and Fernand Braudel, Civilisation matérielle et capitalisme (XV XVIII siecles), esp. pp. 97 et seq . Most of these studies are based on the records of formal provision for soldiers, sailors, people in charitable institutions, and wealthy families. The mass of the population, and especially the lower levels, had far less available. Braudel suggests 2,000 kilocalories a day as a fair estimate for the mass of the European population.
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Inspection of Table 1.3 suggests that implementation of the standard quota was linked rather directly to altitude and its concomitant climate, that is, towns on the plateau were most likely to have been brought to or close to the proposed norm, whereas towns at lower elevations on the coasts or intermediate zone were more likely to be assessed in cotton cloth of various kinds, cotton clothing, and in cacao. Thus Regions III, V, VII, and X had both the highest proportion of variation from the standard quota as well as the highest proportion of quotas in cloth or cacao. Region V, the Zapotecas, was the most prominent in these respects. There tended to be variations in the quotas in cloth and cacao, largely by district and probably based upon quality, capacity to produce, and perhaps accessibility. In Region V the unusually inaccessible area of the Huatenicamanes had a tributary quota of 2 1/2 varas of cloth and 1/4 fanegas of maize, in general half that of the other towns of the region. Since a pierna of cotton cloth, that is, a strip woven on a backstrap loom, most often of 5 varas, was worth 9 reales under the commutation circular of 1631, many of the quotas in cloth came close to the value of the standard assessment.
Variations in quality alone probably will not explain differences in the quotas of cacao, although cacao did come in different grades. In Regions VI and VII, the range of variation in quota was from 2800 beans per tributary through 2600, 1600, and down to 970 and 811. The last, the quota for Pinotepa del Rey, now Pinotepa Nacional, is not exact, since the total tribute divided by the number of tributaries does not come to an exact number of cacao beans. The assessment must have been by global amount. At the standard sixteenth-century long-term wholesale price for cacao, 20/ the carga of 24,000 beans, a quota for 1600 beans had a money value of 1/3 in Mexico City.
Let us turn now to the yield to the royal treasury, and examine the curious mixture of theoretical amount and actual collection in the report of 1646. We have tabulated the sums and amounts given in the report in Tables 1.4A and 1.4B, adjusting the way amounts are listed to reflect somewhat more orderly categories than were customary in seventeenth-century fiscal accounts. One difficulty that there is no way of handling without detailed knowledge of the accounts lies in the reporting of some royal revenue by subtreasury, those of San Luis Potosí
and Veracruz, with specification only of what taxes were not covered. Presumably all others for those districts are grouped under the global amounts, but probably the sums represent primarily one tax. Thus, the total for the subtreasury of Veracruz is largely or entirely almojarifazgo (customs revenue), and that for the subtreasury of San Luis Potosí the royal taxes on mined silver and other specie.
We have organized our presentation to show by column the gross revenue, the amount entering the general revenues of the Crown, and the amount earmarked for special application. The important special applications were the diversion of money and maize from tributes for the stipends of doctrineros and the application of new taxes and parts of old to maintain the Armada de Barlovento , a permanent fleet created to deal with the menace of corsairs, pirates, and foreign forces in the Caribbean. The last columns in the table are there because of the fortunate circumstance that when Fonseca and Urrutia prepared a history of the royal treasury for Viceroy Revillagigedo II in 1790–91, they attempted to calculate the average yield of many taxes in the past from the records in the viceregal treasury. In each case they calculated decennial collections and the average for the ten-year period, their decades coinciding with the standard ones of the calendar. Accordingly, we have a means of verifying for some of the revenues the actual average annual collections, as far as Fonseca and Urrutia were able to locate records.
Indian tributes, because of the more intricate nature of the sums and items entering the ramo , are further analyzed in Table 1.4B. The clerks who prepared the report of 1646 counted 160,948 1/2 t, and listed a total yield in coin of 190,522/4/6. In that sum were the payments in coin for the ordinary tribute, the amounts realized from maize and items commuted to coin, and the real servicio. We should note further that already deducted from the maize before calculating its money value at the standard commutation rate were the tithe, a proper charge before calculating treasury yield, and the stipend in maize delivered to the doctrineros, some 9,737 fanegas 10 almudes, worth 10,954/7/8. The clerks did not convert to money value nor estimate the yield in coin of the very substantial quantities of cloth received as tribute nor such relatively minor items as clothing, cacao, wheat, and salt. Their explanation was that
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these items were sold at public auction and varied so much in quality and in the prices bid from year to year that no exact figure could be given. Nevertheless, if we are to glean some idea of the state of the royal revenues, we must arrive at an idea of approximate value. So little is still known about prices in seventeenth-century Mexico that we are forced to guesses. We have used the standard conversion rate of 0/9 the pierna of cotton cloth set by treasury circular in 1631 as the best rate for the cloth. For clothing we have used 0/6 per item, on the theory that quotas per tributary attempted to come close to a standard of 1/2 or 1/2/6. Cacao we have valued at the later sixteenth-century long-term legal maximum of 20/ the carga of 24,000 beans. Wheat we have valued at 2/4 the fanega, on the basis of the trend line in our previous calculation of movement of tribute commodity prices.[32] That would mean a ratio of 20:9 between wheat and maize, so that we are probably low. Lastly, salt has been valued at 0/2 the cone on the same theory as clothing. On the basis of these estimates, the tribute commodities listed without calculation of yield in coin would have
[32] Ibid .
been worth approximately 85,837/6, a considerable addition to the other tribute and the servicio real together. Since Fonseca and Urrutia found that collections in these years averaged 269,224/ annually for tributes of all kinds, our estimate may be near the mark.
The factors that have to be taken into account in examining yield from tributes are somewhat intricate: (1) The report of 1646 lists the tribute assessments, on which its calculations are based. (2) The proportion of omission in the report should be applied to arrive at the actual value of total assessments of Indian tribute at the time; that is, the totals of the report should be increased by perhaps a third. (3) The report does not take into account the substantial amount of arrears in payment of tribute. The statement in Fonseca and Urrutia relates to actual collections. Failure to pay in full was especially prominent in this period and may have led to global arrearages of nearly a third. Accordingly, it is possible to find a rough agreement among all of this testimony and calculation.
Fonseca and Urrutia included in their estimate of yield for tributes those of free people of color, the negros y mulatos libres . For this item the report of 1646 gives an estimate based on actual collections, 2600/. The yearly quota for this group of tributaries was set by Viceroy Enríquez in 1579, when the levy was instituted, at 2/ a married couple and 1/ for each unmarried or widowed adult male or female, effectively a quota of 1/ a year per adult.[33] In 1646 the population of color in the Audiencia of Mexico must have comprised approximately 50,000 persons.[34] We have no means of determining at this time the proportion of slaves, but it cannot have been much more than half. Of the free people of color, less than half at maximum would have been exempt from tribute as too young or too old. So there would be left at a minimum perhaps 12,500 adults subject to a quota of 1/ a year. The royal treasury collected from approximately a fifth of these. Two factors were operating: a proportion of exemption for militia service on the coasts, even at this early date, and, most important of all, very substantial evasion. In the degree of evasion from tribute, the Audiencia of Mexico shared the experience of other jurisdic-
[33] Fonseca and Urrutia, I, p. 418.
[34] See Cook and Borah, Essays , II, chap. 2, esp. table 2.1b.
tions as fiscal agents attempted to enforce collection upon the free people of color.[35]
Simple inspection of Table 1.4A indicates that the tax yielding the most revenue was the alcabala. The estimate in the report is based upon actual yield, since most of the tax was leased to cities. Within the district of the Caja de México, the ordinary alcabala yielded 299,263/ and the extraordinary levy for the Armada de Barlovento another 106,806/. The calculations by Fonseca and Urrutia of average yield in the 1640's, probably to be equated with the ordinary tax, come only to 266,039/, a discrepancy of about 11%. The next largest yields were those of the taxes on silver and customs (almojarifazgo), which in the report of 1646 are somewhat difficult to disentangle since for the collections directly in the Caja de México the two items are lumped as a single amount and the subcajas are listed as to total yield without a breakdown. The total of the two sets of taxes comes to 399,600/. If we allocate all of the yield of San Luis Potosí to imposts on mining, all of that of Veracruz to customs, and divide the mixed item for the Caja de México equally, taxes on mining would come to perhaps 207,500/ and customs to 192,100/. The yield of both fell below that of tributes from Indians and pardos. Fifth in order of yield came the Bulls of the Crusade, which theoretically were worth 150,000/ a year to the royal treasury. The remaining items each fell below 100,000/ annually, ranging from the 88,400/ a year theoretically due from the monopoly of playing cards, farmed out to a private holder, to the small sums derived from rental of the royal houses in Mexico City (actually the rental of the ground floor for shops) and the royal monopolies of mercury, chloride (solimán ) and alum. The royal monopoly of mercury, carried in the report as worth 120,000/, involved an equal amount of expenditure for the royal treasury, since the Crown had to buy the mercury, transport it to Mexico, and then to the mines.
A substantial part of the royal revenue was specifically earmarked for the Armada de Barlovento, which constituted the overwhelming destination of earmarked revenue.[36] An addi-
[35] Cook and Borah, Essays , I, pp. 33–34; Borah, "Los tributos y su recaudación," p. 39.
[36] On the armada, see Fonseca and Urrutia, II, pp. 12–16 and 304–305; Palafox y Mendoza, Instrucción reservada, Bancroft Library, Mexican MS 162, ff. 16v–22v.
tional quota of 2%, added to the standard sales tax, and an additional impost of 25/ on each pipe of wine landed at Veracruz, yielded a theoretical 205,806/5/4 for the fleet plus its share of any surplus in the pension paid by the alguacil mayor of Mexico City that was not absorbed by the drainage of the Valley of Mexico.
The actual facts of collection and yield were somewhat different from the estimates in the report of 1646. The Fonseca and Urrutia calculations indicate that the collection of the ordinary alcabala ran perhaps 11% below the theoretical yield, although we cannot tell exactly where the discrepancy lay; tributes including yield from auctions were in reasonable agreement as to yield if one allows for arrears; and the yield of the third tax for which Fonseca and Urrutia give a calculation, the media anata (half of the first year's income of a new appointment), came to more than the estimate in the report of 1646. The worst discrepancies show up through the relación de mando prepared by Palafox. According to that report, the revenues earmarked for the Armada de Barlovento fell far short of raising the funds needed to maintain the fleet. When the armada was established, it had been estimated that an additional 2% of alcabala and 2 reales per pack of playing cards would raise 200,000/. The province of Yucatan was to contribute 40,000/ a year through a new levy of a tostón or half-peso per tributary, and the Audiencia of Guatemala was to raise 40,000/. The rise in alcabala indeed provided the sum envisaged, but it had never been possible to persuade the concessionnaire of the royal monopoly on playing cards to accept the new burden, and he was 500,000/ behind on the existing contract. The tax of a tostón in Yucatán had had to be abandoned; the Audiencia of Guatemala was able to contribute only 12,000/. At the time Palafox prepared his relación de mando , the sum of 200,000/ was urgently needed for the Armada de Barlovento merely to keep it in operation.[37]
Palafox reported great arrears and negligence everywhere in the collection and administration of the royal revenues. The administration of the Bulls of the Holy Crusade was 300,000/ behind; the miners of Zacatecas, which lay outside the district
[37] Palafox y Mendoza, ff. 16v–22v.
of the Caja de México, owed the royal treasury 600,000/, probably a mixture of arrears of payments for mercury and slowness in paying the tax on mined silver.[38] So the royal treasury in its sales of mercury was actually advancing credit to the miners through deliveries of mercury which the Crown had paid for. We know from other sources that the assessment and collection of Indian tributes was under an especially negligent and corrupt administration.
It is true that some ramos undoubtedly existing in the royal treasury at that time are not included in the report of 1646. A major one, stamped paper, recently instituted, was expressly excluded because it had not been in existence for three full years preceding the preparation of the report. Quitas y Nuevas Leyes , essentially the yield of encomiendas forfeit under the New Laws, was earmarked for the support of descendants of conquerors. It yielded small sums that may have been subsumed under tribute yield in the report of 1646. Penas de Cámara y Gastos de Justicia , the yield of fines and assessments for costs, probably had no surplus after charges, for from it were paid many costs of the courts and special grants. There should have been yield from other ramos such as Oficios Vendibles y Renunciables , the sale and transfer of office; licenses for slaughter of cattle and other livestock; goods confiscated as contraband; and the fees for Ventas, Composiciones y Confirmaciones de Tierras y Aguas , that is, the sums paid the Crown for grants of land and water or for issuing clear title to land and water in cases of clouded title or none at all. In addition, there were the payments for composiciones of all other kinds, the payments to the Crown for overlooking irregularities in status or violation of ordinances and laws. So there was royal revenue of varying but probably not substantial amounts that does not show up in the report of 1646.[39]
Nevertheless, there can be no doubt of the basic truth of Palafox's judgment. It may well be that the yield of the royal revenues did not meet the costs of royal government. Even less did it provide a surplus to be sent to Spain for a Crown perennially short of revenue and embroiled in the quagmire of
[38] Ibid ., ff. 40f–44f.
[39] These are ramos antedating 1646 but not listed in the report of 1646. See Fonseca and Urrutia, I–VI, passim .
European wars. It was not until the administration of Mancera (1664–1673) that a steady deficit in the treasury of the Audiencia of Mexico was brought to surplus.[40] The fiscal confusion of the mid-seventeenth century was so bad that there was substantial reform and overhaul in advance of the far-reaching changes of the eighteenth century.
[40] "Instrucción que de órden del Rey dió el virey de Méjico (D. Antonio Sebastian de Toledo, marqués de Mancéra) á su sucesor (el Excmo. Señor D. Pedro Nuño Colón, duque de Veraguas), 22 October 1673," in Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España , XXI, pp. 523–552.
Chapter II—
Indian Food Production and Consumption in Central Mexico before and after the Conquest (1500–1650)
1
That the Spanish conquest of central Mexico meant sweeping and cataclysmic change for the natives has been self-evident for centuries. That such sweeping change occurred in native production of food and in diet during the first century and a quarter after the Conquest is far from self-evident. In the 1930's and early 1940's the topic of food production and consumption before and after the Conquest attracted a good deal of attention, perhaps the most distinguished study forming part of the long series of inquiries on the Valley of E1 Mezquital by Miguel Othón de Mendizábal, published posthumously in 1947.[1] Since the Second World War the topic has attracted relatively less attention, as inquiry has tended to focus upon current food production and levels of nutrition. The many community studies usually contain inquiries of this kind. This change in emphasis in part undoubtedly reflected the growing concentration of the government and of anthropologists within and without the country upon contemporary problems and upon improvement in existing standards of living. In part, however, it also may have reflected an opinion that in terms of materials
[1] Miguel Othón de Mendizábal, "Evolución económica y social del valle del Mezquital," in Obras completas , VI, pp. 7–195. See also Nathaniel Whetten, Rural Mexico , pp. 304–316.
and the knowledge available, inquiry into food production and diet immediately before and after the Conquest had approached a limit in yield of further insight.
Yet since the 1930's considerably more historical sources have become available, and new understanding from scientific inquiry has continued to accumulate. Mendizábal had available the greater part of the Relaciones Geográficas known to be extant, as well as a considerable body of other materials. Since his death many of the remaining extant Relaciones Geográficas have been published, and access to those in manuscript has become much easier through use of microfilm.[2] Perhaps more important, a very substantial body of new material has come to light in the tribute assessments of Indian towns, and continuing inquiry has taught us much more about the nature and meaning of the sources.[3] We have also learned a great deal more about changes in land use in central Mexico.[4] At the same time that the body of historical material available to us has increased, our general knowledge of human nutritional needs has also expanded, especially as regards situations of undernourishment and actual famine. The first scientific study of the effects of famine was a product of the First World War and its aftermath. The Second World War stimulated inquiries that have vastly extended that initial study.[5] In addition, historical inquiries on food production and nutrition in other areas during past epochs have continued to contribute new information that, fragmentary though it remains, nevertheless begins to permit us a basis for comparative judgment.[6] Accordingly we now may inquire,
[2] For a bibliography of published and manuscript Relaciones Geográficas, see the essays by Howard F. Cline, "A Census of the Relaciones Geográficas of New Spain, 1579–1612" and "The Relaciones Geográficas of Spain, New Spain, and the Spanish Indies: An Annotated Bibliography," in HMAI , XII, pp. 324–369 and 370–395.
[3] Here perhaps the key publications have been Mexico, AGN, El libro de las tasaciones de pueblos de la Nueva España, Siglo XVI , and José Miranda, El tributo indígena en la Nueva España durante el siglo XVI . See also the discussion in Cook and Borah, Essays , I, chap. 1.
[4] Perhaps most notably Lesley Byrd Simpson, Exploitation of Land in Central Mexico in the Sixteenth Century , but also two of the studies of Sherburne F. Cook, The Historical Demography and Ecology of the Teotlalpan and Soil Erosion and Population in Central Mexico . Charles Gibson's The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule has brought to light and systematized a vast amount of information about the Valley of Mexico.
[5] See the discussion later in this chapter.
[6] Among the more notable of such studies are Nicolas Sanchez-Albornoz,Gastos y alimentación de un ejército en el siglo XVI según un presupuesto de la época , and the long series of studies published in Annales: Economies, sociétés, civilisations , frequently under the heading "Vie matérielle et comportements biologiques." See, for example, the articles in the bibliography by Frank Spooner, Frederick C. Lane, Jean-Jacques Hémardinquer, Michel Morineau, J.-P. Filippini, and B. Bennassar and J. Goy, eds. See also José Gentil Da Silva, Desarrollo ecónomico, subsistencia y decadencia en España , pp. 17–63; and Fernand Braudel, Civilisation matérielle et capitalisme (XV XVIII siecles), esp. pp. 97 et seq . Most of these studies are based on the records of formal provision for soldiers, sailors, people in charitable institutions, and wealthy families. The mass of the population, and especially the lower levels, had far less available. Braudel suggests 2,000 kilocalories a day as a fair estimate for the mass of the European population.
with the hope of gaining new insight, into questions deemed largely exhausted.
At the outset we require certain definitions and understandings of limitation. Food production obviously includes agriculture, but also all other activity that brings materials for human ingestion to availability through gathering, hunting, and fishing. Even warfare must be considered if the contending groups either eat each other, whatever the formal justification, or redistribute the results of each other's efforts at amassing foodstuffs. Similarly, one must take into account the distributive mechanisms inherent in political, social, religious, and economic structures that move foodstuffs, without warfare although frequently the result of previous warfare, from one stratum in the population to another or from one region to another. Tribute may loom large here. Consumption we must equate with nutrition, that is, the measurement of adequacy and kinds of intake in per capita terms. The best measure is probably in the kilocalories of physiologists, equal to the Calories of nutritionists, and in the further assessment of adequacy of intake of proteins, fats, carbohydrates, vitamins, amino acids, trace elements, and so on. In short, we must look at total intake in terms of adequacy of caloric intake, and further in terms of adequacy of elements necessary to sustain life and labor.
The century and a half covered by this study was a period of cataclysmic change in the religious, social, political, and economic life of central Mexico. We shall therefore examine patterns of food production and consumption as they existed just before the coming of the Europeans brought far more rapid and fundamental elements of change than were previously in operation. We shall also compare those patterns with what the opera-
tion of those elements of change wrought in the decades down to the middle of the seventeenth century.
Our area, central Mexico, unfortunately must be treated as a whole. It is approximately 514,000 square kilometers (about the size of Spain or of California), comprising regions of widely different topography and climate as well as peoples of considerable differences in technology and culture. The Spanish Conquest destroyed or reorganized many of the native states but did not erase the differences, which have since lessened under the erosion of time and operation of new cultural influences, but in many instances are still perceptible. Ideally, treatment should be by discrete regions, but with the possible exceptions of the Valley of Mexico and that of E1 Mezquital, we still do not have enough information for such treatment. Yet, thanks to the efforts of scholars, we have considerably more than we did three or four decades ago. Our essay, therefore, as all essays on this topic must be at this time, is an assessment of highly tentative nature.
2
On the eve of the Conquest, central Mexico had a very large population. We have estimated it at 25,000,000, the midpoint of a range of from 18,000,000 to 30,000,000. The rural population was probably denser at that time than in any period since. Even today, when the total of population stands higher and is rising, a far greater proportion of it is concentrated in large cities. We have further estimated the average density of aboriginal population at 49 persons to the square kilometer, or 125 to the square mile.[7]
The agriculture upon which this population depended for its existence rested technologically upon the digging stick in its various forms as the basic instrument for cultivation. This implement made possible exploitation of land and slopes that could not be cultivated with the European plow introduced in the sixteenth century, and even less with present-day machinery. The basic systems of cultivation were various. On the coasts and intermediate slopes, the Indians cleared land by
[7] See Borah and Cook, The Aboriginal Population of Central Mexico on the Eve of the Spanish Conquest , pp. 88–90; Mexico, Dirección General de Estadística, Anuario estadístico de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, 1970–1971 , p. 30, table 2.3.
felling or girdling and then burning off bush or forest, planted crops (usually two a year) for a period of two to five years, and let the land revert to wild growth in order to recover its fertility and eliminate weeds. Angel Palerm calls this the system of roza , but it is as frequently known as the slash-burn or swidden technique. It corresponds to Ester Boserup's forest fallow, with its practice of relatively long periods between cultivation. At higher altitudes or in dryer areas, where woody growth develops more slowly and the natural growth could not recover rapidly on land left fallow, a similar system of milpa is called barbecho by Palerm. The intervals of fallow are markedly shorter; the land tends to be cropped only once a year, except in unusually favorable conditions. This type of land use corresponds clearly to Ester Boserup's bush fallow. Although the systems of roza and barbecho appear to be almost alike, the difference in climate dictates very different conditions and the intervals of fallow are markedly different. The barbecho system permits a denser occupation of land.[8]
What in Boserup's conceptions would be called permanent cultivation—that is, without long periods of reversion to natural growth—was also practiced by the Indians of central Mexico in a variety of forms. Where soil and climate favored the practice, the land was cropped annually or more often on the basis of rain and retained moisture. Land of considerable slope might be terraced to improve conservation of soil and moisture and yield. Perhaps the most notable instance of extensive terracing was in the area around Chalco, famous as a pre-Conquest producer of maize. An even more favorable development appeared where there was a supply of water available by conduction through canal or channel, or by raising it from wells or lakes. The Indians used the water for irrigation to insure steady yield, and in the lower-lying areas especially, two crops or even more a year. A special variant was and is the chinampa , often described
[8] A good description may be found in Gordon R. Willey, Gordon F. Ekholm, and René F. Millon, "The Patterns of Farming Life and Civilization," in HMAI , I, pp. 446–498; and in Angel Palerm, "Agricultural Systems and Food Patterns," in HMAI , VI, pp. 26–52–which, although a description of present-day practice, is easily adjusted to pre-Conquest times. See also Palerm's essay, "La base agrícola de la civilisación urbana prehispánica en Mesoamérica," in Angel Palerm and Eric Wolf, Agricultura y civilización en Mesoamerica , pp. 65–108; and Ester Boserup, The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change Under Population Pressure, passim .
as a floating garden but actually a manmade plot of brush and mud in a marshy area or shallow part of a lake, that can be watered from the lake or marsh and is capable of steady, prolific yield. The chinampa is really a further development of a widespread Indian practice of raising mounds or ridged fields for cultivation in marshy soil or on lands subject to flooding. Wherever found, their presence indicates pressure of population upon the supply of cultivable land.[9] As yet there has been little inquiry to detect the possible presence of the more widespread form of raised mounds or ridged fields in central Mexico.
In general, land on the plateau yielded one crop a year, the yield varying with fertility of soil and rainfall or irrigation, whereas land at the lower altitudes more normally yielded two crops. Irrigation and the chinampas made possible multiple crops, the chinampas coming close to the garden cultivation of the Mediterranean or the Far East. In the Valley of Mexico the chinampas benefited from a remarkable system of control of water that is only now being studied with any care. Its functions were to control water levels and to prevent the saline waters of Lake Texcoco from contaminating other lakes and the chinampas in them.[10]
The crops that were raised under these varying systems[11] were maize, regarded as the staple, an unusually productive crop, more so than wheat; beans, perhaps best described as frijoles to avoid the ambiguities in the English term; squash; chiles of many kinds; chía; and huautli. These last two were often gathered from plants growing wild rather than cultivated. Huautli is thought by Eusebio Dávalos Hurtado and Jonathan Sauer to have been utilized especially for ritual purposes. In addition, the more arid areas supported stands of cactus (no -
[9] See references in note 8; additionally, Kent V. Flannery et al., "Farming Systems and Political Growth in Ancient Oaxaca"; Robert C. West and Pedro Armillas, "Las chinampas de México: Poesía y realidad de los 'Jardines Flotantes'"; and Armillas, "Gardens on Swamps."
[10] Palerm, references given in note 8 plus Obras hidráulicas prehispánicas en el sistema lacustre del valle de México, passim .
[11] The following paragraphs are based upon: Eusebio Dávalos Hurtado, "La alimentación entre los mexicas"; Enrique Beltrán, "Plantas usadas en la alimentación por los antiguos mexicanos"; the answers in the Relaciones Geográficas 1577–1585, published and manuscript; Bernardino de Sahagún, Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España, passim , but esp. II, pp. 65–70, 134–159, and 317–492; Francisco Hernández, Historia natural de Nueva España, passim; and Jonathan D. Sauer, "The "The Grain Amaranths," pp. 564–582.
pal ), which yielded cactus apples (tunas ), and stands of agave (maguey ), again a versatile plant from which the Indians extracted juice for pulque and used the blades and heart for food. Use of wild stands shaded into cultivation for both nopal and maguey, the latter perhaps being more often cultivated. It was also an important source of fiber, used widely in the uplands for clothing as well as other purposes, but always inferior to the lowland cotton. There were root crops, but they were of lesser significance. The sweet potatoe (camote ), raised in the lowlands, was perhaps the most important. For central Mexico as a whole, Spanish reporting emphasized that the staple was maize, which was ground to dough for tortillas, to mush for tamales or atole, or was eaten in a wide variety of ways.
These products of field cultivation were supplemented by a wide variety of fruits and vegetables, some deliberately planted, some growing wild. The lists and references in the Relaciones Geográficas, in Sahagún, in Francisco Hernández, and in the accounts of many other writers, are long and embrace almost every edible fruit and plant, with the exception in most regions of the acorn.
The pre-Conquest Indians of central Mexico secured food of animal origin more from wild than domesticated animals. Honey they obtained from the stingless American bee; meat from Muscovy ducks, dogs raised and fattened for food, and turkeys.[12] The list of domesticated animals is short, but the large expanses of water, forest, bush, and fallow land supported game and fish, as well as offering wild fruits and plants. Thus the products of agriculture could be supplemented by extensive hunting, fishing, and gathering. This pursuit, which was carried on at a very sophisticated level, yielded mammals, birds, fish, reptiles, amphibians, crustaceans, insects, worms—in fact anything that could be eaten, to the disgust of Spaniards. As Francisco López de Gómara commented, "they eat any living thing, even their own lice. . . . "[13]
[12] There has been much doubt that the Mesoamerican Indians really had domesticated the turkey, but the declaration of the city council of Veracruz in its letter to Charles V, 10 July 1519, should be conclusive: " . . . y crían muchas gallinas como las de Tierra Firme, que son tan grandes como pavos." (Hernán Cortes, Cartas y documentos , p. 23.) See also M. de Cárcer Disdier, "Los pavos."
[13] Francisco López de Gómara, Historia general de las Indias , II, p. 400. See also the description of the foods offered in the marketplace of Tenochtitlán-Tlatelolco, ibid. , pp. 147–148.
Two sources of food have always been the cause of considerable comment. One was derived from the lakes in the Valley of Mexico, in which there was a strong development of algae. The Indians gathered these plants by scraping the scum off the rocks or collecting it from the water in nets, dried it and compressed it into cakes, which became an article of trade and food. However unappetizing and even revolting to Europeans, the blue-green cells furnished an excellent source of vitamins and carbohydrates. A similar use of algae is now being suggested as one solution to the increasing need for food, as the human population of the earth presses more severely upon known sources of nutrition. We should note that algae or "bloom" appear in lakes which are polluted by fertilizer and sewage, that is, by unusually large supplies of nitrates and phosphates. If the lakes, and especially Lake Texcoco, received heavy amounts of raw sewage from Tenochtitlán and other urban aggregations, one would expect the very heavy growth of algae, that in fact occurred. The Indians, with their skill in using any possible source of food, then ate the algae. The incidence of intestinal diseases from the polluted lakes must have been enormous.[14]
The other source of food was cannibalism, an activity ritual or otherwise which has been much debated. From a strictly dietary point of view, it is undoubtedly true that for most of the population the ceremonial portions consumed of the sacrificial victims were so small that their addition to the annual food intake was completely negligible. On the other hand, for the upper classes, who benefited most from this type of nutrition, the addition of human flesh to an otherwise low-meat diet may have been of consequence. Indignant denials by some apologists are meaningless, because a nutritional craving is not necessarily apparent to the consciousness and could easily be masked by a highly developed ceremonial motivation.
The one potential source of food which seems to have been underutilized is the acorn, a surprising item in the long list of
[14] Hernández, Historia natural , II, pp. 408–409; Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule , p. 141; Sahagún, II, p. 372; Toribio de B. Motolinía, Memoriales , pp. 327–328; Bernal Díaz del Castillo, Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva España , I, p. 279; Gómara, II, p. 147; W. V. Farrar, "Tecuitlatl: A Glimpse of Aztec Food Technology"; and Edward S. Deevey, Jr., "Limnologic Studies in Middle America," pp. 226–228. Farrar identifies tecuitlatl as a member of Cyanophyta, or blue-green algae, probably now extinct. On algae, see further F. E. Round, The Biology of the Algae , pp. 72–73, 147–156, 211, 217, 219–225.
efficient use of available resources. Mexico is a major center of development of oaks, with more species than any other similar area. Oaks, black and white, deciduous and evergreen, grow throughout the country except in the regions of tropical rain forest or high aridity; all bear acorns varying from very small to quite large. In suitable areas, of which there are many, the production of acorns is certainly as prolific as in California.[15] Yet in California the Indians before the appearance of Europeans made use of the acorns as a major source of food. The acorns were gathered, shelled, most often pounded to meal, the tannin then leached from the meal by pouring hot water through it, and the purified, sweetened meal made into mush or thin cakes, just like the Mexican atole, tamales, or tortillas. In other uses, the acorns shelled or unshelled were placed in river sand or mud so that the action of cold water could remove the tannin more slowly. The acorns were then shelled if necessary and roasted.[16] This use of acorns extended into the Southwest, large parts of the rest of the United States,[17] and into Mexico in times before the immediate pre-Conquest.[18] It is therefore surprising to find that the Spaniards, who themselves were familiar with the use of acorns as human food,[19] mention the presence of oaks and that the large supply of acorns would make excellent fodder for pigs, but do not mention their use by the Indians.[20] The Relaciones Geográficas similarly mention the
[15] See the section on quercus in Paul C. Standley, Trees and Shrubs of Mexico , pp. 171–198. This section is actually by William Trelease and, although out-of-date as to classification of varieties, is nevertheless valid for our purposes. Trelease, citing V. Havard, "Food Plants of the North American Indians," asserts that acorns were widely used by the Mexican Indians. Havard (p. 118) actually refers to the Indians of the United States and adjacent parts of northern Mexico.
[16] Alfred L. Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California , pp. 87–88 et passim .
[17] Havard, "Food Plants," pp. 118–119.
[18] See Richard H. Brooks et al., "Plant Material from a Cave on the Rio Zape, Durango, Mexico," pp. 360–362 and 367. The studies in the Valley of Tehuacán have turned up very little sign of use of acorns, but the region is too arid for much development of oaks. Douglas Byers and Richard S. MacNeish, eds., The Prehistory of the Tehuacan Valley , I, table between pp. 232–233, shows the scanty finds of acorns.
[19] See Gonzalo F. de Oviedo y Valdés, Historia general y natural de las Indias , I, p. 298, and his Sumario de la natural historia de las Indias , p. 213, both of which mention finding oaks bearing acorns in Panamá and Nicaragua, and the Spaniards' eating them.
[20] Sahagún, II, pp. 397–398 and all of 396–407. See also below.
presence of oaks and the supply of acorns, but almost never their use by the Indians.[21]
It is true that the mention often is that the acorns, being small and bitter, were suitable only for pigs.[22] On the other hand, the California Indians and others preferred the bitter acorns as having more character,[23] and removal of a noxious or lethal element by leaching or other ways is a widespread American Indian cultural trait that extends from the cleansing of acorn meal to the preparation of farinha from the highly poisonous bitter manioc. The argument that cultivation of maize yielded a grain deemed far more satisfactory will not hold, since anything else that could be hunted, fished, or gathered was put to use in human nutrition. It is possible that the central Mexican Indians did indeed make use of acorns in the decades immediately preceding the Conquest, but that the rising and easier availability of other foods as population shrank led to abandonment of a more time-consuming alternate supply. Even that possibility seems unlikely, since the Relaciones Geográficas were prepared approximately sixty years after the landing of the Spaniards on the coast of central Veracruz, a rather short interval for the loss of all memory. In the end, we are forced to leave this matter with a question mark: we do not know.
Even with the omission of the acorn, the list of foods adds up to an easy basis for a rich and varied diet, fully supplied with human requirements in protein, fat, vitamins, and minerals, provided that the total caloric intake available to all the population was adequate and provided further that all parts of the population had access to the scarcer items, particularly those secured through hunting and fishing. Here regional differences
[21] The Relación de las minas de Temazcaltepec, 1 December 1579–1 January 1580, has a clear statement of the use of acorns, in the description of Texcaltitlán: "22. Los arboles que tiene Tescaltitlan en sus montes son enzinas, que algunas dan bellotas que las comen los naturales, y moliendolas hazen dellas tamales ques çierto genero de pan entre ellos. . . . " (Francisco del Paso y Troncoso, PNE , VII, p. 23.) On the other hand, see the report for towns around Jalapa in the Relación de Jalapa de la Veracruz, 10 October 1580, where the statement is: "Ay en este pueblo ençinas con bellotas y no se aprouechan de ellas . . . " (ibid. , V, p. 107) and variations on it (pp. 110 and 111–123). The reports on the occurrence of oaks and acorns may be traced through the answers to question 22.
[22] See, for example, the Relación de Tepeaca y su partido, 4–20 February 1580, ibid. , V, p. 35.
[23] Oral communication of field observation by Professor Martin Baumhoff, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Davis.
must have loomed large, since climate, fertility of soil, and the availability of resources for hunting and fishing varied greatly. The range would have been from the rich central Veracruz coast and Valley of Mexico to the arid Valley of the Mezquital. In this last, too, the role of maize as staple diminished greatly, to be replaced by the remarkably versatile maguey.[24]
With respect to equable distribution of those food resources at the disposal of the total population, there is abundant evidence in reports of the sixteenth century that there were very substantial differences between the diet available to the nobility and in lesser degree to the merchants, artisans, and other favored groups at one extreme, and to the peasantry at the other. The nobility ate abundantly and well of all foods. In their diet, the products of hunting, fishing, and gathering made up for the scarcity of domesticated animals, and there was available an unusually varied choice of plants, grains, and fruits. The Relaciones Geográficas in reports from a number of towns stress the fact that the choicer products of cultivation and the more desirable results of hunting, fishing, and gathering were reserved to the upper classes.[25] Within the upper classes there were obviously significant differences in supplies of food, based not merely upon status within the local society but also upon regional power relationships. The redistributive mechanism of the local political and class structure was modified further by the operation of tribute within the larger structures established by conquest, which moved substantial quantities of foodstuffs as well as nonedible commodities to the centers of imperial power. The most striking instance was the huge tribute levied by the Triple Alliance upon subject towns, to the enrichment especially of Tenochtitlán, but also of Texcoco and Tlacopan. In effect, the Valley of Mexico enlarged its supply of foodstuffs, particularly for its upper classes, by levy upon perhaps half of central Mexico. The Tarascan state in Michoacán must
[24] Mendizábal, "Evolución económica y social," Obras completas , VI, pp. 54–59 et passim , emphasizes the importance of the maguey and the impossibility of supporting the population in the Mezquital by raising maize.
[25] Sahagún, II, pp. 65–70 and 134–159; Oviedo y Valdés, Historia general , IV, pp. 248–250. Some examples of such declarations are: Relación de Mitlantongo, 12 November 1579; Relación de Mitla, 12 November 1581; Relación de Atlatlauca y Malinaltepec, 8 September 1580; Relación de Cuicatlán, 15 September 1580; Relacion de Teutitlán del Camino—in PNE , IV, pp. 79, 149–150, 171, 186, and 211 respectively; and Relación de Texcoco, 5 March 1582, in Joaquin García Icazbalceta, Nueva colección , III, pp. 40 and 49.
have had a similar distribution in favor of its upper class centered in Pátzcuaro. So long as imperial tribute did not strip towns too far, the local nobility were able to shift to their peasantry the loss through regional redistribution.[26]
The peasants, who constituted the overwhelming bulk of the population, ate a much leaner diet of maize, beans, chile, and agave, but these staples too were supplemented by a wide variety of other foods. Fruits were abundant, and there were available such products of hunting, fishing, and gathering as were not reserved for the upper classes. There was a great variety of wild fruits, vegetables, nuts, berries, greens, roots, and the like, which could be gathered over the countryside. The peasants could obtain animal protein from smaller mammals and birds, together with the lower forms of the animal kingdom such as iguanas, snakes, lizards, amphibians, worms, and grubs. As we have already mentioned, even the algae in the lakes were utilized. A number of the Relaciones Geográficas state emphatically that just about everything edible was eaten.[27]
This diversity is one key to the survival of a huge population. If we forget the esthetic aspects of the matter, we see that the Indians as a whole were exploiting in an amazingly efficient manner the total biomass of the environment, and that in terms of essential elements, vitamins, and protein they probably had enough, except in years of complete crop failure. Even then the deficiency was quantitative, not qualitative. Our own tendency to emphasize agricultural technology and to neglect natural productivity has led too often to an underestimate of the carrying capacity of a region. All that is needed is a population with the experience and the resourcefulness to utilize the reservoir which is there. A very simple technology is all that is required.
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The matter of per capita caloric intake of the peasantry is more difficult, even in terms of countrywide generalizations. We have
[26] See the discussion in Borah and Cook, The Aboriginal Population of Central Mexico on the Eve of the Spanish Conquest , pp. 6–21, 60–71, et passim .
[27] For example, Relación de Nexapa, 12 September 1579; Relación de Piaztla, 2 January 1581; Relación de Atitalaquia y su partido, 22 February 1580–in PNE , IV, p. 42; V, p. 79; VI, p. 207. See the very explicit statement in Gómara, II, pp. 400 and 147.
no firm basis for estimating overall production and dividing it by the probable number of people. However, certain aspects of the problem can yield insight under discussion. One of these relates to the energy requirement of the Aztecs and kindred tribes in the conditions of their existence. A present-day European or American man of average size, doing moderate work, is thought to require 3,000 kilocalories a day. Women and children need correspondingly less, such that the mean may be near 2,500 kilocalories. It is very doubtful whether the aboriginal peoples of central Mexico got anywhere near this amount. There is, indeed, an increasing body of evidence suggesting that, except in unusually favorable circumstances, few people even in Europe enjoyed average daily caloric intakes that would correspond to present-day standards of nutrition.[28]
In order to pursue further our examination of the dietary and metabolic status of the central Mexican Indians prior to the coming of the Europeans, we must first determine certain anatomical and physiological constants. These may be obtained with relative ease for a living population, but can be secured only by indirection and difficulty for a long-extinct people. The first of these magnitudes is simple body size, in its most elementary terms defined as height and weight. From these factors we may derive the probable basal metabolic rate and the caloric ration necessary to support it. Additional data are available concerning physical effort and expendable labor.
Estimates of body size for the pre-Conquest inhabitants of central Mexico must be drawn from three sources. The first is contemporary statements, which are surprisingly scanty. The earliest mention, the report of the city council of Veracruz to Charles V, describes the natives as of medium stature with well proportioned bodies.[29] Gómara, presumably summarizing the testimony he gathered from Hernán Cortés and other conquerors in Spain after central Mexico was under Spanish control, makes almost the same statement: "of medium stature, but robust."[30] The Anonymous Conqueror's statement is also close: "well-shaped, rather tall than short."[31] The implications are
[28] Braudel, Civilisation matérielle et capitalisme , pp. 97–99; Ashtor, "Essai sur l'alimentation des diverses classes sociales dans l'Orient médiéval," pp. 1043–1053.
[29] Veracruz, 10 July 1519, in Cortés, Cartas y documentos , p. 23.
[30] Gómara, II, 398.
[31] [Anonymous Conqueror], Relación de algunas cosas de la Nueva España . . . , p. 41.
that relative to the Spaniards of the time, the Indians were of average size and weight. Since by our standards the Spaniards of that time were small men, with an average height of perhaps 160 centimeters (5 feet 3 inches) and an average weight of perhaps 60 kilos (132 lbs.), the Indians can have been no taller and no heavier.
The second source of information on body size is the measurement of skeletons of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries found in excavations in central Mexico. Here too our information is surprisingly scanty, but what there is of it yields reconstructed statures for males ranging from 1.59 to 1.64 meters.[32]
A third method of estimate is by comparison with present-day conditions. It is possible that some change has occurred in the more than four centuries since the Conquest, particularly through nutritional betterment. However, in rural areas, among the Indians, dietary conditions are much the same as they were in the sixteenth century. Moreover, except in the North of Mexico (which lies outside our area of study) and among the mestizos, no increase in size has been noted, and certainly no decrease. We are therefore justified in thinking that body size among the rural indigenous population has not altered significantly since the time of Cortés.
There have been literally scores of investigations which have included measurements of the height and weight of groups of people all over the earth. It is manifestly impossible and also unnecessary to cite most of these. However, it is worthwhile to mention some of the data which concern the aboriginal inhabitants of both North and South America, with the emphasis upon Mexico. These figures have been compiled and are presented in condensed form in Table 2.1.
For height, the eighteen averages of adult males in Indian groups living north of central Mexico have a range of 161.1 to 174.9 and a mean of 166.5 centimeters. These values are as good as can be obtained with present-day anthropometric methods. The samples are adequate and the techniques satisfactory. For the set of twenty averages obtained for Indians in central Mexico, the analogous mean is 158.5 and the range from 154.2 to 163.4 centimeters. If the individual averages for each area, central Mexico and north of central Mexico, are compared
[32] Genovés T., "Anthropometry of Late Prehistoric Remains," in HMAI , IX, table 3 between pp. 40–41.
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numerically, the value of t is 6.39. A very significant difference in height between the Indians of the two areas is therefore indicated.
There are in Table 2.1 sixteen averages for Maya groups in Yucatán and Guatemala. For them the mean is 156.0 centimeters. If t is calculated for the Maya against the central Mexican samples, it is found to be 2.83, a figure just at the 1% level of probability and hence definitely significant statistically. However, the Mesoamerican and South American samples may be compared by making an analysis of variance for the three aggregates, representing central Mexico, Yucatán, and South America. The value of F equals 1.30, a totally nonsignificant figure. Therefore, these reports as a whole show heights within a very narrow range, probably within the margin of error of sampling and measurement.
For the central Mexican group, in which we are particularly interested, the mean is 158.5 centimeters, but the variation is considerable. The Tarascans and some of the Nahuas are taller than the Otomí and the Oaxaca Indians. Nevertheless, the mean of the entire twenty samples must represent substantially the true condition. This mean may be taken as 159 centimeters, especially in view of the fact that the Nahua average is 159.8 for seven samples. In English units, 159 centimeters equals 5 feet 2 1/2 inches. The Nahuas would average one-half inch taller than the general mean.
With one exception, the averages for body weight of Mexican Indians shown in Table 2.1 are taken from the compilation by Marshall Newman.[33] Those for central Mexico give a mean of 53.6 kilos, and those for the Maya 53.8 kilos. In order to check the consistency of this mean, Newman's formula may be employed: the ratio of the stature to the cube root of the weight equals a value which lies between 38.0 and 43.0. There are other formulas, but none are perfect, and Newman's is close enough for ordinary purposes. For central Mexico plus Yucatán, we get 42.1, a value which lies well within the prescribed range. Our final values for central Mexico are: height 159 centimeters, weight 53.6 kilograms.
These values relate to adult males. The other half of the adult population, the female, is universally smaller. The male/female
[33] Marshall T. Newman, "Adaptations in the Physique of American Aborigines to Nutritional Factors."
ratio of size can be approximated from some of the data given by various investigators, such as are presented in Table 2.2 for height alone. Clearly there is variation because of both sampling error and differences in body build. However, the average female/male ratio is very close to 92.5 (the female/male ratio is more convenient for use than its reciprocal). A very large sample of white Americans shows 92.7;[34] Goldstein's series of Mexicans in several age groups over nineteen years averages 92.5.[35] In view of the uniformity found in the published accounts, the pre-Conquest Mexicans can be regarded as differing little in this respect from those of the present day. Then, if the ratio is 92.5, the height of pre-Conquest females was 159 × .925, or 147 centimeters. The approximate average weight may be obtained by taking 92.5 percent of the average male weight: 53.6 × .925, or 49.6 kilograms.
In order to estimate the basal metabolism and hence the caloric requirements of a person having the dimensions just specified, we should know the surface area and the number of calories required per square meter of surface. It is true that much present-day research stresses the importance of body composition and utilizes fat-free body weight as readily as it does surface area. However, when we are dealing with an extinct population, and since we know absolutely nothing about the body composition of the pre-Conquest Indians, surface area provides a better criterion. We shall try both methods.
Without considering surface area, it is possible to calculate the probable basal metabolism directly from weight if one follows the prescription of Max Kleiber. Kleiber asserts that the interspecific mean intrinsic metabolic rate is 70 kilocalories per day per weight in kilograms to the three-quarters power.[36] If this formula is applied to the average Aztec or Mixtec, as may be, the result is 70 × (53.6)3/4 , or 1,387 kilocalories per day, or 57.8 kilocalories per hour.
The original formulation of the relation between surface area and height and weight was worked out many years ago by Dubois and is shown graphically in numerous standard texts of physiology and biochemistry. It represents a broad average for
[34] Howard W. Stoudt et al., "Heights and Weights of White Americans."
[35] Reproduced in Gabriel Ward Lasker, "The Age Factor in Bodily Measurements of Adult Male and Female Mexicans," p. 57, table 2.
[36] Max Kleiber, "Body Size and Metabolic Rate," p. 512.
most of humanity, and its validity for man has never been seriously attacked. Therefore we may use the relationship thus set forth with reasonable confidence that it applied to prehistoric as well as to living populations. A chart after Dubois is shown by Ruch and Patton[37] and by Philip Bard.[38] The closest it can be read for 159 centimeters and 53.6 kilos is 1.54 square meters, plus or minus 0.02 square meter. Since this error is less than 1% it may be ignored.
A tabulation by Bard, based on data from Benedict and from Rubner, indicates that 41 men with an average weight of 53.4 kilos produce 914 kilocalories per square meter of body surface in 24 hours; the total heat would be 1,408 kilocalories per day.[39] Another formulation shows, according to the Aub and Dubois standards, that a man between 18 and 30 years of age produces about 40 kilocalories per square meter of body surface per hour.[40] Hence 40 × 24 × 1.54 = 1,478 kilocalories per day. Since these data have never been controverted in principle, we may conclude that if the pre-Conquest Mexican Indian adult men of 14 to 40 years averaged 159 centimeters and 53.6 kilos, then their mean basal metabolic rate was approximately 1,425 kilocalories per day (1,425 is the mean of 1,387, 1,408, and 1,478).
It should be emphasized that the values just given relate only to the average adult man under basal conditions. If we are concerned with populations, we must know the comparable figures for other components, specifically women and children. For adult women our estimate of body size indicates a height of 147 centimeters and a weight of 49.6 kilos. The closest reading of the Dubois graph gives a surface area of 1.41 square meters. Thus the metabolic rate of women is close to 36.5 kilocalories per square meter per hour, and the daily rate is 1,235 kilocalories.
The basal metabolism of children collectively is much more difficult to assess, for several reasons. First, the number of children varies in different populations; second, the intrinsic metabolic rate varies with age, i.e., the heat production per unit
[37] Theodore C. Ruch and Harry D. Patton, Physiology and Biophysics , p. 1045, fig. 12.
[38] Philip Bard, ed., Medical Physiology , p. 482, fig. 171.
[39] Ibid. , p. 480, table 37.
[40] Ibid. , p. 478, table 31.
weight decreases after late infancy; third, the total metabolism increases with increase in size.
With respect to the proportion of children in the population, we do not, of course, have any direct information concerning the situation prior to the Conquest. However, there is a considerable body of evidence for the colonial period, particularly the late eighteenth century. Furthermore, we know that the demographic status of the central Mexican population was much the same in both the fifteenth and the eighteenth centuries. Both must have been characterized by high birth and death rates. Both were under strong pressure toward increase. Hence the proportion of children in both must have been more or less similar. In a previous essay, our examination of data for the late eighteenth century made it clear that, in spite of numerous ethnic and geographical differences, the number of children in Mexico under the age of sixteen years approached 45% of the total population.[41] In the absence of any contrary evidence, the same proportion reasonably may be assumed for the population in, let us say, 1518.
Since body size and metabolism both vary enormously with age, and since we have little refined data pertaining to the distribution of these magnitudes in the youthful population, some type of short-cut is mandatory. The simplest procedure is to take the features characteristic of the median age in the range 0–16 years, and let them stand as an average, although a very crude one, of all children. In a primitive population of this sort, if children, metabolically speaking, are all those under 16 years of age, the median can be estimated from the late-eighteenth-century data.[42] The value lies somewhere near the age of 6 years.
The size and the intrinsic metabolic rate of 6-year-old children can be calculated only by the use of data derived from present-day American or European sources. When applied to pre-Conquest Mexican Indian children, the result is likely to contain a relatively large error. Hence we can arrive at only a crude approximation, although even an approximation is preferable to nothing. According to Wohl and Goodhart, 6-year-olds of the smallest size, both boys and girls, are 42.8 inches tall and have an average weight of 38.75 pounds. We select the smallest
[41] Cook and Borah, Essays , I, pp. 201–299, esp. p. 255 et seq .
[42] Ibid. , pp. 257–259.
size (5th centile) in order to approach as closely as possible the probable size of Mexican children.[43] Then, converting units to the metric system, we have 108 centimeters in height and 17.6 kilos in weight.
We employ next the Dubois graph, with extrapolation where necessary, to estimate the body surface at 0.7 square meter. Closer estimate is not feasible. Finally, the metabolic rate is found by reference to the table in Ruch and Patton, according to which for 6-year-old boys and girls a mean of 51.7 kilocalories is produced per square meter per hour.[44] Then the metabolic rate per child becomes 869 kilocalories per day, say 870 kilocalories. An error of plus or minus 10–20% will have to be allowed, but a working mean of 870 kilocalories per day is reasonable.
We are now in a position to make an approximate estimate of the metabolism of the population. An adult male produces per day 1,425, an adult female 1,235, and a child 870 kilocalories. According to our data already cited, there are 55% adults (27.5% adult males and the same percentage of females) and 45% children. Therefore, 1,000 people produce 275 × 1,425 plus 275 × 1,235 plus 450 × 870 kilocalories. The total is 1,123,000 kilocalories per day, or 1,123 per person. This would be the basal value, the minimal amount needed to maintain organic integrity, with no excess even for the easiest kind of physical activity or for the digestion of normal food.
In order to evaluate the caloric requirement in daily life of the pre-Conquest central Mexican Indians, we have to know something about the level of their physical effort. In turn, it is necessary to equate this activity with the increase caused thereby in the metabolic rate over the basal value. We shall examine the second phase of the problem first, and do so by considering data derived from study of present-day populations.
There have been a great many investigations of the effect of various types of physical exertion upon the energy flow through the human organism. These studies have one aspect in common: they all pertain to present-day subjects who are of European-American physique and who subsist according to what are considered nutritionally adequate standards. For the central
[43] Michael G. Wohl and Robert S. Goodhart, eds., Modern Nutrition in Health and Disease: Dietotherapy , p. 10, tables 1.6 and 1.7.
[44] Ruch and Patton, p. 1045, table 3.
Mexican Indians we can make some adjustments for body size, but the nutritional aspect remains a separate problem.
We select a few of the most accessible and at the same time representative figures. The activity data refer to moderately large, well-conditioned North Americans or Europeans. The basis of at least some estimates is a 70-kilo man who is approximately 170 centimeters tall (154 pounds and 5 feet 7 inches). Such an individual has a surface area of 1.8 square meters. His basal metabolism would be 40 × 1.8 × 24 = 1,728 kilocalories a day, or in a round figure 1,730. If we use the hourly rate, we have a basal value of 72 kilocalories.
We now present two simple lists. Each shows the extra energy expended, presumably by a 70-kilo man, in performing certain tasks. The values per square meter have been converted to those for the whole person by using the multiplication factor 1.8. The units shown are kilocalories per hour. The lists are modified from the sources indicated, the figures in parentheses representing a further modification to arrive at values for an average central Mexican Indian adult male.
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Sherman also shows a balance sheet in which is set forth a hypothetical 24-hour day, divided into portions according to activity.[47] The basal metabolism is included in these figures:
[45] Henry C. Sherman, Chemistry of Food and Nutrition , p. 189, table 23.
[46] Ruch and Patton, p. 1045, table 2.
[47] Sherman, p. 190.
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The activity load of the pre-Conquest central Mexican Indians is difficult to estimate. Initially, however, there must be established a reduction factor. A group which averages small size is sure to expend less energy than one of large dimensions. While we may know the comparative sizes, we are not sure of the exact relationship between the two groups in energy expenditure. On the other hand, some sensible assumption is required, and the simplest is that of direct proportionality. Therefore, if the mean basal rates in the two populations are in the proportion of 1,780 to 1,425, the values for the activity levels given above should be reduced to 82.4 percent. In the lists, the values thus adjusted for the central Mexican Indians are placed in parentheses. For example, the kilocalories used per day are reduced from 3,380 to 2,785.
The labor schedule of the overwhelming majority of pre-Conquest Mexican Indians was based upon farming, an activity conducted without aid from domesticated animals, by means of the digging stick as the principal implement. The work must be regarded as moderate, although numerous individual tasks were performed which might be classed as heavy. Relatively little work was done as strenuous as our really intensive manual labor displayed in both agriculture and industry. The women, of course, assumed all domestic duties, and their level of labor would have resembled what Ruch and Patton had in mind when they mentioned housework. Labor at home and in public service for the men, associated with occupations such as farming or building, would have been more onerous, but hardly could have surpassed the demands of steady bicycling for an equal amount of time. If so, the extra energy cost above the basal level would not have exceeded 155–160 kilocalories per hour. The same approximate value can be put on the energy cost of carrying loads, both domestically and over long distances, for the human cargador performed the function of the beast of burden used in the Old World. These cargadores carried a load of 50 pounds
each and traveled approximately one league an hour, or 2.5 to 3.0 miles depending upon the terrain. This activity, disregarding the loads, corresponds quite closely to Sherman's slow walk, which consumes an extra 106 kilocalories an hour. With the load, the value would certainly rise to 155–160 kilocalories.
Thus we formulate a workload estimate of 155–160 kilocalories per hour per man (for the sake of convenience, we shall use the value 156.7), and 70 kilocalories per day per woman. For children the value would be much smaller, but even the youngest children did a little work beyond their normal activity in helping their parents support the domestic establishment. On the other hand, it is extremely difficult to segregate work from play, so that it is preferable to reconsider children after a discussion of some other matters.
Another factor of importance is the allocation and distribution of time. In the instance of cargadores, we have the explicit testimony of Bernal Diaz, reporting on the situation in 1519 before the Europeans had had a chance to alter it, that a day's march was five leagues, or five hours' travel under load.[48] The workday for the bearers must have included the time needed to make and break camp and to mount and dismantle the loads, perhaps an additional hour in all. The working day, then, was six hours. This is just about what the present-day Mexican farmer puts in, if one counts sustained work. Indeed, the six-hour day is prevalent throughout Latin America. It is a response to dietary limitations and also an adaptation to the climate. The serious working day extends from 6:00 or 7:00 a.m. to 12:00 or 1:00 p.m., at which time the heat in the tropical areas becomes unbearable. In many instances, although not always, a little more work may be done in the late afternoon, but approaching darkness precludes any extended effort. The rest of the time is spent eating, sleeping, and relaxing. This regimen is of very ancient origin and conforms to the exigencies of the region.[49]
Let us now reconstruct a hypothetical day for an Aztec
[48] See the explicit statements of Bernal Díaz del Castillo (I, pp. 146 and 177): " . . . indios de carga, que en aquellas partes llaman tamemes , que llevan dos arrobas de peso a cuestas y caminan con ellas cinco leguas." The league was one hour's walk, the distance traveled varying with the difficulty of the terrain.
[49] If one allows for coffee breaks, visits to the toilet, and other interruptions in sustained work, the regime may not be much different from that in industrialized societies.
macehual , farmer, or cargador. He gets about eight hours sleep at night and one hour at noon. He works reasonably hard for six hours. He divides the remaining nine hours such that he indulges in light exercise for three hours and sits quietly the other six hours. Alternately, we may say that during these nine hours he engages in light activity. In either case, we may allow him an average extra expenditure of 37 kilocalories per hour. Then his formula is as follows:
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Further adjustments are in order, the chief one of which relates to the number of days annually during which a full workload was carried. Throughout the year a proportion of days would be devoted to rest from all types of labor possible; that they came in our frequency of one in seven (now two in seven) seems unlikely; rather, they undoubtedly came in a relation to the Mesoamerican calendar with its 20-day units. Further, the accounts of Sahagún and those of other writers, native and Spanish, make it clear that the pre-Conquest Mexican Indians enjoyed a great many religious celebrations and festivals throughout the year.[50] Some of these were confined to the ruling classes, priests, and nobility, but the common people participated in many of them. Merely as an estimate, let us say that days of rest and days of celebration and festival for the peasants gave them about 75 work-free days. If the work is deleted from the schedule shown above for 75 days in the year, and light activity is substituted, the value 940 is changed to 222 for the 75 days. Hence on these days the energy output was 2,067 kilocalories instead of 2,785. The annual output was reduced from 2,785 × 365 = 1,016,525 kilocalories to 75 × 2,067 + 290 × 2,785 = 962,675 kilocalories per year. This is equivalent to 2,637 kilocalories per day, say 2,635.
Let us turn now to the women. We know that they assisted
[50] See Sahagún, I, pp. 93–281; Motolinía, Historia , pp. 35–71.
to a significant extent in the farm work in addition to their work in the home. The extent of this extra labor cannot be precisely ascertained. However, we know that it could not have equaled that of the men, because so much time had to be spent in housekeeping, child care, and other necessary duties. On the other hand, the amount of farm labor must have been appreciable. It will be a moderate supposition to allocate to the adult female two hours of the six hours of labor on 290 days of the year. In kilocalories, the female balance sheet for a working day therefore looks as follows, where the cost of all types of work and activity is taken as having the same values as for men:
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If we allow the same 75 days of rest and fiesta as for the men, we get per year for a female adult 2,155 × 290 + 1,915 × 75 = 768,575 kilocalories. This means 2,106 kilocalories per day, say 2,105.
We may now revert to the problem of the children. These young individuals cannot be said to have undergone labor in the strict sense. They performed many tasks, some of them onerous, but on the whole their activity must be classed as light. On the other hand, particularly with very young children, the hours of sleep must have been extended. In order to take these variables into account to some degree, although strict accuracy is impossible, we shall consider that the children slept ten hours (including a siesta) and spent their waking hours in light activity.
The basal metabolism of a child at the median age of 6 years was estimated to be 870 kilocalories per day, or 36.3 per hour. The sleeping metabolism is roughly 10% below the basal, or close to 33 kilocalories per hour and 330 per day. The basal value for 14 hours of waking is 508 kilocalories, rounded off to 510. The cost of digestion, because of the smaller size, may be
reduced to 80 kilocalories. The extra energy cost for 14 hours light activity in a child may be considered as lying between one-half and three-quarters of the value for an adult, or approximately 25 kilocalories per hour. This is admittedly a very crude estimate, but in view of the great range in age and size must represent an approach to the actual value. Thus we add to the other items 14 × 25 kilocalories per day, or 350, making a total energy output of 1,270 kilocalories per day. Since childhood activities will continue on nearly the same level, regardless of social events, no deduction need be made for days of rest or fiesta.
We now have a general average of 2,635 kilocalories for men, 2,105 for women, and 1,270 for children. If we apply the same proportions of these three components in the population as previously (27.5, 27.5, and 45.0% respectively) the average energy production per person per day becomes 1,875 kilocalories, a value we round off to 1,900 kilocalories. This value takes into account body size, age, and physical activity. It also assumes a diet adequate to supply the necessary calories. It does not take into account protein, accessory substances, or other factors which may affect the energy yield of the food eaten. Perhaps the most important point for our discussion is that it does not take into account circumstances that might reduce the caloric allowance available to the population, which might live not at a level of adequate nutrition but rather at one of semistarvation. This matter of possible semistarvation requires further exploration in our discussion.
The data concerning metabolism we have discussed up to now are based upon contemporary European and American dietary standards. They assume, unless otherwise indicated, that what is today considered an adequate diet was available to all persons, including Mexican and South American inhabitants, and that both the basal and the activity rates were determined only by such factors as age and body size. There is room, and indeed evidence, for doubting that this assumption is valid and warranted.
The level of nutrition today among the various groups in the Mexican population, both urban and rural, is the subject of acrimonious comment by many medical authorities and sociologists. They contend that a large segment of the population
suffers from chronic undernutrition.[51] If this is true at present, and there is considerable evidence for the view, then it has been true throughout the history of the region. Consequently, the estimates offered here for mean energy production are too high and do not correspond to a human aggregate which was underfed. At this point we are interested primarily in the effect of inadequate caloric intake upon the mean output. By inadequate, we have in mind any level between that which is agreed upon as appropriate to maintain a population at full working efficiency and that which produces severe, manifest clinical symptoms such as are associated with outright chronic starvation.
The classical study involving undernutrition in great masses of people was carried out by Alexis Ivanovsky in Russia and made available to the western world in 1923.[52] Ivanovsky followed the condition of over 2,000 adults for three years during a rigorous famine, and found an average reduction in height of 4.7 centimeters in males and 3.5 centimeters in females. The weight diminished to a varying degree, but the range was approximately from 20 to 60% of the initial value. He also found that among those who were exposed to inanition for long periods, the loss in size took place in the first year. Thereafter there was relatively little change.
A more rigidly controlled experiment was that of Ancel Keys and his colleagues at the University of Minnesota in the late 1940's, after the experiences of the Second World War had stimulated interest in the matter.[53] In the Minnesota studies, a rapid initial loss of weight was observed; it was followed by a slower reduction until equilibrium was reached. The basal metabolism of the subjects also fell to a new low level. The changes are described by Keys and Francisco Grande:
Equally important is the fact that, given time, the body weight tends to
[51] See, for example, Richmond K. Anderson et al., "A Study of the Nutritional Status and Food Habits of Otomí Indians in the Mezquital Valley of Mexico"; Mendizábal, "Evolución económica y social," Obras Completas , VI, tables on food consumption between pp. 192–193; Salvador Zubirán and Adolfo Chávez V., "Algunos datos sobre la situación nutricional en México"; Carlos Pérez Hidalgo et al., "Recopilación sobre el consumo de nutritivos en diferentes zonas de México"; Ana María Flores, La magnitud del hambre en México, passim , esp. pp. 9–25; and Whetten, Rural Mexico , pp. 304–316.
[52] Alexis Ivanovsky, "Physical Modifications of the Population of Russia Under Famine."
[53] Ancel Keys and his colleagues have given a full report in the two volumes of The Biology of Human Starvation .
reach a steady state and calorie expenditure tends to balance calorie intake, no matter what the level of the latter may be. When we changed the diet of young men from 3,500 to 1,500 Calories daily, the weight loss was rapid at first and decreased exponentially with time until calorie equilibrium was achieved with the body weight being 25% less than it had been.[54]
A similar result had been obtained in the well-known experiment of Benedict, Miles, Roth, and Smith (1919). These investigators kept a squad of young men on a low-calorie diet, an average of 1,930 kilocalories per day per man, after they had become accustomed to a diet consisting of 3,000 kilocalories per day. During the last three days of the restricted ration, the average net kilocalories produced per day was 2,245 and there was marked reduction in both the basal rate and the rate during moderate exercise. The subjects, however, felt no ill effects and were able to perform their tasks with facility. Sherman described the state of all these subjects as follows:
When conditions are otherwise favorable, healthy young men can adjust themselves to lowered energy intakes through reduced body weight and lowered BMR so that they can get along with 1/3 less food calories and still feel and act normal.[55]
It is thus generally conceded that the food intake can be diminished from the high level associated with what are considered adequate diets with no permanent ill effects. There will be reduced weight, even reduced height, and at the same time lowered energy costs for all phases of life. If the reduction of intake is not too severe, the individual goes into and remains in what has been called the compensated phase of undernutrition. No clinical changes are observed except those mentioned; the person can continue a quite normal daily life.[56]
We suggest that such a condition was present in the population of central Mexico on the eve of the Conquest, the cause being a low caloric intake. Such testimony as has come down to us all points in this one direction. The Relaciones Geográficas in many instances emphasize the frugality of diet for commoners
[54] Ancel Keys and Francisco Grande, "Body Weight, Body Composition, and Calorie Status," in Wohl and Goodhart, p. 24.
[55] Sherman, Chemistry of Food and Nutrition , p. 195.
[56] In addition to works already cited, see Francisco Gomez Mont, "Under-nutrition," in Wohl and Goodhart, pp. 984–995, esp. p. 988.
before the coming of the Spaniards. In the report for Cuilapan, written by Fray Agustín de Salazar, the comment is especially striking:
El comer de ellos es grima y espanto porque con unas tortillas de maiz y poco de agi y otras cosillas se contentan . . .
(Their food is a matter of disgust and horror, for with a few maize tortillas, a little chile, and other trifles, they are satisfied . . . )[57]
Fray Agustín de Salazar was writing about his own time in 1581, but the Indian diet he described was that of the pre-Conquest as well. In Cuilapan it had not changed, much less improved.
In the history of Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, who was never himself in central Mexico but questioned Spaniards who had been, including men of Cortés' army, is a summary of early testimony. According to Oviedo, the Indians of New Spain were the poorest of the many peoples who up to his time had been encountered in the New World. Their diet for the most part was maize and vegetables flavored with chile. The quantity was little, as he explains carefully, "not because they would not eat more if they had the food," but because the upper classes carefully assessed harvests and left them the bare minimum to sustain life and work until the next harvest.[58] Oviedo's description of poverty is corroborated by Motolinía, who spent many years in New Spain:
Estos Indios cuasi no tienen estorbo que les impida para ganar el cielo . . . porque su vida se contenta con muy poco, y tan poco, que apenas tienen con qué se vestir y alimentar. Su comida es muy paupérrima, y lo mismo es el vestido . . .
(These Indians have almost no hindrance that might keep them from earning entrance to Heaven . . . for in life they are satisfied with very little, so little that they scarcely have the wherewithal to clothe and feed themselves. They eat most poorly indeed and clothe themselves in equal poverty . . . )[59]
The Anonymous Conqueror summed up the matter tersely and elegantly:
. . . es gente que se mantiene con poco alimento. (They live on little food.)[60]
[57] In Tlalocan , II, p. 25.
[58] Oviedo y Valdés, Historia general , IV, pp. 248–250. See also [Anonymous Conqueror], Relación , p. 50.
[59] Motolinía, Historia , p. 85.
[60] [Anonymous Conqueror], pp. 41 and 50.
There is no certainty, however, that the level of food intake fell much below the compensated phase of undernutrition, for, irrespective of areas of seriously deficient diet today, no one has adduced evidence to show widespread clinical manifestations of starvation among the natives before Cortés. If the farmers and laborers, who constituted the overwhelming bulk of the population, were just below or even definitely below the present-day standard of adequate nutrition, then the mean daily rate of energy production fell below the 1,900 kilocalories we have calculated above. How far cannot be determined with any exactness. Sherman's level of a one-third reduction, which would mean here a reduction to 1,265 kilocalories, seems extreme. We shall be safer if we estimate the level as lying between 1,400 and 1,800 kilocalories. Clearly the marginal diet of the commoners would support a considerable amount of physical effort, but distinctly less than that possible to the better-fed and larger European or American laborer of today. The subliminal energy intake could be compensated by reducing physical effort. That there was malnutrition as against undernutrition seems unlikely, because the wide diversity of foodstuffs that were eaten would supply needed elements. The requirement for protein and amino acids would be met largely from maize, beans, and other plant components in the diet. Any requirement for protein of animal origin would be small, on the order of perhaps 15 to 30 grams daily for an adult male, and was easily met by eating insects, grubs, snakes, amphibians, birds, small mammals, and indeed "any living thing."[61]
Our discussion has now arrived at the point at which we may make some examination of the probable amount of maize
[61] Anthony A. Albanese and Louise A. Orto, "The Proteins and Amino Acids," in Wohl and Goodhart, pp. 95–155, esp. pp. 97, 108, and 113–116; National Academy of Sciences—National Research Council, Evaluation of Protein Nutrition, passim . Anderson et al., in their "Study of the Nutritional Status and Food Habits of Otomí Indians in the Mezquital Valley of Mexico," reach the conclusion that: "The region is arid and barren and, economically and culturally, one of the most depressed in the country. The inhabitants eat very few of the foods which are commonly considered as essential to a good nutrition pattern. Their consumption of meat, dairy products, fruits, and vegetables is exceedingly low. However, through the eating of tortillas, the drinking of pulque (the fermented unfiltered juice of the century plant), and the eating of every conceivably edible plant available, a fairly good diet is maintained." Guillermo Bonfil Batalla, in Diagnóstico sobre el hambre en Sudzal, Yucatán (pp. 133–135), indicates a daily consumption as typical not merely of Sudzal but also of "more than twenty communities all over the country" that would come to approximately 1,808 kilocalories daily, 1,466 coming from the ingestion of 419 grams of maize, approximately 1/2 liter.
consumed daily by an Indian peasant and of probable production in pre-Conquest central Mexico. Obviously anything we indicate here must be highly tentative. We have now indicated that the overwhelming majority of the Indians lived at a level of compensated undernutrition. Accordingly, our previously published estimate of probable daily consumption is too high. That estimate was based upon the allowance prescribed by the viceroy in 1555 for Indians conscripted for repair of the dikes of the lakes of the Valley of Mexico, and presumably reflected a customary ration. The allowance was one cuartillo of maize a day.[62] At 48 cuartillos in a fanega of 100 Castilian pounds (of 460 grams each, as against our pound of 453.6 grams), one cuartillo would be 958 grams of maize with a caloric value of approximately 3,350 kilocalories.[63] That is a generous ration, and when supplemented by other foodstuffs provided by the Indians themselves might reach a value of 3,800 or 4,000 kilocalories.
It is possible that the ration, even at that relatively early date after the Conquest, already corresponded to European ideas, which were more generous; but what evidence we have on European rations for men engaged in fairly strenuous physical activity would not come to so high a value.[64] Since the maize would be ground to meal and baked into tortillas for consumption, a service performed by women, we are inclined to suggest that the ration was for a man and his wife. Divided between them, it would come to the caloric values that we have indicated as probable. We shall return to these questions later in this essay. For the moment it is enough to suggest that the more
[62] Borah and Cook, The Aboriginal Population of Central Mexico on the Eve of the Spanish Conquest , p. 90; but see the entire discussion, pp. 89–92.
[63] We calculate 100 grams of maize as having 350 kilocalories. The value is a rough average of those given for various kinds of maize in Mercedes Hernández et al., Valor nutritivo de los alimentos mexicanos; Tablas de uso práctico , p. 6, and Juan Roca and Roberto Llamas, "Régimen alimenticio de los habitantes de la región de Izúcar de Matamoros (Puebla)," p. 584. For the maize of the sixteenth century, Roca and Llamas are probably nearer the true value at 341.81 kilocalories, since Hernández et al. deal with foods already greatly affected by the improvements of the Green Revolution—but the range from 341.81 to 366 is not great.
[64] See the references in note 6; additionally, Cesáreo Fernández Duro, La armada invencible , I, pp. 248–320, esp. pp. 274–278; and Maria Cristina Silveira and Carlos Silveira, "A alimentação na 'Armada Invencível.'" The Silveiras base their calculations on a manuscript prepared by the Marqués de Santa Cruz, proposing supplies and rations for the Great Armada, the copy they consulted being in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon. Fernández Duro publishes the manuscript.
normal allowance for an adult male commoner was closer to a range from one-third to one-half of a cuartillo of maize (319–479 grams), say from 1,120 to 1,676 kilocalories, the remainder of the day's consumption of foodstuffs and perhaps a far greater proportion of vitamins, proteins, and trace elements coming from fruits, nuts, frijoles, chile, pulque, small amounts of animal substance, etc. The amount of maize annually consumed by a peasant family might range from 10 to 20 fanegas, as suggested for the post-Conquest period in the Valley of Mexico by Charles Gibson.[65] For a family of average size before the Conquest, the likelier range would be 10 to 15 fanegas except in unusually favorable circumstances. The maize would be supplemented by a remarkable range of other foodstuffs.
The productivity of the pre-Conquest agriculture that provided this food is also difficult to estimate, since we have merely two sets of clues at this time and they are not easily reconciled. One set lies in the determinations of yields by Spanish tribute assessors in arriving at amounts and value of grain for tribute requirements set in plantings. Since such determinations occurred in the decades immediately succeeding the Conquest, we may assume that they reflect conditions substantially unchanged from aboriginal conditions. On an average, the determinations show a yield of 6.47 fanegas of maize for a planting of 1,000 square brazas,[66] or a harvest on the order of 1,060 kilograms of maize per hectare.[67] That average, which includes crops from irrigated and unirrigated land and from elevations from coast to plateau, is distinctly higher than the reported averages of Mexican agriculture just before the advent of the Green Revolution. We cannot exclude the possibility, therefore, that tribute maize was grown on the best land available to each town and was not representative of other yields.
[65] Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule , p. 311.
[66] Cook and Borah, The Indian Population of Central Mexico, 1531–1610 , p. 19.
[67] Conversion of fanegas to kilograms is simple, since 1 fanega equals 46 kilograms. The braza is calculated at 1.6718 meters, the value given by Spain, Real Academia Española, Diccionario de la lengua española , from which we have taken the value for fanega. Sixteenth-century maize at this weight converts to dry measure at .83 kilograms per liter. These yields, which would work out to 14–16 bushels per acre, fall easily within the normal ranges indicated by Charles Gibson (The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule , pp. 309–310) for the Valley of Mexico in colonial times.
Our second set of clues on the probable yields of pre-Conquest agriculture is, of course, Mexican experience as recorded just before the remarkable changes that began in the 1940's and 1950's. In the first agricultural census of 1930, recording the agricultural year 1929–30, the range of yield for the states of central Mexico is enormous, from 472 to 1,237 kilograms of maize per hectare, and the returns subject to all the suspicions hovering around a new kind of statistical inquiry and one dependent upon thousands of respondents. The average for the states within the sedentary area of central Mexico as it was in 1520 is 633 kilograms per hectare, as against a countrywide average of 522. The countrywide average is for ejidos alone, 585, and for the private sector alone, 512. Productive units of one hectare and under were not asked to report.[68] Since one would normally expect the private sector to be more productive, we are inclined to suspect underreporting on a considerable scale. The 1940 agricultural census, reporting the 1939–40 agricultural year, has more favorable results: The area of central Mexico gave average maize yields of 679 kilograms per hectare, the returns being divided between productive units of more than 5 hectares, with an average of 665 kilograms, and those of 5 hectares and less, with an average of 699 kilograms per hectare.[69] So the two censuses, whatever the defects in them, indicate yields of maize for central Mexico ranging from 630 to 700 kilograms per hectare.[70]
[68] Mexico, Dirección General de Estadística, Primer censo agrícola-ganadero, 1930. Resumen general, cuadro VIIIA, pp. 70–73. We have omitted Nayarit, Jalisco, Guanajuato, and Querétaro in our reconstitution of what was central Mexico in the sixteenth century, since they were then either sparsely settled or under the control of nomadic Indians. The 1930 census returns show an even greater range than the overall state averages indicate, since the average for ejidos in Puebla is 412 kilograms of maize per hectare, as against 1,424 kilograms for the Federal District.
[69] Calculated from Mexico, Dirección General de Estadística, Segundo censo agrícola-ganadero, 1940. Resumen general, cuadros 2 and 4, pp. 54–186 and 201–242.
[70] See also the annual averages of yields of maize per hectare from 1925 to 1937 in Mexico, Secretaría de Agricultura y Fomento, Memoria , 1937–1938, I, pp. 302–303, which show considerable fluctuation. If one turns to the 1950 agricultural census, the average yield per hectare for all of Mexico, after deduction of the crop of hybrid maize, was 786 kilograms. Land sowed to hybrid maize yielded on average 1,621 kilograms per hectare, but in that year so little was so sown that the average yield of maize of all types for all of the country was 790 kilograms per hectare. (Mexico, Dirección General de Estadística, Censos agropecuarios. 1. Totales comparativos en 1930, 1940 y 1950. 2. Por entidades y distritos economico-agricolas en 1950 , p. 15.)
These returns may be low because of underreporting—but may be too low, further, for comparison with pre-Conquest agriculture, because of the havoc of four and a half centuries of erosion, continued cultivation of land without adequate preservation of fertility, and the adoption of the plow as against the digging stick. The plow gives higher yields per man-hour spent on agriculture, whereas the digging stick usually gives higher yields per unit of land.[71] Accordingly, we come to a range of probability: yields of maize for aboriginal agriculture may have been somewhere from 700 to 1,200 kilograms per hectare. That range of yield would have maintained the population we have postulated at the levels of nutrition postulated through cultivation of from 10 to 15% of the land.
4
Let us turn now to the decades after the Spanish Conquest. That conquest deeply altered the forms and fabric of native life. One would suppose that it should have affected native production and consumption of food. The question is: In what respects, and how far, in the sixteenth and first half of the seventeenth century? The coming of the Europeans made available technology, plants, and animals previously unknown and capable of deeply altering Indian food production and diet. In addition, that coming unleashed other changes which were bound to have a profound effect upon native utilization of land and other resources. Among the new plants and crops introduced by the Europeans were grains, such as wheat, barley, oats; vegetables, such as lettuce, radishes, carrots, cabbage; fruits, such as apples, quinces, oranges, lemons, peaches, apricots; nuts, such as walnuts. Two fruits introduced by the Spaniards that have unusual interest were bananas, from Africa but strange to many Spaniards and so described by them as native to Mexico,[72] and guavas,[73] which came from the Antilles. A third European introduction of a non-European
[71] See the comment by Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule , pp. 309–310, and Francisco Javier Clavijero, Historia antigua de México , II, pp. 248–249.
[72] For example, Relación de las minas de Sultepec, 5 March 1582, PNE , VII, p. 9; Pedro Martínez, Descripción de la villa de Pánuco , p. 4.
[73] As in the Relación de Macuilsúchil, 9 April 1580, and the Relación de Chinantla, 1 November 1579, both in PNE , IV, pp. 103 and 65 respectively. The Relación de Chinantla correctly identifies guavas as coming from Hispaniola.
plant was the peanut, also from the Antilles, but given a Nahuatl name, tlalcacahoatl , little cacao—whence the present Mexican name cacahuate . In the sixteenth century it was raised in the region of Cuernavaca.[74] Among the new animals were almost the entire array of Old World domesticates, such as horses, donkeys, mules, cattle, sheep, swine, goats, chickens, and the stinging bee, with its greater production of honey. For food production, the most important items of technology were the pasturage and uses of livestock and the Roman plow.
Among the changes unleashed by the coming of the Europeans was the sharp decline of the native population, largely through the introduction of Old World diseases, which reduced the aboriginal numbers in central Mexico as of 1518 by approximately 97% in roughly a century; that is, by the 1620's the Indian population of central Mexico was about 750,000, 3% of what it had been in 1518. The drop varied with region and climate, being most catastrophic on the coasts and considerably less on the plateau.[75] Other changes were the insertion of the Spaniards as the new upper class; the relentless replacement of the native cult by Christian observances and clergy, but with a large underpinning of Indian assistants; demands for new services and products upon the Indian population by the Spanish overlords; the occupation of land and preemption of sources of water by the Spaniards for their own uses and purposes; and the beginning of the opening of the north to agricultural settlement, as the Spaniards applied the better European military technology to the problem of subduing the Chichimecs and settling the fine agricultural land thus made available.
The interaction of these factors made a complex pattern. The sharp and prolonged decline in Indian population made it impossible to cultivate large tracts of land. We know that very extensive tracts became waste, and that in consequence the availability of food through hunting, fishing, and gathering became correspondingly greater. We may further surmise that the Indian peasants of a town, forced to restrict cultivation to a much smaller part of their previous milpas and fields, would choose the better land for continued cultivation. Accordingly, the yield for effort spent on cultivation would improve; i.e., per
[74] Hernández, Historia natural , I, p. 306.
[75] See chap. 1 in this volume, and Cook and Borah, The Indian Population of Central Mexico, 1531–1610 , pp. 46–56.
capita output would rise. With the large expanses of land returned to waste, the Spaniards could occupy substantial tracts without serious harm to the Indian population, except for desirable portions that the Indians might have wanted to retain but that the Spaniards wrested from them. A further source of pressure was control of water. Land and water nearest large centers of Spanish population, particularly Mexico City, would have been the most subject to Spanish seizure, despite native wish to continue occupation. The more serious countrywide problem was the spread of Old World livestock, which ranged freely over the waste and quickly became feral or nearly so. It was no respecter of legal lines, and preyed upon the Indians' milpas and gardens if they were accessible.[76] Had Old World livestock not moved into the ecological niche thus created, one may raise the question whether native species, such as deer, would not have multiplied with about the same result in harassing the Indians. Presumably deer and other wild species could be killed freely if found, whereas livestock had attached to them a presumptive Spanish property right.
One may measure the spread of Old World plants, animals, and technology through the reporting in tribute schedules, chronicles, land grants, and the Relaciones Geográficas. Although the Spanish attempted to persuade or force the Indians to raise wheat through requirement as tribute or other devices, the Indians found that the cultivation of wheat and other Old World cereals meant use of the plow, which in turn meant in the first years hiring a Spaniard and his work team of draft animals. They also found that the yield was less than that of maize, approximately 80% that of maize for the seed sown, and 70% for the area sown. Accordingly, there was persistent and substantial resistance to wholesale adoption of wheat. In more arid regions, where it had an advantage over maize, it was indeed used widely by the Indians, as in the Teotlalpan and the Mixteca Alta. Elsewhere, as the numerous references in the Relaciones Geográficas make clear, wheat was raised only in small quantities by the Indians. In general, the Hispanic com-
[76] For abandonment of land, land appropriation by Spaniards, and the spread of livestock, see Simpson, Exploitation of Land in Central Mexico in the Sixteenth Century, passim . See also Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule , pp. 257–299 and 405–408; and William B. Taylor, Landlord and Peasant in Colonial Oaxaca , pp. 67–257.
munity, demanding wheat bread through tradition and the prestige of the European, had to raise its own wheat, appropriating land and labor for the purpose.[77] Barley with its poorer yields was even less favored, and oats competing for use as fodder with the far more easily available and cheaper maize leaves and stalks were ignored by the Indians. The items of widest adoption among Old World plants were the fruits and vegetables, which were planted on a small scale for home use throughout much of central Mexico, climate and soil being suitable. In the warmer climates of the lower altitudes, two Old World plants had manifest advantage and were widely adopted. Bananas, with their prolific yield and small need for care, provided a warm-country staple that filled a genuine need and had no clear competition from native plants. Sugarcane, yielding a sweetener previously supplied only by honey or thickened maguey syrup, also filled a niche more fully than any previously available item.[78]
Of Old World animals, the adoptions by Indians in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century arose from their perception of usefulness and to a lesser extent pressure from the viceregal authorities and Spaniards. The animal most widely accepted was the chicken, which quickly spread throughout the country.[79] The adoption of the other animals may be traced in part through Lesley Simpson's study of viceregal land grants and permissions to raise livestock. The exact identification of use is somewhat obscured by the Spanish division of livestock into ganado mayor and ganado menor . Although it is certain that most estancias de ganado menor raised sheep, the term covered swine and goats as well. The mammalian domesticate most rapidly accepted by the Indians was sheep. Their interest was more likely the supply of wool than meat, for wool pro-
[77] In addition to material in the Relaciones Geográficas, see Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule , pp. 319–326; Cook and Borah, The Indian Population of Central Mexico, 1531–1610 , p. 19; Borah, New Spain's Century of Depression , pp. 31–41.
[78] In general, bananas seem to have been raised in almost every town with a suitable climate. Sugarcane was less widely diffused by the time of the Relaciones Geográficas, but still is mentioned sufficiently to indicate a considerable measure of adoption by the Indians.
[79] By the time of the Relaciones Geográficas, chickens were present in virtually every town reporting. A few years later, Father Alonso Ponce and his companions were offered chickens for their food at almost every Indian town they came to. (Relación breve y verdadera . . . , passim .)
vided a far better fiber for cold-country use than any previously available, and enabled the plateau towns to make up the deficit of cotton that collapse of the tribute system of the Triple Alliance must have meant. According to Lesley Simpson's study, the overwhelming majority of grants to Indians were for sheep. A small proportion of grants were for raising horses and mules, and almost none were for raising cattle. The few such grants to Indians were on the eastern slopes of the plateau and in the north. In contrast, the majority of grants to Spaniards were for raising cattle, which spread rapidly throughout the country but were not in Indian ownership.[80] The extent to which swine and goats were adopted by the Indians is more difficult to trace. Certainly they were used to a far more limited extent. Except in marginal areas, goats have little advantage, if any, and the use of the pig as a scavenger may have developed somewhat slowly, since the chicken is a competitor. One other Old World animal was also adopted fairly widely by the Indians, namely, the Old World bee, with its superior production of honey.[81]
It is clear that the Indians in central Mexico adopted the plants, animals, and technology that made sense to them, and resisted the imposition of those items that meant a more expensive use of land and labor. The Roman plow, which meant the use of draft animals and the abandonment or destruction of steeply sloping land, spread very slowly.[82] Its advantage over the digging stick was dubious at best, and the crop most immediately linked to it, wheat, considerably less advantageous than maize in terms of food per unit of land. Moreover, preparation of wheat for consumption in the Spanish manner required grinding and processing in ways not easily available to an Indian
[80] Simpson, Exploitation of Land in Central Mexico, passim .
[81] Relaciones Geográficas, passim . Charles Gibson, Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century , pp. 150–154, indicates wide raising of pigs by Indians in Tlaxcala in the second half of the sixteenth century, but that province may be aberrant, since the Relaciones Geográficas and Ponce's Relación breve y verdadera do not confirm such raising for all of central Mexico, nor does Gibson himself indicate it for the Valley of Mexico (The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule, passim) . See also Gómara's comment (II, p. 400): "Comen poca carne, creo que por tener poca, pues comen bien tocino y puerco fresco. No quieren carnero ni cabrón, porque les huele mal; cosa digna de notar, comiendo cuantas cosas hay vivas, y hasta sus mismos piojos. . . . "
[82] The spread of the plow among the Indians of central Mexico is clearly a story in itself that has never been explored. Clavijero (Historia antigua , II, pp. 248–249) indicates general adoption by the middle of the eighteenth century.
household. Equally slow was the spread of other crops dependent on the use of the plow. Chickens were an efficient scavenger, needing little care, able to fend for themselves, supplied eggs, and were a ready source of flesh in such small, inexpensive amounts that peasants could wring the neck of a chicken without reflecting upon the loss of revenue. Accordingly, they spread quickly. Sheep, with their special advantages in solving the needs of the Indians on the plateau, also spread quickly, although more slowly than chickens. The reasons for the slowness of the Indians to turn to raising cattle or pigs are less easily apparent. Cattle are more difficult to control than sheep, and perhaps more menace to milpas and gardens; they also represented a large investment without the annual yield of wool. Pigs may have looked less useful than chickens, a competing scavenger which both yielded eggs and came in smaller and more easily utilized units as flesh. On the other hand, pigs are the source of the highly prized cooking fat, lard, in a country which before the Spanish Conquest had no readily available, abundant supply of cooking fat or oil. Frying, one surmises, is essentially a post-Conquest culinary art. Finally, goats may have been considered less useful than sheep, yet in certain kinds of terrain their ability to browse on foliage instead of cropping grass allows them to survive where sheep cannot exist. Furthermore, goats are a good source of meat, and a rapid rate of reproduction is coupled with ready marketability.
Accordingly, in central Mexico, with the exception of a few of the more arid areas, Indian agriculture continued to raise maize, beans, squash, chile, tomatoes, as in the past, and the Indian diet continued to rely upon maize as a staple. What, then, did the Conquest bring in the way of change during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries?
First, the catastrophic shrinkage of the Indian population almost certainly meant that the survivors concentrated their efforts upon the better lands, and that average yields rose to correspond. So per capita output must have risen, and with it per capita consumption. Our study of prices of labor and of certain tribute commodities like maize indicates that in the second half of the sixteenth century wages rose more rapidly than commodity prices; that is, whatever the quirks of seasons, over the long term the wage of a day laborer tended to buy more maize. The main reason lay in the growing shortage of
labor,[83] but the phenomenon is consonant as well with an improvement in per capita production and consumption.
A second change in food economy for which the Spanish Conquest was responsible was the pressure toward restriction of variety. It was economically more profitable under the European system to concentrate serious labor in the production of a few staple items, rather than to scatter energy in hunting and gathering types of food which were of diverse character and in the aggregate amounted to a great deal, but individually were trivial. Here would be found the snakes, insects, and algae. This reduction of multifarious natural sources occurred in the face of the introduction of new plants and animals, new grains, fruits, and vegetables. The latter species could be planted, harvested, and eaten under the supervision of the farmer, whereas the ancient resources flourished independently of any human control. Hence an apparent increase in resource range was actually accomplished by a canalization of effort which was more economical of effort than the old system and which actually furnished more edible material.
The further meaning of Old World animals for Indian food production and diet is distinctly more difficult to analyze. The Indian peasantry found a source of eggs and flesh in its chickens; in the end, the sheep and goats it raised would have made meat available, at least from old animals past any other usefulness. Furthermore, although the Indians did not take to raising cattle in the period we deal with, there is much testimony to the effect that they bought cattle for slaughter or bought beef from the Spaniards. Such beef was probably an item for the upper classes, and for the peasantry only on infrequent holidays.[84] Indeed, for the Indian upper classes the changes undoubtedly meant mere substitution, as in deference to European ideas they gave up consumption of human flesh and forewent protein from snakes and insects in favor of flesh from
[83] Borah and Cook, Price Trends , pp. 39–46.
[84] Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule , pp. 346–347; Gibson, Tlaxcala , p. 153; Ponce, Relación breve y verdadera, passim ; and Relaciones Geográficas, passim . The reports of the secretaries of Father Ponce would indicate a rather high consumption of beef by the Indians, but the Relaciones Geográficas, although also testifying to wide consumption of beef, indicate that ability to buy it played an important role in limiting consumption. See the detailed report by Juan Bautista Ponce in the Relación de Texcoco (García Icazbalceta, Nueva colección , III, pp. 49 and 54–55).
domesticated animals. For the lower classes the improvement was undoubtedly considerably less, but in an austere diet counted proportionately for far more. This improvement, in fact, constitutes the third probable change in food and nutrition referable to the Spanish invasion.
Although evidence is fragmentary, there are several bits which point to an increase in the average intake of both protein and kilocalories among the laborers and peasants of central Mexico in the decades from the middle of the sixteenth century to the middle of the seventeenth century. Our own examination of the wages of common labor in terms of purchasing power of maize indicates a rise in real wages after the first shock of the Conquest, a rise likely to have as one of its first effects an increase in consumption of basic foodstuffs. What evidence we have of rations and allowances of food point in the same direction. In September 1532 Lic. Maldonado, oidor of the Audiencia of Mexico, set the daily ration to be supplied by the town of Zicapuzalco to a slave gang working in the mines of Tasco at one cuartillo of maize, that is 1/48 of a fanega of 100 Castilian pounds, or 958 grams.[85] In November 1555, as we have already indicated, Viceroy Luis de Velasco proposed that the royal government furnish the Indian workmen to be drafted for repair of the dike system controlling the water levels in the lakes of Mexico, with a daily ration of one cuartillo of maize. He also proposed that the city of Mexico furnish meat for the workmen in a quantity that unfortunately cannot be determined, but must have envisaged an issue of several ounces daily or three times a week.[86] As we have already indicated, these were probably family rations.
Charles Gibson has assembled other evidence. According to him, in 1618 the standard ration for laborers on the Desagüe of the Valley of Mexico was one almud of maize per week, or 1/12 of a fanega. This means 12,880 kilocalories per week, or 1,840 kilocalories per day. Presumably other food was available to
[85] Mexico, AGN, El Libro de las tasaciones , pp. 633–634. The slaves may have been given meat from another source. Presumably women made the tortillas and were fed from this ration without additional allowance.
[86] Mexico (City), Actas de cabildo . . . , VI, pp. 192–193, session of 4 November 1555. The viceroy proposed that the city furnish 1,000 pesos de minas, which would buy meat for the 6,000 Indian workmen during a period of two months. Unfortunately we do not know the official price of beef at this time. If we estimate the ration at approximately 4 ounces daily, the price would have been 20 maravedís the arrelde of 4 pounds, a perhaps reasonable price for 1555, which was a year of scarcity. The city council, alleging poverty, refused to provide the meat.
supplement this allowance, so that the total caloric intake might have reached 2,200 or 2,300 kilocalories. Much later, in 1769, the standard ration for hacienda labor was, according to Gibson, 2 almudes of maize a week.[87]
These rations are high as allowances for a single man, even at hard labor. The question is pertinent whether this food was not intended for a man's family as well as for himself. There can be little doubt that such was the case on haciendas, where families were domiciled for long periods. We may also postulate the presence of women ministering to husbands working on the Desagüe, since the maize would have to be ground and baked into tortillas each day for consumption. Gibson mentions the presence of women tortilla-makers with the Desagüe labor drafts.[88]
The one instance where there is room for doubt concerns workers in the obrajes, who were usually kept confined. The ordinances for workers in obrajes, issued in 1579 by Viceroy Enríquez, set the daily ration at 2 Castilian pounds of tortillas, tamales, or bread, that is, approximately 920 grams of whichever was issued, to be given in three metals, and
. . . a medio día se les de un pedazo de carne los días que se pudiere comer, y a la noche tres o cuatro chiles; y el día que no fuere de carne se les de un cajete de frijoles o habas, y a la noche los chiles. . . .
( . . . at noon let them be given a chunk of meat on days when meat may be eaten, and at night three or four chiles; on days of abstinence let them be given a pot of frijoles or lima beans, and at night the chiles. . . . )[89]
We cannot be sure of the exact weight of a "chunk of meat," nor probably could the Spaniards of the time, but it must have meant at least 4 ounces of bone, fat, and muscle, a considerable nutritive addition to the 2 Castilian pounds of tortillas, tamales, or bread. The tortillas, tamales, or bread would have had a value of 2,100 to 2,200 kilocalories. The meat would have contributed at least 250 kilocalories, plus 20-odd grams of animal protein. The chiles, plus scraps which the persons might pick up
[87] Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule , p. 311.
[88] Ibid .
[89] Viceroy Enríquez, Mexico City, 7 November 1579, in Mexico, AGN, Boletín , XI (1940), p. 16. The ration was set in terms of weight to replace previous requirements that an Indian worker in an obraje be furnished daily 18 tortillas or 14 tamales and three times a week meat, on other days and in Lent frijoles, chile, or lima beans. Obraje owners either paid no attention or provided tortillas and tamales of small size and weight. Habas would normally mean horse beans, but in Mexican conditions were more likely lima beans.
from time to time, might add another 100 kilocalories,[90] so that the total daily intake would have reached 2,450–2,550 kilocalories. This is clearly a reasonably generous allowance for one person engaged in moderate activity, if the obraje owner actually furnished it.
To sum up, definitive answers are precluded by a lack of evidence; yet there is a strong presumption that the extremely low nutritional levels endured by the Indians of pre-Conquest central Mexico were mitigated significantly after the first shock of the Spanish Conquest, that is, in a process that began by the second half of the sixteenth century. This presumption finds further support in the fact that the daily march of bearers under full load, which was five leagues or hours of work in 1519,[91] increased under the Spaniards to six.[92] Perhaps the strongest support is in the testimony of the Relaciones Geográficas, which repeatedly stress the austerity of life before the coming of the Spaniards and the greater abundance and ease for the commoner once the Spaniards had imposed their rule. The respondents were trying to explain the shocking disappearance of the Indian population; but their testimony, on the whole, is firmly in favor of the idea that living conditions for commoners had improved.
The Spaniards undoubtedly undertook to secure as much native labor as possible as cheaply as possible. The fact that they allowed their workers far more food than the latter had been accustomed to in the aboriginal state is evidence first that the food was available at low cost. This condition, in turn, is referable to the economic and demographic changes induced by the Conquest itself, and discussed here in a prior context. The increase in ration is also probably due in considerable measure to the opinion of the Spaniards on what constituted an adequate allowance. It must be remembered that the Spaniards were thorough Europeans, and that 2 pounds of bread or the equivalent and 4 ounces of meat, supplemented by some oil or fat and vegetables, constituted a minimal adequate diet for a working man, consistent with current Christian thought. We doubt if they could conceive of steady labor being performed when supported by a diet similar to that endured by the Mexica and other Indians of central Mexico under aboriginal conditions.
[90] Hernández et al., Valor nutritivo , pp. 6–16.
[91] See note 48.
[92] See the evidence assembled in Borah and Cook, Price Trends , pp. 41–42.
Chapter III—
Mission Registers as Sources of Vital Statistics:
Eight Missions of Northern California
1—
The Mission Registers
The Christian missions which the Roman Catholic Church established among aboriginal peoples in North America under the aegis of the Spanish Crown provide a rich and unusual source of demographic information. At the time of their conversion, the natives entered a written record that, so long as they and their descendants remained within the mission sphere of influence, kept track of them for an indefinite period thereafter, sometimes to the present day. As a result, we can find out a good deal about the aboriginal conditions of the natives as well as their behavior under the stress of European spiritual and material conquest. Despite great variation in time and place, there persists a certain uniformity in the response of the natives and in the clerical record of it which makes possible a study of the entire region on the northern border of colonial Mexico, that region which today is divided between two countries as the Mexican North and the American Southwest. At maximum, such a study can hope to trace the natives after conversion for two or three centuries. There is no need to examine the data on every locality and settlement. A series of samples should be quite adequate to the task.
The missions functioned also as parish churches for the non-Indian population, wherever it appeared, during the long periods that the missionaries were the only priests within the new-won territories. Accordingly, the mission records cover as well the so-called Hispanic population, the gente de razón . They
were all of European culture, but more often than not of varied genetic stock—sometimes pure European, most likely mixed European and Indian, sometimes with an admixture of Negro, occasionally pure Indian from one of the native groups farther south. This melting-pot came into being as garrisons and mining and agricultural communities formed on what was initially a frontier.[1] The data on this population make possible a further set of studies for a group with different responses to what for them was often a remarkably favorable environment.
Selection of sample sets of data must depend upon their survival and availability. Here our own searches quickly disclosed that not all mission records have survived the ravages of time and indifference of man; further, that not all of those that have survived are readily available. The expectation of the Spanish Crown was that after the initial period of conversion and indoctrination, which might last for some generations, the mission population would be ready to enter normal parish life. At that time the missions would be secularized—that is, turned over to the secular clergy—and special endowments of lands and other productive wealth would be turned over to the natives or held in trust for them.[2] Accordingly, in normal course, as missions were secularized, their churches became parish churches and the registers of the missions continued as normal parochial registers. The earlier books of baptisms, marriages, burials, and all others should have remained in the parishes or have been transferred to a diocesan archive of some kind. Missions that were abandoned for lack of parishioners should have had their registers moved to another parish or to a local diocesan archive. Unfortunately, what happened was more complex. Many registers were lost through neglect; others have passed into private possession. There has been relatively little effort to trace mission by mission the fate of such records and the location of registers that do survive. For much of northern Mexico, we were unable to obtain information on the whereabouts of early mission registers or indeed much information of any kind. It is only now, under a widening impulse to cultivate local history and anthropology in new forms, which is being
[1] See the discussion in "Racial Groups in the Mexican Population Since 1519," Cook and Borah, Essays , II, chap. 2, pp. 180–269.
[2] The policy of secularization and the controversies it evoked may be traced in Mariano Cuevas, Historia de la iglesia en México , II–V, passim , and in Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Mexico , III–IV, passim .
actively fostered by the National Institute of Anthropology and History in Mexico City, that inquiry is beginning into the whereabouts and state of such registers.[3] For Baja California, which long has excited interest on both sides of the international border—an interest that has extended particularly to the mission period—inquiries by a number of scholars indicate that few registers of the Jesuit period are known to survive, that considerably more of the Franciscan and Dominican period survive, and that there has been substantial dispersal of the materials.[4]
On the American side of the frontier, mission and parish registers for the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, covering the bulk of the Franciscan missionary zone of New Mexico, have been brought together in a central church archive, for which Fray Angélico Chávez, O.F.M., has published an excellent guide. From the guide, it is clear that all mission registers for the years prior to the Great Indian Uprising of 1680 have been lost, probably in 1680, and that much subsequent material has also disappeared. There remain, nevertheless, records and even runs of records for many missions and parishes, beginning, in general, at some time after the middle of the eighteenth century.[5] For another great Franciscan missionary province, California, there is still no up-to-date comprehensive guide. The registers are dispersed among the various dioceses, sometimes in a central diocesan archive, sometimes in the parish that succeeded the mission. The registers of Mission San Francisco de Solano are in
[3] For example, Cynthia Radding de Murrieta, "Problemática histórica para estudios de población en la subregión de Álamos, Sonora," and her Cátalogo del Archivo de la Parroquia de la Purísima Concepción which give an inventory of the remaining parish registers of Álamos. Father Lino Gómez Canedo, O.F.M., has found a good many parish records surviving in the regions of Franciscan activity in northeastern Mexico. See his introduction to Ignacio del Río, comp., A Guide to the Archivo Franciscano of the National Library of Mexico , I, pp. xliii–xlviii.
[4] The results of this inquiry are summarized in the discussion and table of Woodrow Borah, "Reflections on the Demographic History of the Peninsula of Baja California, 1534–1910." This paper is based on Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of the North Mexican States and Texas , I–II, passim ; Zephyrin Engelhardt, The Missions and Missionaries of California , I, Lower California, passim ; Peveril Meigs III, The Dominican Mission Frontier of Lower California , p. 181; Homer Aschmann, The Central Desert of Baja California: Demography and Ecology (IA 42), p. 276; Ellen C. Barrett, Baja California, 1535–1956: A Bibliography of Historical, Geographical and Scientific Literature , pp. xix-xx; George P. Hammond, ed. A Guide to the Manuscript Collections of the Bancroft Library , II, passim ; and the filmed card catalogue of the library of the Genealogical Society of Utah, Salt Lake City.
[5] Angélico Chávez, Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1678–1900, passim .
a civil deposit, the Bancroft Library of the University of California, Berkeley. Nevertheless, for the Alta California of the Hispanic period, survival of records has been extraordinarily, almost miraculously, good; and with the advent of microfilm, consultation of the registers has become increasingly easier. A thoroughly desirable further move to provide facilities for schol-
ars is under way in the concentration of microfilm of mission and parish registers for California, and the world as well, in the remarkable array of demographic materials of all kinds that is being assembled by the library of the Genealogical Society of Utah in Salt Lake City, with a branch library in Oakland, California.[6]
For the present paper, we chose as a sample the registers of eight missions in northern California, those situated in a continuous chain from San Luis Obispo in the south to San ta Clara in the north (see map). Listed in order of date of foundation, they are:[7]
San Carlos Borromeo, 3 June 1770
San Antonio de Padua, 14 July 1770
San Luis Obispo, 1 September 1772
Santa Clara, 12 January 1777
Santa Cruz, 28 August 1791
Nuestra Señora Dolorosísima de la Soledad, 9 October 1791 (We shall shorten this name to La Soledad.)
San Juan Bautista, 24 June 1797
San Miguel Arcángel, 25 July 1797
They fall by date of foundation into two groups, those founded between 1770 and 1777, and those founded between 1791 and 1797. The earlier group initiated the impact upon the aboriginal world of the California Indians from fourteen to twenty-one years before the second group; and to the extent that length of time was involved in the operation of this process, they were
[6] An excellent attempt to give the location and coverage of California mission registers, now unfortunately obsolescent, is J. N. Bowman, "The Parochial Books of the California Missions: 1961." Moving the manuscript originals of some of the registers, consequent on changes in diocesan boundaries, has already rendered much of the article out-of-date, although it is still very useful. The best guide to the present whereabouts of the mission registers, so far as its coverage goes, is probably the card catalogue of the library of the Genealogical Society of Utah in Salt Lake City. We have consulted it in a filmed copy at the Oakland, Calif., branch of the library. That catalogue lists only what the society has been able to film. In 1976 it did not have the registers of the southernmost missions in the jurisdiction of San Diego, nor those in the Archdiocese of San Francisco. The early registers of Mission San Jose, for example, are not available in the filmed copies of the society, which do contain the later registers, because the former are in the care of the Archdiocese of San Francisco. We can only hope that the society ultimately will be able to secure film of all registers, and so for the first time make consultation of them relatively simple. For some idea of the general holdings of the library, see Larry T. Wimmer and Clayne L. Pope, "The Genealogical Society Library of Salt Lake City: A Source of Data for Economic and Social Historians."
[7] Engelhardt, The Missions and Missionaries of California , II, pp. 74–78, 87–88, 103, 206, 216, 454, 494–496.
farther along in it by the time of secularization in 1834.[8] Within the earlier group is San Carlos Borromeo in Carmel, which served as parish church for the presidio and town at Monterey, eventually the capital of Alta California. It was the second mission established by Father Junípero Serra and was one of the major foci of religious and political effort in the later Spanish colonial empire. Its records also cover the longest span of any of the eight missions. All of the missions continued as parish churches after secularization.
Looked at in terms of native groups, the eight missions covered the bulk of the territory occupied by the Costanoan Indians, all of that occupied by the Esselen and Salinan linguistic bands, and at Mission San Luis Obispo incorporated the northernmost villages of the Chumash. Despite linguistic diversity, all of these Indians, with the possible exception of the Chumash, were basically of very similar culture.[9] The Costanoan territory extended considerably northward, so that many Costanoans received religious administration from Mission San Jose and Mission San Francisco de Asís (called alternatively, and more usually, Nuestra Señora de los Dolores). Inclusion of those missions in our sample would not, however, have given us a more uniform group, for they ministered to large numbers of coastal Miwok as well as other nearby groups. As Alfred Kroeber has commented, "Mission Dolores, at San Francisco, must have contained an extraordinary jumble."[10] The fact is that almost no mission dealt with a single linguistic or tribal group; rather, each mission was forced by the Spanish strategic need for a chain of posts along the coast, by slender resources in personnel and supplies, and by the fragmentation of the native population, to incorporate various linguistic groups into its jurisdiction. For many of the missions in the north, the "jumble" was accentuated in the nineteenth century as Indians were brought in from the Central Valley to replace the dying local population. Substantial numbers of Yokuts thus were added to the rolls.[11] Nevertheless, the eight missions do constitute a
[8] Ibid ., III, pp. 473–477 and 501–532, gives a particularly bitter account of secularization in California. Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of California , III, pp. 301–363, covers the plans, decrees, and eventual seizure of the mission lands.
[9] Alfred L. Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California , pp. 347–350, 462–473, 544–568, and maps in those pages on approximate boundaries.
[10] Ibid ., pp. 464–465.
[11] Ibid . and pp. 474–543, for a description of the Yokuts.
relatively homogeneous sample in terms of culture of the local native population and of general geographic conditions.
Within the territory of the eight missions, there also came into being a relatively substantial population of European culture. In addition to the garrisons at the missions and ranches, there were three nuclei: the presidio and eventually town of Monterey, founded at the same time as the mission, 3 June 1770; the pueblo of San Jose, founded 29 November 1777, approximately two miles southeast of Mission Santa Clara; and the pueblo of Branciforte, founded in May or June 1797 at the northern end of Monterey Bay near Mission Santa Cruz.[12] The pueblo of San Jose was much closer to Mission Santa Clara than to Mission San Jose, so that it used the religious services of Mission Santa Clara even after the establishment of Mission San Jose. These three nuclei, and especially the two of the presidio at Monterey and the pueblo at San Jose, give a sample of the people of European culture.
We found that the registers needed for our inquiry, namely those of baptisms, marriages, and burials, on the whole, were extant for the eight missions, but with certain losses and certain difficulties of access. The first book of marriages for Mission San Miguel Arcángel, covering the years 1797–1853,[13] was not available, because it was stored in the mission itself rather than the diocesan archive. The first book of burials of Mission La Soledad, beginning about 1791 and continuing to the end of the Hispanic period, officially is lost. It may be in private possession, lie mislaid in some church deposit, or have been destroyed. A happier story is that of the first book of burials of Mission San Antonio de Padua, which at the time of our extraction of data also was considered lost. Somehow it had drifted into private hands, but has now been returned to the diocesan archive in Monterey.[14] Finally, the first book of marriages of Mission San Luis Obispo was destroyed in a fire on 29 Novem-
[12] Bancroft, History of California , I, pp. 170–171, 311–313, and 568–571.
[13] The second book of the register of marriages begins in 1879, but 6 marriage entries, covering the years 1854–1858, occur at the end of the first book of baptisms. For further information, see Bowman, pp. 309–315.
[14] Ibid ., pp. 303–315. At some time before the First World War, Father Zephyrin Engelhardt (Mission Nuestra Señora de la Soledad , pp. 61–67) examined the first book of burials of Mission La Soledad; the book has disappeared since then. We are led to conjecture that it may have been mislaid, as was the first book of marriages of San Miguel Arcángel, or may have drifted into private hands, as happened to the first book of burials of San Antonio de Padua.
ber 1776, according to a notation by Father Junípero Serra in the new book he ordered prepared as replacement. The new book attempts to replace the lost entries from the Status Animarum or padron of the Indians and from popular knowledge. It was not possible to reconstruct the detail of the exact day, the witnesses, and much other information.[15] Thus approximately the first 45 entries lack as full information as the others, and for our purposes turned out to be unusable.
The three sets of mission registers that interest us here were part of a larger series of records kept at each mission under instructions from the parent Colegio de Propaganda Fide de San Fernando de México, which trained and supervised the early Franciscan missionaries in California. In addition to accounts, each mission was supposed to keep, and did keep, the following groups:
1. Register of Baptisms
2. Register of Confirmations
3. Register of Marriages
4. Register of Burials
5. The Status Animarum , or Padron, or census roll, which recorded the names of married adults, their children, widows, and widowers, with detail on date of birth, baptism, and origin or native village.
6. The Libro de Patentes , in which were transcribed documents of importance and circular letters of higher authorities, civil and ecclesiastical.
The books constituting each register were bound in flexible leather with sides that overlapped. The paper within, of good quality to take ink, measured approximately 8 by 11 3/4 inches. During the Hispanic period the books with blank paper were supplied by the Colegio de Propaganda Fide de San Fernando, and usually had from 300 to 350 leaves. The first and last leaves of each volume were usually left blank, the title being written on the obverse of the second folio. Invariably the first book of baptisms has, following the title page, a brief history of the founding of the mission; all volumes may have some leaves devoted to data that especially interested the missionaries and authorities. The entries are written in ink and signed by the priest who officiated at the rite. Usually a margin of perhaps an inch was left for a running number within each register, contin-
[15] Engelhardt, Mission San Luis Obispo in the Valley of the Bears , p. 186.
ued into the following books of the same register. Within the margin the priests might note the names of the people baptized, married, or buried; whether Indian or gente de razón; if Indian, the village or ranchería; and so on.[16]
At best the information in the registers of baptisms, marriages, and burials is extensive. At a maximum, the baptismal entries give information for each individual which includes the date of birth, age when baptized, the Christian and sometimes the heathen name, the native village of the heathen Indian, the parents, their place of birth if known, and the nature of their relation to each other. The marriage entries give the name, the place of origin, the names of the parents, whether or not they were married, and the previous marital history of each of the new spouses. The burial entries list the name of the decedent, his village or tribal origin; sometimes the age and if not that, whether adult or child; the cause of death, if important; and religious information concerning last rites and burial. Clearly, if in every case the officiating clergyman collected and recorded all the data which was possibly pertinent, the vital record would be as voluminous and accurate as any contemporary registration system could devise. Regrettably, he was not always able or willing to do so. The entries as they are in the registers represent usually a transcription or enlargement from notes made at the time of the rite. Transcription permitted the priest to cast the entries in a more nearly common form, but pressure of ministration might delay transcription and, one suspects, in serious emergencies even lead to long delays and loss of notes. Moreover, within the requirements set by the Church, there was no fixed form which had to be adhered to. The individual priest wrote what he wished in the way he wished. In the vast spaces of California it was almost impossible to apply strict supervision, and the occasional visitas , which included inspection of the registers and the form in which they were kept, are invariably commendatory, regardless of what may have been said in private.
As we have already suggested, the mission registers permit us to examine the records of two distinct ethnic categories, although the format of the entries is the same for both. One
[16] The system and format of mission registers are described with care in Engelhardt, Mission San Carlos Borromeo (Carmelo) , p. 224, and San Miguel Arcángel , p. 40. See also Bowman, pp. 303–304.
group is the Indians, both as heathen at the moment of conversion and subsequently as neophytes in the mission. The other consists of what might loosely be called the white men, the gente de razón, predominantly Spaniards and Mexicans, who came with the missionaries and who supplied the manpower for the civil and military establishment. With them came their families. All were forced to rely upon the missionaries for religious services, for until the middle 1830's there were no parishes, and even after the secularization of the missions the former missionaries continued to function as parish priests. It was only in 1836, fifteen years after the independence of Mexico, that the Mexican national government decided to request the Pope to detach the Californias, Alta and Baja, from the Bishopric of Sonora. The formalities took four years and resulted in consecration of a bishop with see in San Diego.[17] Thereafter the American annexation led finally to the creation of a more elaborate arrangement of dioceses and the entrance of substantial numbers of new clergy. The process may be traced in the registers in the 1850's in the appearance of non-Hispanic priests, and a tentative choice of a language other than Spanish for the entries that eventually settled on Latin as the best compromise between Spanish and English. Thus, at first small in numbers, the people of European culture eventually came to outweigh the native element and to fill most of the pages of the mission books. At the end of the mission period and for two decades subsequently, the non-Hispanic people—that is, the Anglo-Americans, the French, the Irish, and other nationalities—began to make their numbers felt, despite the steady growth of the Hispanic population by natural increase and by immigration during the Gold Rush. During the 1850's they came to supersede the Hispanic component as the dominant ethnic group of European culture.
It is theoretically possible to make an analysis of the birth, marriage, and death status of the two fundamental racial groups, Indian and Caucasian, and to study also certain other parameters, such as racial fusion. Furthermore, we should be able to study the mixing of subcomponent groups within each of the dominant racial groups. However, in practice we are
[17] Engelhardt, The Missions and Missionaries of California , IV pp. 90–91 and 195; Bancroft, History of California , IV, pp. 64–65.
restricted to the data which actually can be extracted from the registers. The restrictions are onerous. They vary greatly from mission to mission and within each book as new priests assumed responsibility and imposed their personal preferences and idiosyncracies. Nevertheless, they may be summarized in the following fashion:
To begin with, there are the usual technical difficulties, some of which have already been mentioned: illegible handwriting; poor copy because of the deterioration of the paper (perhaps most of all through overuse)[18] or penetration of ink to the other side of the leaf; all sorts of minor errors; and different formats, depending upon the priest and the exigencies of the moment. The result is that in all too many instances accessory information is lacking, such as identity of parents or birthplace of converts and couples being married. Even ages, where they are stated, are not exact. Usually the missionaries guessed at approximate age, given with the qualification "about" (cerca de ) or as a range, e.g., 10–15 years. Naturally there was a great deal of heaping. Indeed, in the age groups over 40 years, the vast majority of persons were specified as being precisely 50, 60, or 70 years of age. Such imprecision in stating age is characteristic of similar records in the European world of the time.
More serious than inaccuracy in reporting, however, is the frequent and for some missions almost universal lack of any age statement at all. For Mission San Carlos Borromeo, one of the worst offenders in this regard, in both the marriage and burial registers indication of age beyond the categories of child and adult is completely missing. In the registers of other missions, there is a greater range of reporting age, up to very good. In consequence, direct tabulation of age at death is sometimes possible and sometimes impossible; for all deaths recorded in the registers of the eight missions, it is, of course, impossible. Baptismal data are better, for the entries in the baptismal registers of the eight missions do give ages for two groups of people, the heathen Indians at the time of conversion, and the
[18] Virtually all holders of the mission registers now provide microfilm for the use of the public, as a result of the deterioration in the manuscripts brought about by much consultation. Unfortunately, the microfilm usually has been hastily made, without the care needed to make the film truly legible.
children of both Indians and gente de razón who were born under the auspices of the clergy. Since the Church insisted that a newly-born infant be baptized as quickly after birth as possible, we can be reasonably certain that a párvulo of any ethnic origin was, in general, no more than a few days or weeks old at the time of baptism. To be sure, baptism might be delayed even longer for reasons of health, distance from the mission, or long spells of inclement weather, but such instances are a small percentage of the baptisms of párvulos and more likely to be found among those of the children of the gente de razón than among those of the Indians, for the Indian settlements were either at the mission or visited fairly regularly and frequently by the missionaries.
The difficulty in securing adequate data on age at death would be insurmountable were it not for the custom, well developed in some missions but not in others, of writing in the margin of the entry of death in the register of burials the baptismal number of the person if he had been baptized in the same mission. It thus becomes feasible, at considerable labor, to check back to the number in the book of baptisms, where either the birth or the age at conversion ordinarily will be noted. Then the difference in dates permits the estimate of age at death. We have done so by full year rather than to month and day. If we assume that the age at baptism is correctly recorded, this estimate will be correct to within plus or minus one year, surely so in the case of newborn children, but much less so and with increasing error for higher ages in the case of converts. Even for newborn children the error is large by present-day standards; but the procedure is the best that can be obtained, because to calculate according to the month and the day of baptism or death would involve an inordinate additional amount of labor which, in most instances, would be wasted. We therefore, as a practical measure, are forced to rely upon averages by full year.
A number of our eight missions adhered faithfully to the custom of including the baptismal number in each death entry for which it was possible. Mission San Carlos Borromeo did not. Since its registers presented the worst problems for our study, we describe those problems in some detail. The registers of the other missions presented similar problems in varying but lesser degree. In the burial registers of Mission San Carlos Borromeo during the several blocks of years, representing different mission
administrations, the baptismal numbers, with few exceptions, are omitted. In the remaining burial entries, the omissions of baptismal numbers occur frequently. The only sequence which is internally complete is that between 1799 and 1805 (nos. 1,287 to 1,604). The years from the foundation of the mission in 1770 to 1793 have been studied in detail by a previous investigator, almost certainly Monsignor James Culleton, who worked out the burials in detail. He wrote lightly in the margin the appropriate baptismal number beside the entry for each decedent, thus rectifying the omission of the missionary. Since these numbers are legible in the microfilm, which we consulted in lieu of the manuscript register, we were able to use them and here record our gratitude.
With these exceptions, the only way in which one may recover the age of decedents without baptismal number—and they constitute at least half the total at Mission San Carlos Borromeo—is to track them down one by one according to their Christian name. We had therefore to go through the pertinent sections of the burial register and write down the personal name and year of death of each decedent. Then the entire register of baptisms had to be examined within the years covered in our study, and each name checked against the list of those whose deaths were recorded in the mission.
For San Carlos Borromeo, close to 1,500 names were thus checked. Of these, 1,228 were found in the baptismal register. By difference, the age of death could be estimated for these to within one year. The remainder, 277 names, were not found in the baptismal register. The reasons for the deficiency are manifold. Many names were hopeless duplicates; others had undergone changes during the person's lifetime; in some instances the reconciliation was missed by sheer inadvertence. Indeed, the fact that nearly 82% of the missing ages at death were recovered must be counted something of an achievement.
Our final result for San Carlos Borromeo, however, leaves a good deal to be desired, for the aggregate number of ages at death obtained through all methods by no means equalled the number of Indian baptisms. This deficiency is demonstrated by certain totals obtained through examination of all the entries in the baptismal and burial registers of Mission San Carlos Borromeo for the years of our study. A direct count showed that 2,836 Indians were baptized between foundation of the mission
and its secularization at the end of 1834.[19] Of these, 1,541 were converted gentiles and 1,295 were neophytes born in the mission. Of the former, the death entries for 1,117, or 72.5%, can be identified in the register of burials; of the latter, 893, or 69%. Collectively, of the 2,836 Indians baptized at Mission San Carlos Borromeo, 2,010, or 70.9%, have been identified as having died in the mission. Those 277 whose deaths are recorded but whose names have not been found in the baptismal record must be added to the identified dead, making 2,287 in all. There still remain, however, 549, or nearly that number, who were baptized but disappeared without trace from the mission record.
Several reasons for the shortage can be suggested. The first is that in some instances the priest was unable to or neglected to record the death. The latter contingency would have been very rare, but circumstances sometimes threw an almost unbearable load upon the missionaries. The epidemic of 1802 at Mission San Carlos was a case in point, for during several weeks the missionaries were so occupied with the care of the sick and the administration of the last rites to the dying that they were unable to keep the record up-to-date, and easily may have failed to record numerous deaths. A second source of loss derives from the fact that many of those Indians who entered the mission survived past secularization and were buried elsewhere. As is well known, all missions, including San Carlos Borromeo, underwent in the middle 1830's what in some instances amounted to complete disintegration.[20] The neophytes spread out into the surrounding countryside and merged with the civil population or, if they had been brought from a distance, returned to their native territory. When many of these people died, their decease was not recorded in the local mission register. Some may have moved to the jurisdiction of other missions, the registers of which do record their deaths, but such entries are even more difficult to track down.
[19] The total of baptisms differs from any tabulated to date, as stated in Sherburne F. Cook, The Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970 , p. 29. The reason lies in differing cut-off dates and, in part, in somewhat different criteria of selection. The same discrepancies will show up, in general, for all our data on baptisms, marriages, and burials for all eight of the missions. The data we adduce in this study are new assemblies based upon a new reading of the registers.
[20] The plundering of the missions by civil administrators, and the exploitation of the Indians, may be traced in some detail in Bancroft, History of California , III–IV. Bancroft, although sympathetic to the concept of secularization, admits that it was a disaster in California (IV, pp. 43–44).
A third source of loss arises from those Indian neophytes who departed the missions even prior to secularization. They were the fugitives who caused so much trouble to the missionaries. Most of them preferred the old, primitive, free ways, and upon absconding from the mission reverted to their aboriginal mode of living. The burial register of Mission San Carlos Borromeo records several instances as early as 1780–1790 of neophytes who went to die in their old rancherías among the heathen. The volume of this kind of desertion was augmented notably in the last years of the missions, and undoubtedly accounts for a great many of the missing burial entries.
In any event, it is evident that we must deal with a sample of the total Indian population which, at San Carlos Borromeo, is of the order of 70%. With the converted gentiles, fugitivism or absenteeism in some form was the chief cause of loss. Although there may have been appreciable bias in favor of the younger adult age group, the effect probably was not serious, and the sample, therefore, would reflect more or less faithfully the response of the whole. Since very few heathen were admitted to the mission community at San Carlos Borromeo after 1804, the disintegration of mission society upon secularization at that mission would have affected the death records only of those persons older than 30 years. Hence, there might have been a reduction in the apparent number of deaths at the mature or older phases of life. It is impossible to state how severe this curtailment may have been.
The neophytes who were born in Mission San Carlos Borromeo were less likely to have absconded permanently than those who were accustomed to the heathen existence of their youth. Far more important for the participation of the former group in the demographic history of the mission is the fact that they were continuously produced from the earliest years to the end of the mission period. Hence in 1834, the surviving Indians born in the mission would show a spectrum of ages from newly-born to perhaps 60 years old. However, many of these survivors outlived mission supervision, and their deaths might never be recorded or might be recorded elsewhere. Hence, the sample available in the burial register includes only 70% of those who were born in the mission and were itemized in the baptismal entries. This problem is discussed further in the section below on the neophytes who were born in the mission.
In general, what we have stated about the data taken from
the registers of Mission San Carlos Borromeo applies to the data from the other missions. We estimate that we have been able to obtain approximately a 70% sample for each of the other five missions for which we have obtained information on burials. A problem of considerably lesser dimension than for the Mission San Carlos Borromeo registers arose for those burial registers which almost invariably identified baptismal number, in that some of the baptismal numbers turned out to be wrong and we were not always able to locate the correct entry. The effect was to reduce our identifications by something less than 1%. Perhaps the major difference in the data from some of the other missions and those from San Carlos Borromeo lies in the fact that upon exhausting the pool of local Indians within the mission territory—a circumstance that occurred at some time between 1804 and 1815 at different missions—a number of missions turned to the Central Valley for new converts, the so-called Tulareños or Tulares, who were almost all Yokuts, but were given their name in mission records because they came from the great reed swamps of the southern San Joaquin Valley. (The reeds were called tules in Mexican Spanish, from Nahuatl tollin or tullin , a reed; tular is a collective form.) The bringing in of the Tulareños meant a new population of somewhat different age distribution when it entered the mission records. At the time of secularization, the Tulareños still included substantial numbers of neophytes who could remember aboriginal life and were younger than similar groups among the local Indians. Accordingly, we have tried in our tabulations to keep data on the Tulareños or Tulares separate from the series for local gentiles. At the time of secularization, and afterwards for those who remained within the recording of the missions converted to parishes, the disintegration of both local and Tulareño Indians was bringing about a substantial amount of intermarriage, as the search for new marriage partners among widows and widowers broke down linguistic and cultural differences.
2—
The Gentile Component of Mission Indians
We first examine data on the heathen Indians who were brought to Christianity at the missions. Our information for this section comes from the baptism and burial registers. We must segregate our data into the two distinct groups of heathen who were
brought to the missions, the local gentiles (the missionary term), and the Tulares, for they came at different periods and had somewhat different characteristics. For the local gentiles, the process of conversion began as soon as the local mission was founded and lasted for periods ranging from 33 years to as little as 17 years after the foundation of the mission. At San Carlos Borromeo the period of conversion of local gentiles lasted from 1771 to 1804; at Santa Cruz, from 1791 to 1814; at San Juan Bautista, from 1797 to 1814. The changing content of the baptismal registers indicates clearly the ending of the initial period.
During the phase of conversion of the local population, the missionaries went out into the countryside in a continuing series of visits and brought to the mission those heathen who could be persuaded to come. Baptism came some time later, when the missionaries were persuaded that the Indians understood the rudiments of Christianity and were ready. If the selection of converts was entirely random with respect to age, and if the remaining population continued in a state of equilibrium, suffering merely the losses due to withdrawal to the mission, then the age distribution of the converts, regardless of the time involved, should be an accurate reflection of that of the aboriginal pool. Two circumstances render these assumptions untenable.
In the first place, the selection of converts may have been nearly random, but it was not quite so. For example, at Mission San Carlos Borromeo, of the first 50 baptisms, 4 were adults over 20 years of age, 9 were aged from 10 to 19, and the remaining 31 were children under 10 years. Later, groups of middle-aged or elderly adults were brought in. To be sure, these variations cancel out over a period of years, but short-term data are likely to be unreliable. In the second place, the residue of the native population was adversely affected. The social and economic balance, which even in a primitive society is delicate, was upset by the mere withdrawal of numerous individuals. Furthermore, the native community, close to and in contact with the mission, was exposed to the diseases introduced by the gente de razón and communicated with devastating effect to the neophytes.
Since conversion operated continuously upon a population steadily diminishing for other causes, the total conversions recorded by the missions could never equal the aboriginal total,
even though the last native was swept up. How near it came to this total depended upon local circumstances. Cook has estimated elsewhere that the ratio of aboriginal population to conversions would be somewhere between 1.2 and 2.0.[21] For the eight missions here under study, the process of conversion went forward relatively smoothly: there was little physical conflict; there were no unusual epidemics. Hence a factor of 1.5 is possible. If so, and if 13,971 persons were converted, the pre-contact population of the area of our eight missions would have been approximately 21,000 just before 1770.[22]
Conversion of Indians from the Central Valley began only after the pool of local gentiles was exhausted. A series of expeditions to the Central Valley brought in Yokuts who had been persuaded or induced to come to the missions for conversion. Conversion of the Tulareños, a second phase of missionization, began sometime between 1805 and 1816 and was still under way at the time that the secularization of the missions brought it to an end. Three of our eight missions—San Carlos Borromeo, perhaps too far to the west, and San Miguel Arcángel and San Luis Obispo, the southernmost—did not participate in the conversion of the Tulares. San Antonio de Padua entered upon such conversion later than the other missions, since most of its baptisms of Tulares occurred in the years 1834–1838. Since the conversion of the Tulares was under way but far from completed at the end of the mission period, our figure of 4,020 Tulares baptized, which would indicate an aboriginal pool of perhaps 5,000 to 8,000, cannot be taken as an indication of the aboriginal numbers of the Yokuts. Cook has elsewhere estimated that as being of the order of 50,000.[23]
In Table 3.1 we list the percentages of local gentiles and Tulares baptized. For convenience, we give the total of such baptisms for all eight missions as well; the numbers for each mission are given in Table 3.2. The totals of baptisms for each category represent new counts and differ somewhat from those given in earlier work. Some of the difference arises from normal
[21] Cook, The Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970 , pp. 22–27.
[22] With very small discrepancy, this total is in agreement with that in The Population of the California Indians , pp. 20–43. Our total here does not make provision for Mission San Francisco de Asís and Mission San Jose.
[23] Cook, The Aboriginal Population of the San Joaquin Valley, California, passim , but esp. p. 70. The discussion does not separate out the Yokuts clearly, since it proceeds by area and subarea.
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human disagreement on the totals of long counts; some because of the discarding of entries not giving the information wanted here; yet others because of differences in years included. In the case of Mission Santa Clara, for example, our figure for local gentiles baptized is 4,139. That is for the years 1777 to 1810 inclusive. We have omitted another 105 baptized in the years 1811 to 1834, since they fell outside the main period. If they are added to our total, we arrive at 4,244 local gentiles baptized, as compared with the figure 4,240 used by Cook in earlier work.[24]
Our purpose in compiling Table 3.1 is to give an idea of the relative weight of each mission in conversions. Mission Santa Clara was the giant, accounting for 29.6% of local gentile and 45.6% of Tulare baptisms. The next most active mission in conversion of local gentiles (San Antonio de Padua) accounted for less than half as many. Mission San Juan Bautista, which was fourth in conversion of local gentiles, was second in conversions of Tulares. One can explain the differences in baptisms of local gentiles in terms of local numbers available, ease of access, and
[24] Cook, The Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970 , pp. 29–30.
the longer existence of some missions, but those terms do not fully explain differences in the conversions of Tulares. One would expect Mission Santa Clara and the easternmost missions to have accounted for most, or all, of the Tulare baptisms, but such an expectation cannot explain why Mission Santa Cruz should be third in number of Tulare baptisms, nor does it fully account for the role of Mission Santa Clara as the most prominent in such baptisms. One suspects that the Franciscan administration of the province, perhaps in consultation with civil officials, made decisions on allocations.
In Table 3.2 we show the distribution of age among converts at the eight missions at the time of baptism. The table is in the format we use for all further tables in this essay: a summary, followed by the data on each mission if available, the missions being arranged not in the order of foundation but in geographical location from north to south. Where pertinent, this table is divided into part A, local gentiles, and part B, Tulares, to test differences that may show up. As we have already indicated, the total usable baptisms of local gentiles come to 13,971, and those of Tulares to 4,020. Ages are arranged by 5-year intervals up to 24 years of age, and by 10-year intervals thereafter. The data do not warrant finer subdivisions. In order to achieve uniformity and to avoid heaping, the mean value of baptisms per year of age is shown for each period of time. Finally, the number of persons found in each age period is expressed as a percentage of total baptisms, and the age periods are grouped in larger units—0– 9, 10–24, 25–64, and 65 plus—to discern broader patterns of age distribution.
The two parts of the table indicate at once that there is considerable variation in the data from the missions for both local gentiles and Tulares. Furthermore, there is considerable difference in the age distributions of local gentiles and Tulares. In general, the local gentiles have high values for infants (but Mission San Luis Obispo is a puzzling exception) and low ones for aged, as one would expect. For the relatively small proportion of local gentiles in the age group 10 to 14, particularly evident at Mission San Carlos Borromeo and Mission San Antonio de Padua, we have no ready explanation; neither do we have one for the lower proportions, on the whole, in the age groups from 10 to 24. Otherwise, the age groups among the local gentiles, if placed on a graph, would show a remarkably
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smooth curve. There is little doubt that it represents the normal aboriginal condition among the native populations of the area—a high birth rate and a high death rate, which together result in a large youthful and a small aged population. The Tulares, in general, show larger values for the age groups 10 to 24, and so come nearer normal expectation in an aboriginal population, but on the other hand have considerably lower percentages than the local gentiles in the age groups 0–9. The deficiency is most marked in age group 0–4. Since they had to be brought considerable distances over rough terrain, the explanation may be that Yokuts with infants were more reluctant to attempt the journey or that, if they did, a substantial proportion of the infants died on the journey.
The next steps in our examination of data require some preceding reflection on the nature of the sample. First, we are dependent on the statement of age in the death entries, made
by the missionaries. We have already commented on the problems in such statements. Second, we have noted that for only about 70% of those baptized is there an identifiable burial record. Any consideration of the mortality displayed by gentile converts in the missions must start with that fact, for one important result is that if we use only the 70% sample, as we must, the older age groups will be spuriously truncated progressively among those baptized during the later years of the mission period, since we cannot trace them past the middle 1830's. It therefore becomes mandatory for certain purposes to exclude the deaths which occurred beyond a relatively early age and to delete those gentiles who were baptized toward the end of the years of active conversion.
Basically we have here what is actually two distinct immigrant populations, a larger one and a smaller one, the entrance of both spread over a span of years. Accordingly, the formulation of ages cannot be considered a census. On the other hand, the deaths, within the limitations mentioned above, can be arranged in the form of a life table, where the age-specific death rates of the populations (qx ) can be shown, as well as the mean expectation of life (ex ) for each 10-year or 5-year age group. We have done so in Table 3.3. In this table the elimination of those gentiles who were baptized toward the end of the mission period has deleted the Tulares of all missions except Santa Clara. Hence the data shown are for local gentiles only, except for the division of the part of the table devoted to Mission Santa Clara into two parts, A for local gentiles and B for Tulares. For that reason, further, we do not repeat the data on the Tulares in the summary. The exact value of e x at birth is very dubious, because there were abnormally few deaths in the first age group, 0–4 years, while the values for the older age groups are probably too high because of fugitivism and survival past 1834. Similarly, the value of ex for the last age group should be regarded as a convention, since we have little evidence on which to calculate the true value. These features are also seen in the distribution of age at death (D x ). The Tulares at Mission Santa Clara show a distribution that is somewhat different from that of the local gentiles at the same mission, but actually nearer that of the local gentiles in general. The greater value of e x for the age group 0–4 may well be due to deficiency of data.
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There is little value in attempting to set this pseudo-life table alongside the many models available in the literature, for it is established by the peculiar and individual circumstances surrounding the Christianization of these particular Indians. It is, however, of value for the purpose of comparison among the eight missions and with other missions within the same province and elsewhere.
An alternative approach to the problem of mortality among the converted Indians is through an examination of survivorship in the missions. The essential point is that, whereas in constructing a normal or ordinary life table we reckon the age at death from birth of each person, here we take the difference in years between age at death and age at conversion. Thus we deal with the number of years the neophyte lived after entering the new environment, an event which was signalized by the ceremony of baptism. It may be noted that this examination of survivorship under altered conditions can be applied to any segment of a population which has been generated by mass migration so as to form a new demographic entity. Furthermore, since we use the interval of two events recorded as each occurred, and make that calculation of interval ourselves, the data are free from the inaccuracies of missionary knowledge or estimate of age.
Table 3.4A shows the number of years survived, in intervals of five years each, by the gentiles who were baptized in the decades between 1770 and 1809. We have data for six missions. For two missions, San Juan Bautista and San Miguel Arcángel, we have included data to 1815. The main table deals only with local gentiles, but we have included an appendix on the Tulares at Santa Clara with data from 1805 to 1834. The earlier the decade, the more complete the data. Our data, with very few exceptions, have a definite cut-off, manifest for those who lived to the period of secularization. This feature is evident in the lack of data, in general, for survivors in the 1800–1809 group of more than 30 years and in the 1790–1799 group of more than 40 years. We have attempted to minimize the difficulties arising from the cut-off date by calculating the percentages and medians for those who survived less than 30 years in the missions, as well as for those who survived to the full 49 years provided in the categories of the table. The error introduced by our inability to trace survivors after secularization is of an order at which we can only guess. We estimate 2 to 3%—a magnitude which is considerable, especially since it weighs upon the longer terms of years of survival, but in the circumstances is not fatal.
Table 3.4A exhibits certain features easily noticeable. In general, there is a progressive gradation in survival regardless of age at baptism and calendar year of conversion. Even more striking is the degree of variation in the experience at each mission, which is smoothed out in the summary. Mission San
Carlos Borromeo shows a comparatively uniform picture, with little change during the mission period. The median span of years for all local gentiles surviving less than 30 years at the mission was close to 8.9 years, and for the entire group surviving up to 49 years, the median was close to 10.2. The best record in terms of survivorship was that of Mission San Luis Obispo, at which the median span of years for local gentiles surviving less than 30 years after baptism was 12.7, and for the entire group surviving up to 49 years, 15.62 years. The other missions show considerably poorer records, with sharp variation in the experience of those baptized in one decade from that of those baptized in other decades. At Mission Santa Clara, for example, those baptized in the decade 1780–1789 show a median experience of 8.41 years of survival for those who survived less than 30 years after baptism and 9.61 for those who survived up to 49 years after baptism. For those baptized in the decade 1790–1799, the medians fell respectively to 4.22 and 4.35. In terms of survival after baptism, there was very real good or bad fortune according to the mission the local gentile was in. The difference in experience shows up very clearly in the totals for each mission and in the degree of variation among the cohorts. Experience for the Tulares at Mission Santa Clara, incidentally, appears to have been slightly more favorable than for local gentiles, but the differences may be more apparent than real because of greater nearness to the cut-off years of secularization. We are at this time unable to account for the high degree of variation in the experience of most missions and for the great variability from mission to mission. We can only suggest that a reexamination of the history of these missions with this table in mind may well yield new and perhaps unexpected insights.
One question of considerable interest concerns the length of time the same Indians would have survived if they had remained in their aboriginal culture and had not been gathered into missions—even more if they had not had any contact with the Europeans. There is, of course, no basis at this time for an answer. The unavoidable establishment of contact with Europeans would have brought the diseases of the Old World in any event. If the coastal Indians of central California had not experienced the perhaps benign regime of the Franciscan missions, their fate might have been even harsher under a civil regime of some kind, or under another European subculture.
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In Table 3.4B the data from Table 3.4A for the total number of gentiles of all ages baptized from 1770–1809, for whom we also have death entries, have been recast in the form of a life table. Since we have data on local gentiles for six missions in Table 3.4A, we have data for them for the same missions in Table 3.4B, plus an appendix on the Tulares of Mission Santa Clara. The critical columns are qx and ex . The variability of experience in the six missions in Table 3.4A shows up again in Table 3.4B. Column ex tells us that the expectancy of survival of a gentile upon conversion to Christianity was highest at Mission San Luis Obispo, with 17.4 years; next best at San Miguel Arcángel, with 14.9 years, and third best at Mission San Carlos Borromeo, with 13.3 years. It was poorest at Mission Santa Cruz, with 8.6 years. For all six missions it was 11.6 years. At Santa Clara, it was 9.6 for local gentiles and 7.8 for Tulares, a difference that is to be explained in part by the shorter run of data on the Tulares and our inability to trace many of the longer-lived converts. The differences in values between these figures and the medians shown in Table 3.4A are due to the differences in weighting of the older members of the population.
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The value of ex for survivorship is, of course, much less than the corresponding expectation of life at birth found in Table 3.3. In general, the values for ex move downward in a smooth curve for the groups showing longer survivorship, except for Mission Santa Clara, where the value for the group surviving 0–4 years is markedly less than that for survivors 5–9 years and slightly inferior to survivors 10–14 years; and Mission San Juan Bautista, where the value for survivors 5–9 years is slightly inferior to that for survivors 10– 14 years. The anomaly at Mission San Juan Bautista may be dismissed as a random variation of small significance, but that at Mission Santa Clara points to heavier mortality in the first years after baptism than at other missions.
If we turn our attention to column qx , we find a numerical expression of the very high death rate, which, with some variation, rises slowly, but is relatively stable for most missions at between 300 and 400 per thousand up to 25 years after baptism. The better chance for survival at Missions San Luis Obispo and San Miguel Arcángel is evident in distinctly lower death rates up to the group of 25–29 years of survival.
It is of further interest to discover whether length of survival in the mission varied with the age at conversion. In order to do this, we re-sort the data by specific age at conversion, in particular of the younger component. The first is 0–1 years. The double year is necessary because only the full year is used for age determination, and baptism did not necessarily coincide with birth. If a child was born on 31 December 1779 and died on 2 January 1780, he would have lived less than one year, or 0 years, but he would be recorded as having been 1 year of age. If
he was born on 2 January 1779 and died on 31 December 1780, he would still be recorded as only 1 year of age. On the other hand, if both baptism and death fell within the same year, the age would be 0 years. The second age group will be 2–4, the third 5–9, and so on.
The numbers are given in Table 3.5, together with the mean and median age of survival for each age group of converts. We have data on the local gentiles for six missions and on the Tulares for Mission Santa Clara, the latter placed in an appendix as in the preceding tables. Table 3.5 also shows the percentage of each age group who survived less than 2 full years. These values are calculated for the converts who survived as long as 29 years, and for those who survived as long as 49 years. Since we use the same data as for Tables 3.4A and 3.4B, there will be, in general, the same variability among missions, even though the data have been arranged in another way.
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From Table 3.5 we may draw three conclusions. First, the survival time was very short among the youngest converts, those under 2 years of age. Second, after the age of 2 years, the survival time for the local gentiles in the summary for the six missions shows a consistent mean of 10 to 14 years for those who were from 3 to 44 years of age at the time of baptism. The medians for the same age groups are somewhat lower. This phenomenon is illustrated also in Table 3.4A, where persons of all ages are consolidated. The summary sheet averages out, of course, considerably wider variation in the means for each mission; but, in general, for each mission there is the same pattern, although the exact range of the means and medians varies. Third, the survival time became much shorter in the two groups aged 45–64 and 65 and over at the time of baptism. This finding is, of course, to be expected, for the duration of life under any circumstances is truncated severely in this range of years. In general, then, if we omit from consideration a high infant mortality and the normal curtailment of life at what was then great age, we find the average survival time of converts among local gentiles to be remarkably uniform in a series of ranges varying for each mission, but which for all six missions show a value not far from 10 years if survival is limited to 29 years and 12 years if survival time is extended to 49 years. The Tulares, because of paucity of data and the special circumstances of their entrance into mission life, present a case apart, which nevertheless had somewhat higher values of survival in the aggregate than those for the local gentiles at Mission Santa Cruz. There may have been a weeding out of some of the weaker individuals in the selection of converts and in the long journey from the Central Valley to the coastal missions.
3—
The Neophytes Born in the Missions
The children born to Indian parents who were converts constitute for our purposes the first generation of native-born, corresponding to the children born in the new environment to any group of immigrants. Since they were baptized immediately or almost immediately after birth, their age at baptism may be taken uniformly as 0 years, and indeed can be allocated to categories expressed in days or weeks. Their lives were spent in the missions or under the influence of the missionaries. They
resorted relatively little to fugitivism, and most of their deaths which occurred prior to secularization may be found in the burial register. Our overall sample is excellent, since we have the age at death for approximately 70% of those baptized. The majority of the 30% whose names are not in the burial registers survived the final dissolution of the missions in the middle 1830's.
At each mission, gentile conversions ceased after a span of years, varying from mission to mission, as the pool of local gentiles was exhausted. Births at the mission, on the contrary, continued up to and indeed beyond the final years. Consequently, there is a progressively diminishing age beyond which one would not expect to find the deaths of those born in the mission because of the scattering of the neophytes upon secularization. Our best information on age at death is on the first few cohorts born at the missions, since the life spans of those cohorts were by and large concluded by the end of the mission period. For example, for the cohort born in the years 1775–1779, our first, we have the age at death for 119 of the 135 recorded as baptized, that is, for 88.1%. In general, the proportion of deaths known to baptisms recorded declines as the cohorts move toward 1834. For the cohort born in 1825–1829, our information on age at death covers 63.4%, but for the cohort 1830–1834, the last, we have age at death only for 31.1%. This fact puts a limit on the parameters in vital statistics which may be analyzed for this population. We cannot plot the distribution of age at death; we cannot formulate a proper life table; we cannot determine the survival time of those born in the mission. There are left, however, two possibilities for studying the births which occurred in the missions. One of these is an analysis of the cohorts as they came into being with the passage of the years. The other is through the annual reports of the missionaries at each mission listing the total number of neophytes, since through those we can estimate the approximate crude birth rate. We first discuss the former possibility.
In Table 3.6 we present the data on 5-year cohorts of Indians born in the mission, beginning with the quinquennium 1775–1779. Prior to 1775, only 9 were baptized, 6 at San Carlos Borromeo and 3 at San Luis Obispo; we have omitted them as too small a number to consider. From the quinquennium 1775–1779, increasing numbers of neophytes were born
in the missions, the total for all missions rising from 135 in 1775–1779 to 918 in 1805–1809, when it reached an all-time peak. Thereafter the total fell to 778 in 1810–1814 but rose to 901 in 1820–1824. The total of baptisms for 1825–1829 represents a marked drop, and that of 499 for 1830–1834 an even larger one, but by then the missions were already under pressure from the state and the civil population. The numbers of baptized, essentially those born, in each 5-year period are shown in the table, together with information on age at death arranged by age group from birth to a maximum of 54 years. It is probable that infants and very young children were kept at the mission and that their deaths were quite consistently recorded. Consequently, these groups provide perhaps the only stable basis for a direct estimate of mortality in the missions. If we attempt to include the deaths of those who reached more advanced years, we at once encounter the difficulty that each cohort differs from its predecessors and followers because of the universal cut-off date in the middle 1830's. This condition may be appreciated by considering the recorded deaths of persons over 4 years old as given for the cohorts in Table 3.6. The increase in totals of baptisms by quinquennium and the corresponding increase in deaths of people from 5 on give a rising total of deaths until the quinquennium 1805–1809. They fall thereafter to 12 in 1825–1829 and 1 in 1830–1834. The difficulty is even more apparent by a simple glance at the blanks in the data for the apparent advanced age groups, for beginning in 1790–1794 we have no information on deaths for people over 44, and that gap moves into progressively lower age groups until for the cohort born in 1830–1834 it reaches the age group 5–9, for which we have only 1 recorded death. These deficiencies in our data make suspect the apparent improvement in infant mortality shown for the cohort born in 1830–1834.
The persons in the age group 0–4 years show values for crude mortality which are quite erratic when the recorded deaths are expressed as a percentage of the number baptized. (See Table 3.6.) In the summary for the six missions for which we have burial as well as baptismal data, the values for the cohorts born in 1785–1789 and 1800–1804 are relatively low, that for 1785–1789 very much so. We know that the quinquennium 1800–1804 was marked by a number of epidemics and that in one, at San Carlos Borromeo, the missionary in charge noted in
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the burial book that he simply did not have the time to keep a proper record. Hence it is likely that the low value of deaths for that period is spurious at San Carlos and also at Santa Clara, which shows an even lower value. For the anomaly of the low values for the cohort of 1785–1789, we have at this time no firm explanation but are inclined to attribute it to underreporting of some kind rather than unusually beneficent conditions of health. We should notice, however, that in the summary for the six missions the value of infant mortality for the cohort born in 1800–1804 is slightly higher than that for the cohort born in 1810–1814.
Whatever the difficulties in our data, it is evident that child mortality, expressed as deaths from 0 to 4 years of age, ran an erratic course at high values throughout the mission period. The range in the summary sheet is approximately from 36 to 66%, or from 360 to 660 deaths per 1,000 births. If we made some adjustment for reporting in our low quinquennia, we should think in terms of 400 to 700 deaths per 1,000 births. In other words, throughout the 60 years of the mission period more than half of the neophytes born in the mission died before they reached their fifth birthday. The mean value, excluding 1830–1834, is 584 deaths per 1,000 births. Adjustment for suspected or known periods of underreporting will raise the proportion.
A further refinement is possible because the missionaries were able to state the exact date of birth and of death for those children who were born in the missions and died there within one or two years. Hence we have the infant mortality when this parameter is defined as the relative number of those born who die before reaching their first birthday. The data are in Table 3.6. The values in the summary for the various cohorts are about as erratic as those for the larger group who lived 0–4 years. They reached a maximum in the decade from 1790–1799; and thereafter, even with some allowance for the adjustment that may be needed for the value in the quinquennium 1800–1804 and perhaps that of 1810–1814, reached a plateau at roughly 270 to 320 deaths per 1,000 births. There is no evidence of improvement beyond that. The values for deaths at ages 0–4, necessarily higher, show a not too dissimilar picture, but with wider variations in the number of deaths per 1,000 births.
It is possible that any improvement in infant mortality is masked by the inclusion, in the summary of the table, of data from missions founded in two groups, with a considerable interval of years between the two sets of foundations. If there were longer-trend factors operating that would bring improvement in infant mortality, they might appear in the older missions, but their appearance would be obscured by inclusion of data from the newer ones. The arrangement of Table 3.6 permits an easy test, since the data for the individual missions are there. Examination of the data for the three oldest missions, San Carlos Borromeo, San Luis Obispo, and Santa Clara, indicates that there may have been the beginnings of improvement at San Carlos Borromeo and at Santa Clara, although the improvement was slight, and that there was none at San Luis Obispo.
If we use the age group under one year as a base, and omit the data for 1830–1834, the mean mortality was 287 deaths per 1,000 births. As a measure of comparison, the death rate for the group under one year in the United States during the decade 1951–1960 was 27.0 per 1,000 live births. In 1960 it was 26.1. The mortality of infants in the first year of life was therefore less than one-tenth its level among those born in the missions. Of course a comparison between mortality in a population living in the much poorer conditions of public health and medical knowledge that prevailed in most areas in earlier generations, and the present one in the United States, with its far better levels of public health and medical care, is not a truly meaningful one for our purpose. Even in the United States in 1840, infant mortality was of the order of 185.6 per 1,000 live births. As late as 1915 and 1916, the rate was 99.9 and 101.0 per 1,000 live births respectively, and in 1918 it rose to 100.9.[25] We turn, then, to populations which may be considered more nearly comparable. French studies of Breton parishes in the eighteenth century indicate a rate of infant mortality to
[25] World Health Organization, "Special Subject: Infant Mortality," p. 788; U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Vital Statistics of the United States, 1960 , II, part A, table 2–1 (Abridged Life Tables for Total, Male, Female Population: United States, 1960), pp. 2–7; U. S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957 , Table B 101–112 (Foetal Death Rates; Neonatal, Infant, and Maternal Mortality Rates), p. 25; Paul H. Jacobson, "Cohort Survival for Generations Since 1840," part 1, pp. 38–43.
births falling in a range from 285 to 237 deaths per 1,000 births. The average would be 255.[26] These rates are not much better than those for the California mission Indians. Brittany was one of the poorest regions of France at the time but, although studies for some other parts of the kingdom show lower rates, those for the Paris basin, in general, do not.[27]
All these comparisons may be objected to on the ground that they deal with the experience of European populations, who lived in considerably different conditions and did not have a substantial Indian genetic component. Our best comparison, accordingly, is Mexico, which has a population with a large proportion of Indian genetic stock and is much more like that of the California mission Indians. Unfortunately, the earliest statistics we have for Mexico are for the Díaz period and to some extent reflect the introduction of advanced medical practices into the larger cities. Nevertheless, the rate of infant mortality in the first year of life, per 1,000 births, as reported in the admittedly defective Porfirian statistics, was high, as follows:
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The range of annual rates was from 266.4 deaths per 1,000 live births in 1901 to 376.7 in 1897. The mean of the annual rates for the years 1896–1910 was 304.6.[28] Eduardo Arriaga's reworking of the Mexican national census of 1895 would indicate a rate of infant mortality for 1894–1895 of 276.7.[29] These national averages conceal wide variation in which infant mortality was far worse in a rural and Indian state such as Oaxaca.[30] When compared with such data, infant mortality in the California missions studied here, shocking though it is by present-day
[26] Pierre Goubert, "Legitimate Fecundity and Infant Mortality in France During the Eighteenth Century: A Comparison," pp. 598–602, esp. p. 599. A study by A. LeGoff, "Bilan d'une étude de démographie historique," pp. 223–225, shows values in the same range for yet another Breton settlement.
[27] LeGoff, pp. 223–225, and Louis Henry, "Historical Demography," p. 392; Jacques Dupâquier, "Villages et petites villes de la généralité de Paris; Introduction"; Pierre Goubert, Beauvais et le Beauvaisis , pp. 39–40.
[28] El Colegio de México, Centro de Estudios Económicos y Demográficos, Dinamica de la población de Mexico , pp. 24–25; Enrique Cordero, "La subestimación de la mortalidad infantil en México," p. 47.
[29] Eduardo E. Arriaga, New Life Tables for Latin American Populations , pp. 170–171.
[30] Cordero, pp. 56–59 et passim .
standards, was no worse than in comparable societies in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
According to Table 3.6, mortality in the age group 0–4—that is, in the first 5 years of life—averaged 567 per 1,000 births. If we delete the data for 1830–1834, the rate is even worse, 584 deaths per 1,000 births. Mortality in the United States in 1960 for that group was 30.2 deaths per 1,000 births. Again, comparison with a population enjoying present-day levels of public health is not truly meaningful, except perhaps to make us thankful that we live now rather than in former times. In 1840 in the United States the mortality in the age group 0–4 ran 324.7 per 1,000 live births.[31] We therefore adduce data on populations more nearly comparable. In the parishes of Brittany mentioned above, in the eighteenth century roughly half the children died before their tenth year. For the parishes of the Paris basin that have been studied, experience was comparable. That is distinctly better than the experience of the six California missions, even for age groups 0–4. For other parts of eighteenth-century France, studies indicate a somewhat lower mortality.[32] For Porfirian Mexico in the study of Arriaga, the census of 1895 indicates a mortality in the first 5 years of life of 410.6 per 1,000 births, and the census of 1900 one of 406.5.[33] The rates resemble those of eighteenth-century France, and are distinctly more favorable than that of the Indians in the six missions. We conclude, then, that the major difference in the mortality among neophytes born in the six missions relative to comparable populations elsewhere lay less in the first year of life than in the years immediately succeeding.
We may make one further comment on Table 3.6. Examination of the data for individual missions indicates that the experience of the various missions in deaths of neophytes born in the mission showed some variation from mission to mission, but that that variation was considerably less than in life expectancy after conversion for local gentile converts. San Luis
[31] U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Vital Statistics of the United States, 1960 , II, part A, table 2–1, pp. 2–7; Jacobson, "Cohort Survival," p. 44.
[32] Goubert, "Legitimate Fecundity," pp. 599–600, and Henry, "Historical Demography," p. 392; Goubert, Beauvais et le Beauvaisis , pp. 39–40; Dupâquier, "Villages et petites villes"; and LeGoff, pp. 223–225.
[33] Arriaga, pp. 170–173.
Obispo and San Miguel Arcángel, which were among the most healthful missions for converts, were not so for neophytes born in the mission. San Carlos has a distinctly more favorable set of data, and Santa Clara, the record of which for local gentile converts was relatively poor, emerges as a much more favorable environment for neophytes born in the mission. Mission Santa Cruz continues to figure among the worst mission in terms of mortality and life expectancy. We have no explanation for these variations, but again suggest that these findings indicate the need for new research into the environments provided by the individual missions.
For the mission-born, the life-table approach is not applicable save for one and perhaps two exceptions. The earliest cohorts, those born in 1775–1779 and 1780–1784, had almost run their course by 1834, although there may have been a few survivors at that year. During the ten-year period, only two missions, namely, San Carlos Borromeo and San Luis Obispo, were in operation long enough to provide data. The total of mission-born Indians baptized in them in that period was 304, of whom we are able to trace 263 in the death registers, or 84.6%. Their probability of death and expectation of life may be compared roughly with those of the local Indians who had been converted and who lived side by side with them in the missions. Table 3.7 shows the result of treating these two consolidated cohorts born in the missions according to life-table procedure. We have separated the age group 0–4 into two groups, 0 and 1–4 years, to facilitate comparison. If we include the cohort born in 1785–1789, we secure data from Mission Santa Clara as well as the two older missions and reach 711 baptisms. Unfortunately, we then deal both with the losses due to disappearance of Indians during the mission period and the considerably larger number of survivors in 1834. We are able to trace 479, or 67.4%, a distinctly lower proportion, with corresponding distortion in the higher ages of survival. We nevertheless have included a second life table of the three cohorts in Table 3.7 for purposes of comparison. We have also included life tables for individual missions for the varying spans of years that data permitted. The nearer those spans approach 1834, the more dubious the validity of the life tables.
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As is evident from both Tables 3.6 and 3.7, the crude death rate of young children was enormous and the expectation of life exceedingly low. After completion of 5 years of life—i.e., at age 5 by European counting—there was some improvement, but the vital indices of those born in the missions remained lower than, and the probability of a continued existence much inferior to, that of the heathen brought into the missions subsequent to birth. Thus the value of qx for age group 0–4 with the converts is 0.078 (see Table 3.3), while that for the corresponding mission-born may be calculated as 0.536, for the two cohorts of 1775–1779 and 1780–1784, and 0.551 for the three cohorts including that of 1785–1789. The value of ex at birth is 35.43 for the local gentile converts, whereas for the mission-born the corresponding values in the two consolidated life tables are 14.09 and 12.89. Even if we concede that these values are severely distorted by inadequate control of age at death within the group 0–4, the difference is enormous. Our data do not permit a firm judgment whether or not the same condition persisted with the cohorts born after 1789, but little improvement is indicated by the recorded deaths at 0 and 1 – 4 years of age. What we lack most of all for comparison, and probably will never get, is the behavior in terms of mortality and survival of gentile infants and children as they existed in their native habitat prior to the coming of the missionaries and other Europeans.
Our data taken from the mission registers do not permit direct calculations of rates and indices on natality at the missions among the local Indians resident there. We may obtain an idea of the conditions surrounding natality from the reports sent back to Mexico City annually by the resident friars. A centralized set of copies retained by the Franciscan province was destroyed in the great San Francisco fire of 1906, but fortunately not before they had been copied in turn for Hubert Howe Bancroft a century ago. Those transcripts are now in the Bancroft Library at the University of California, Berkeley. Their present form, that in which Cook consulted them in the past, is a series of sheets which may be referred to as the Bancroft Transcripts.[34] For each mission there is shown the total popula-
[34] The catalogue entry in the Bancroft Library is: "California—Statistics, vital [California Mission Statistics, 1769–1834]. Lists of population, births, marriages, deaths, livestock and crops for each mission, the Presidios of San Diego, Monterey, San Francisco, and Santa Barbara, the pueblos of San Jose and Los Angeles, and the Villa Branciforte, with analyses by place and overall statistics."
tion in each year as well as the number of male and female adults together with the children, each category being itemized. With these values, plus the number of births derived from the registers of baptism, we can arrive at some idea of the rate of live births at the missions.
The crude birth rate, or the simple ratio of births to total population, is probably the least desirable index to natality where complete censuses are to be found. In their absence, the gross rate may be determined, even if it lacks complete precision. Additionally, in the present instance, it is possible to compute the ratio of births to adult women. The term here does not mean women of reproductive age, for an adult in the California missions was anyone of either sex above the approximate age of 7 – 8 years, the division being that customary in much of the reporting of the time in the Spanish world. Unfortunately, therefore, we cannot compute the fertility ratio or the ratio of births to women 15 to 45 years of age.
When the rates, or ratios, are determined for each year from 1776 to 1832, the data are best presented in the form of graphs. Figure 3.1 depicts the ratios of births to adult females (in the special California definition), the values for all missions combined being given first and then those for each individual mission. The ratios of births to total population are shown in Figure 3.2, arranged in the same order. A striking feature of these two sets of graphs is the wide dispersion of the points for the individual missions, only those for Mission Santa Clara showing a fair measure of regularity. This dispersion is considerably reduced in the summary parts of the two sets of graphs, for some of the variation, although not all, tends to cancel out. The defect is inherent in the original numbers, particularly those for mission births, which show especially wide variation. There is less wide variation in the populations reported, but even they rose to a maximum at different times in the different missions and then fell fairly steadily until the end of the mission period. The causes for these fluctuations are manifold and cannot be discussed at the present juncture, although some of them have been indicated already in this essay. The basic questions to which answers are now sought are: (1) what were the birth rates? and (2) was there any change?
We can reduce the variability of the data by calculating moving averages for the 5 years surrounding each consecutive calendar year, except for the first and last 5-year periods, for
which 3-year averages are used. When these averaged points are graphed, a good deal of the scatter is eliminated, as demonstrated in Figures 3.3 and 3.4.
Inspection of the annual figures as adjusted in Figures 3.3 and 3.4 indicates that there remain very great differences from mission to mission. Initially, the individual missions show ranges for the ratio of births to adult women on the order of 0.38–0.37 to 0.05 or less, that is, from 380–370 births per 1,000 adult females down to 50 or less births. At the same time, the ratio of births to population ranged from near 0.130 down to 0.020 and 0.028, or from 130 births per 1,000 persons down to 20 and 28 births. The variation is so great that it is difficult to use the initial values for the individual missions as the basis for a guess at what the ratio was before the Indians entered the missions.
At each mission, except Santa Clara, the course of the ratios during the mission period was so irregular that it is again difficult to make generalizations. The ratios fell, at some missions reaching low points earlier and recovering, at others hovering around a central point, at Santa Clara showing a long downward trend that may have been reaching an end just as the mission period came to a close. At the lowest point for each set of ratios at Mission La Soledad, that for births to adult women was near 0.03 and births to population near 0.008, that is, 30 births per 1.000 adult females and 8 per 1,000 population. If such ratios had continued long and been characteristic of the other missions, as they were not, the neophyte population would have become extinct with rapidity in the face of the high death rate.
The two summary graphs represent a reconciliation of the highly divergent courses at the individual missions. In the summary graph for Figure 3.3, ratios of births to adult females, based on 5-year moving averages, the initial values fell between 0.075 and 0.1, that is, from 75 to 100 births per 1,000 adult females. They moved steadily upward to reach a maximum in the years 1783–1792 at values from 173 to 193 births per 1,000 adult females. Thereafter they dropped fairly rapidly to a range between 83 to 119 births per 1,000 adult females. A fair average for the years 1797–1834 for all missions would be around 100 births per 1,000 adult females. A similar course appears in the summary graph in Figure 3.4 for the ratios of births to total population at the eight missions, based on 5-year
moving averages. The initial values averaged approximately 30 births per 1,000 population. The values rose to a maximum in the years 1781–1793, with an average of approximately 60 births per 1,000 total population, the peak year being 1785 with 70 births. Thereafter the values fell to a plateau, with an average of approximately 35 births per 1,000 population. The lower parts of this range would be considered a fairly high birth rate today; the higher parts approximate the highest values reported for present-day populations.
Let us return to some of the individual missions. The oldest mission was San Carlos Borromeo. The two graphs for it that are based on 5-year moving averages may reflect long-term trends better than at the others, except for San Antonio de Padua and San Luis Obispo, which were almost as old. That is particularly so if we are trying to lay bare the action of factors which might run a long-term course but stop before the Indians became extinct. If the corresponding graphs for San Antonio de Padua and San Luis Obispo tend to confirm the course of those at San Carlos Borromeo, then any conclusion as to longer-term trend would be strengthened. Initially, the ratio of births to adult women at San Carlos was near the level of 120. At the same time, the ratio of births to population was near 47. If a range is desired, we might think of 108 to 132 births per 1,000 adult women, and of 43 to 53 births per 1,000 persons. These are fairly high rates, which may be taken as probably somewhat lower than but close to those characteristic of the pre-mission aboriginal population.
Whether the course was linear or curved at Mission San Carlos is difficult to tell, but the ratios fell until at about 1805 a minimum was reached at values of approximately 100 births to 1,000 adult women and 34 births to 1,000 total population. Then improvement began. The ratios rose continuously until the end of the mission period. At about 1830 the values were 192 and 58 respectively. Those figures should be regarded as the central points of substantial ranges, as should all on the graphs.
The history of the birth rate at Mission San Carlos Borromeo, therefore, is reasonably clear. After a start at quite a high value, approximating the aboriginal one, it fell to a minimum after the rush of conversions in the 1790's and the epidemics of 1802. Thereafter it rose steadily and conclusively as long as the mission lasted. At the end, it was higher than at the beginning.
Experience at Mission San Antonio de Padua was different,
with the trend reversing direction a number of times. Initially the ratios of births to women ranged between 100 and 120 per 1,000 women, and that of births to total population fell in ranges from 37 to 40 per 1,000 population. Thereafter, the ratios increased and decreased over periods of time. The ratio of births to women reached peaks in the early 1790's and early 1820's at levels ranging from 150 to 160, while that for births to total population ranged from 51 to 57 in the years 1785–1792, and in the years from 1817 to 1827 from 42 to 51. In the last years of the mission period both ratios fell steadily, reaching levels approximately as low as previous minima. This decrease after a long period of relative stability may be due to the bringing in of Tulares, whose presence meant that the ratios became a reconciliation of two divergent tendencies.
For Mission San Luis Obispo, the graphs also show a more irregular course than for Mission San Carlos, with a greater initial variation. The ratio of births to adult women initially may be set at an average of close to 170 births per 1,000 adult women, and that of births to population at 55 births per 1,000 population, truly high values that may be the aboriginal ones. The subsequent change in the ratios, although irregular, was one of slow decline until the middle 1820's, when it reached bottom at 45 for births to women and 15 for births to total population. Thereafter the course of both was upward; in the early 1830's, they reached 100 to 150 births per 1,000 women and 40 to 42 births per 1,000 population.
The implications of the graphs are difficult to unravel. Mission San Antonio de Padua received contingents of Tulares; Missions San Carlos de Borromeo and San Luis Obispo did not. Part of the difficulty may lie there. One may hold that the graphs support the view that once the native population had become adapted and adjusted to mission life, the natural procreative activity of the people asserted itself. In spite of disease vectors and social restraints, the Indians were beginning to show signs of demographic recovery, although the signs were still faint at the end of the mission period. If so, the missions were bringing their Indians through the shock of meeting the white man with his new ways and new diseases in something less than the 80 to 100 years that elsewhere in America seem to intervene between first contact and the beginnings of demographic recovery. It is unfortunate that political developments cut short this interesting human and biological experiment.
4—
The Non-Indian Population
Accompanying the missionaries at the beginning of Christianization came numerous military and civilian personnel: the officials of the civil government, the garrisons of the missions and presidios, the artisans who helped the missionaries teach the Indians new crafts, settlers in the new land, and their families. A few of these individuals migrated from Spain, mostly army officers and administrators. The majority were of Mexican origin and already the products of the very considerable mixing of races in central and northern Mexico. They were known collectively as the gente de razón , a term which set them apart from the native Indian population. The process of mestization should be regarded as an ongoing one, for with the Hispanic gente de razón there also arrived a small number of Indians from the missions of Baja California, who might be counted among the Indians or among the gente de razón and increasingly moved into the gente de razón. Later in the nineteenth century there began a new stream of immigration, at first very small in comparison with the continuing one from Mexico, but by the later 1840's becoming a torrent. This new group was, for the area of the eight missions, almost entirely white and predominantly British, Irish, and Anglo-American, but had contingents from France, Germany, Portugal, and Italy. Despite some immigration from Mexico, Latin America, and Spain during the years of the Gold Rush, which tended to reinforce the existing Hispanic population, the new immigration quickly submerged the Indian and the Hispanic components both socially and demographically. After the missions disintegrated, there comes a time when it is difficult if not impossible to follow the fortunes of the Indians in the era of American settlement until the emergence of the Federal reservation system again provides information. The Hispanic population, on the other hand, may be studied to some extent by means of Church records throughout the nineteenth century and until the introduction of the California state registration system.
We make no attempt here to pursue the Mexican Californians through the nineteenth century, except insofar as information concerning them may be obtained from mission registers. Some data are available because all baptisms, burials, and marriages which involved the gente de razón were entered in the mission registers. Until after 1834 there were no secular priests or
parishes in a province that, as far as the gente de razón were concerned, was completely Catholic. Even after 1834 the erection of new parishes came slowly. Two missions of the eight here under study have the bulk of entries on the gente de razón. They are San Carlos Borromeo and Santa Clara. Mission San Carlos has more than half the entries for gente de razón down to 1834, because its priests ministered to the spiritual needs of the military at the presidio of Monterey, the administrative staff at the provincial capital, and the citizens of the growing community that formed around the presidio, the capital, and the port. Mission Santa Clara ministered to the Hispanic population at the pueblo of San Jose, a short distance away. Registers at other missions have few entries; those that there are arose from the presence of the garrisons and artisans, increasingly of Mexican settlers on ranches, and, in the instance of Mission Santa Cruz, the existence of the small Mexican settlement of Branciforte. Begun in 1797 with 9 settlers and their families, 17 persons in all,[35] it remained minute for some decades and generated few entries in the Santa Cruz mission registers.
Entries for the gente de razón in the mission registers resemble those made for the Indians, but tend to be more extensive. For baptisms, in the earlier years, the missionary included, if he knew, the names and places of origin of the parents along with the name and birthplace of the infant. For many individuals a small family history is to be found. Ages frequently are not given, even for deaths and marriages. We must keep in mind that initially deaths and marriages were recorded for all the gente de razón, since all were Catholic, but that baptisms would be only of the newborn, for everyone else among the gente de razón had already been baptized. When Anglo-American and European immigrants began to arrive, there were Protestants among them, to be sure. During the Mexican period, they had to become Catholics in order to secure permission to remain, to become Mexican citizens, or to marry. The baptismal registers record these conversions. With the opening of the American period, the coverage of the Catholic parish registry rapidly became less than universal.
The facts that ages are frequently not given and that some mission registers are deficient in cross-references, such as those
[35] Bancroft, History of California , I, p. 560, esp. n. 44.
of San Carlos Borromeo, in which no baptismal numbers occur in the death notices prior to 1830, make it difficult to evaluate the relationship between births and deaths among the gente de razón. There is also the additional complication that most deaths in the early years were of adults who had migrated to California. On the other hand, almost all the baptisms were of newborn. A schedule may be formulated, but it is very rough, as may be appreciated by examining Table 3.8A. Here the births and deaths of the gente de razón are summarized by decades from 1774 to 1834 for the two missions of San Carlos de Borromeo and Santa Clara. We have also incorporated a tabulation of such data for Mission Santa Cruz, but have not included it in the summary, since the data are too meager for any meaningful analysis. Information on numbers of baptisms for gente de razón at the other missions, but not on numbers of deaths, may be found by 5-year periods in Table 3.8B. The categories for age at death consist only of division into the two broad categories of párvulo and adulto . We cannot go beyond 1834, because thereafter the priests at Mission San Carlos condensed the death records to a mere notation of the name and omitted any reference to age, even the broad categories of párvulo and adulto.
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From Table 3.8A we see that in the jurisdiction of the two missions of San Carlos and Santa Clara, during the decades up to 1835, there had been baptized 1,778 members of the gente de razón, almost exclusively of Hispano-Mexican descent. Because of the proximity of the Hispanic population to the mission, the baptisms are likely to be close to the number of actual births, although we cannot be sure that they coincide with that number. The Hispanic population was under somewhat looser control than the Indians, so that the delay between birth and baptism may have been somewhat longer and the chance of death in the intervening period, with its need for hasty baptism by any Christian, somewhat greater. Despite this lack of complete coincidence, we shall consider that baptisms do equal births for the purposes of our discussion. During the years covered in the table, there died 648 members of the gente de razón. The gross ratio of births to deaths is 2.74; that at Santa Clara 2.99, and that at San Carlos 2.54. The ratios by decade are also shown in the table, in the summary sheet and those for each mission. Although there is a good deal of variation, the range is not extreme and the ratios show a steady rise in population through natural increase. Similar data for Mission Santa Cruz show a level of unity but cover only a few individuals (11 baptisms and 11 deaths). We are unable to link the 372 recorded births of gente de razón at the remaining missions with deaths of gente de razón for any meaningful analysis, but suggest that the fairly steady rise in births with passage of time must have come at least in part from natural increase as well as immigration. The values we have for ratios of births to deaths are in marked contrast to the ratios for movement of population among the mission Indians. For the latter, there was a consistent excess of deaths over births.
Of the recorded deaths at the two missions, 281 are designated párvulos. A párvulo was a person up to the age of 7 or 8 years and is the nearest we can approach numerically to an infant in the data as they come to us. We tried to relate the párvulo deaths to the baptisms, but found that a check by name in the records of Mission San Carlos Borromeo indicated that only about 60% of the children who died had been born in the mission jurisdiction. It follows that the closest we can come to establishing an infant death rate is to equate the deaths of
párvulos to the total baptisms of gente de razón. The ratios by decade for the two missions are shown in the summary of Table 3.8A and for the three missions—that is, including the meager data for Santa Cruz—in the individual tabulations that follow. They indicate for the two missions a range of 128 to 176 párvulo deaths per 1,000 baptisms. Those are averages of somewhat greater variation in the two missions, for which the range is from 122 to 208. Mission Santa Clara, which had somewhat higher ratios of baptisms to burials than Mission San Carlos—that is, a more favorable ratio of net increase—also shows lower, i.e., more favorable, ratios of párvulo deaths to 1,000 births. Since it is clear from an examination of individual cases that most, but not all, of the párvulos actually died in the first year of existence, the probability is high that the true infant mortality lay somewhere between 100 to 150 deaths per 1,000 births. That range is far below the range of rates demonstrated by the mission-born Indians. It compares most favorably with the rates calculated for the Mexico of the Diaz regime, already benefitting from some influence of the new medical knowledge. (See the discussion on the neophytes born in the missions, in Part 3 of this essay.)
We may also compare the experience of the Hispanic population as recorded at the two missions with the data afforded by the excellent historical demographic studies for France which show infant mortality rates for localities in southwestern France, western France, and the Beauvaisis ranging from 156 to 288 per 1,000 births. They cover periods of time of variable length from the seventeenth to the end of the eighteenth century. Further, although the Spanish definition of parvulo does not cover years of age 8–9, relatively few deaths usually occur in those years, so that we may compare the rates for párvulo deaths per 1,000 baptisms directly to the rates computed in the French studies for deaths before age 10, that is, for ages 0–9. For the localities studied in Brittany, as we have already mentioned, roughly half of the children did not reach their tenth year. Similarly, for the Beauvaisis, during the period 1656–1735, 47.1% of children died before age 10, a rate of 471 child deaths per 1,000 births. For localities in the southwest of France and in Normandy, French experience was better in that nearly two-thirds of the children reached their tenth year—that
is, slightly more than one-third died.[36] Studies of English parishes show rates of mortality even more favorable than those of eighteenth-century France. For one of the most thoroughly studied towns, Colyton, life-table treatment indicates that in the years from 1538 to 1837, of 1,000 people born, from 175 to 258 would die before their tenth year. The most favorable values are for 1750–1837 (175) and 1700–1749 (203), the least favorable one for 1650–1699 (258).[37] These proportions should be compared with the average rate of 158 párvulo deaths per 1,000 baptisms for the Hispanic population at the two missions during the years 1774–1834. Even with adjustment for deaths in ages 8–9, the average of the rates for the entire period would not reach 170 deaths per 1,000 births, that is, 83% of those born survived to the tenth year of life. Clearly the environment of Alta California was extraordinarily favorable to the Hispanic population.
Let us turn now to interethnic and interracial marriage as it shows up in the mission registers. The aggregate number of non-Indians who were born under mission auspices is found in Table 3.8B. From the foundation of the missions until 1855, some 5,354 infants were baptized. Of these, 4,726 were the children of parents of Spanish or Mexican stock. For varying periods of years it is possible to segregate the infants baptized into three categories, according to the birthplace of the parents. In the first years, all the gente de razón had been born in Mexico or had come through Mexico from Spain; we designate these people M. They gave way statistically to persons born in California (C) as migration attenuated and births increased in the new colony. For periods of years between 1818 and 1834, some missionaries designated the parents as californios . After 1834 the failure of the priests at some missions to include information on locality of origin of the parents—a failure that varies in highly erratic fashion from mission to mission—makes it necessary to indicate only the general Hispanic ancestry, regardless of birthplace; that is, we revert to classification M in Table 3.8B. Accordingly, the classification C in the table covers only a fraction of the Californio parents, so that only the
[36] Goubert, "Legitimate Fecundity," pp. 599–600, and Henry, "Historical Demography," pp. 392–393; Pierre Goubert, Beauvais et le Beauvaisis , pp. 39–41.
[37] E. A. Wrigley, "Mortality in Pre-Industrial England," pp. 552–560.
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subtotal for all infants born to parents of Hispanic culture is accurate. We should also warn that in terms of our classification a parent of Portuguese origin would not count as M, but that a parent of Spanish or Latin American origin would, regardless of the year of migration to California.[38]
In the 1820's the first non-Spanish-speaking immigrants arrived in California. Some were Catholics; all who wished to settle and become Mexican citizens were required to convert to the Catholic form of Christianity. Many, if not most, men coming in the years of the Mexican period married California women. We have designated this group of immigrants A. In the years 1820–1824, 2 children of such couples were baptized; in 1825–1829, 16. In general, in the succeeding 5-year periods the number rose steadily. Up to the end of 1854, the total number was 440. Their weight among the newly-born can be appreciated if we express their number as a percentage of the total children born to all parents who were both of M and C culture, plus those who are listed as AM. (We omit AA, MN, and AN—that is, children of European and Anglo-American parents on both sides, and the product of unions in which one parent was a California Indian.) This value is shown in Table 3.8B and is seen to increase from 0.7% in 1820–1824 to 17.8% in 1850–1854. In other words, by 1854 close to one-fifth of the gente de razón infants baptized at the parish churches directly succeeding the eight missions were derived from mixed Mexican or Californio parentage on one side and non-Hispanic parentage of Caucasian stock on the other. The latter were predominantly Anglo-American, British, and Irish, and almost invariably the fathers. Again, there was wide variation from mission to mission, the highest proportion of such mixing being evident at Santa Cruz and the next highest at San Carlos Borromeo.
At the same time, there was considerable mixing between the Hispanic and the native Indian components, and later between the new migrants and the Indians. Some of the effects can be localized in the mission registers. We have found 83 children of mixed MN parentage and 8 children of AN parentage. These children were the offspring of marriages; invariably the mother was N. They represent 1.7% of the gente de razón births. There
[38] By accident, we are following here the idea of Hispano in the general Latin American usage of Hispanoamericano, which includes only people from Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America but excludes Brazilians.
must have taken place, in addition, a great deal of less formal mixing in which men of Hispanic or other European stock begot children upon native women. Extramarital coupling of native men with women of Hispanic, European, or Anglo-American origin would have been exceedingly rare, as was marriage. The mission registers give us almost no direct data on illegitimate children of such mixed origin, nor are clues easy to find. The mission registers do record a small number of baptisms of illegitimate and abandoned (exposito ) infants among the gente de razón. For San Jose (i.e., registers of Mission Santa Clara), the baptisms are largely associated with certain mothers, who may have been genuinely promiscuous or in the later years may have been living in common-law unions with long-term partners. We have carried such children as M on the assumption that the father was almost certainly M or C. That assumption is fully justified for the earlier years, but less so after 1846–1848.
5—
The Marriage Records
The mission books of marriages carry the entries, for both Indians and gente de razón, of all legal unions in their territories down to 1846. Even secularization did not at once change this situation in the territory of the eight missions. The opening of the Anglo-American period brought clergymen of other denominations and new justices of the peace, who under the new system of law were equally able to perform marriages recognized as legal, but Roman Catholics continued to marry in a religious ceremony performed by a priest and registered in the parish registers. By the 1850's the parish system began to be extended, so that the mission registers no longer contained all entries for Roman Catholic marriages performed in the former territories of the eight missions. Accordingly, we have chosen 1854 as the cut-off date for selection of data on gente de razón—or in the Anglo-American usage, the whites.
In the entries of the marriage registers of the missions may be found at maximum for each couple the ethnic affiliation of bride and groom, the birthplaces of both, in many instances the birthplaces of the parents, and the previous marital status. The most important evidence provided is that on ethnic origin or affiliation, which immediately sets off the Indians from the gente de razón. For the latter, the evidence in the marriage
entries too may serve as a complement to data in the baptismal entries. Comparison is simple if the person had been born in the territory of the same mission in which he was married. It would be more difficult, but possible, if the person had been born elsewhere in California, and increasingly difficult, but not impossible, with greater distance of the parish of birth in Mexico or Spain, if the parish or birthplace is known. This kind of examination, however, lies beyond the scope of our present study.
We shall discuss certain data which are provided in the marriage entries for both the Indians and the gente de razón, and which are not available in the entries of the baptismal and burial registers. One problem which faced the missionaries when they were converting the California Indians was that many of the new converts had been living in what Indian custom and rite recognized as marriage. The problem was not a new one; it appeared almost at the inception of Christianity, and the first rules for dealing with it emanated from St. Paul, including what is called the Pauline Dispensation. A new marriage is necessary between the former partners even if both convert to Christianity. Should one of the former partners remain heathen, the other partner is free, under certain conditions, to marry another person, provided that person is Christian. The rules were further refined in the discussions within the Mexican Church during the sixteenth century and in the regulations adopted by the first three Mexican Church councils. These regulations attempted to specify the conditions in which renewal of the heathen marriage by Christian rite was necessary or obligatory, the conditions in which unions with new partners were to be permitted or required, and the way in which previously polygamous arrangements were to be brought to Christian monogamy. This last led to a great deal of difficulty in Mexico, since the husband, on being faced with a requirement to declare who was his first wife so that he might be united with her in Christian marriage, frequently developed a poor memory in the hope of being allowed to select a younger and more attractive woman from among his previous spouses. There may well have been similar problems in California, for the California Indians were hardly invariably monogamous, but the marriage entries are mute on this point. The rules of the Church, then, as they came to the Franciscans in Alta California, via the Bishopric of Sonora and
the Archbishopric of Mexico, required them to see that Indians who converted married their spouses in Christian ceremony if both became Christian; to permit them, under carefully laid-out conditions, to choose a new Christian partner if the former spouse by Indian rite or custom did not become Christian; and to marry only a Christian if they had not been married previously by heathen rite or custom. The position of the Church then and now is an interesting one of not recognizing Indian custom as providing a proper basis for marriage, but, on the other hand, of agreeing that it has a measure of validity.[39]
It is difficult to judge from the marriage entries in the mission registers the details of policies followed by the missionaries in dealing with the numerous questions that must have arisen, for most decisions would be made in advance of the marriage and would be recorded only if required by Church regulations. Accordingly, we are led to a series of inferences. Basically, the friars appear to have taken the position that baptism wiped out all previous marriage ties as though they had not been, but that if both partners became Christian, there was an obligation for them to marry each other by Christian ceremony. The first part of this policy appears in the entries in the application of the Spanish terms for unmarried man and woman, soltero and soltera , to Indians of seasoned years who were frequently but not invariably marrying former marriage partners. One also encounters solteros and solteras of 40, 50, and 60 years of age marrying partners of ages as low as 13 or 14. The marriages were by no means all of old men with very young women, but often of old women with mere boys. It is difficult to believe that many men or women aged 18 to 25 remained unmarried in aboriginal society. We are obviously
[39] The literature on validity of marriages entered into prior to conversion to Roman Catholic Christianity and the marital obligations and privileges of converts is extensive and complex. An urbane and informed discussion, with particular references to the archdiocese of Mexico, may be found in John T. Noonan, Jr., Power to Dissolve: Lawyers and Marriages in the Courts of the Roman Curia , pp. 263–266, 343–363, 394–399, and the appropriate pages of notes. The prevailing rules, as they were understood in eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century California and Mexico, are laid out in a pamphlet by Tadeo Amat, Bishop of Monterey, in A Treatise on Matrimony . The discussions and resulting rules in sixteenth-century Mexico may be traced in José A. Llaguno, La personalidad jurídica del indio y el III Concilio Provincial Mexicano (1585) , pp. 11, 21–22, 32, 122–123, 127–128, and 281; Joaquín García Icazbalceta, Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga , I, pp. 142–146; Gerónimo de Mendieta, Historia eclesiástica indiana , pp. 301–306; and John T. Noonan, Jr., "Marriage in Michoacan."The specific Mexican Church legislation is in the proceedings of the Primera Junta Apóstolica, 1524–1525; the papal bull in answer, Rome, 10 July 1537; Constituciones de el arzobispado y provincia de la muy insigne, y muy leal ciudad de Temextitlan, México de la Nueva España; Concilio Primero, 1556; and Privilegios de indios, n. d. but ca. 1765, this last forbidding marriages among Indians only to and including the second degree of consanguinity—all in Concilios provinciales primero y segundo , pp. 6–7, 31, 88–89, 98–100, and 391–392; and decrees of the Third Mexican Church Council, 1585, in Concilium mexicanum provinciale III , pp. 269–288. The solutions are essentially those indicated by Father Juan Focher, O.F.M., in his Itinerarium catholicum proficiscentium ad infideles convertendos , 1574, consulted in bilingual text, Itinerario del misionero en América , pp. 161–212.
meeting in the entries a convention resulting from conversion to Christianity.
The second part of the policy stated above appears also in the marriage entries in a substantial number of Indian marriages, through the notation by the recording priest that the couple had been married previously in heathen existence. In a very rare number of entries the priest recorded that the couple had had other spouses by Indian rite but preferred their new partners for Christian marriage. From the scarcity of such entries, we infer that in a very few instances, because of special circumstances not noted, converts whose previous spouses also converted were allowed to choose new marriage partners, but that in general the missionaries did insist that, if both spouses converted, they remarry their old partners by Christian ceremony. The data, in both absolute and relative terms, are presented in Table 3.9. There we show data from seven of our eight missions. Since the comparison of marriages throughout the history of each mission is somewhat misleading, in that the confirmation of Indian-rite marriages by Christian ceremony would happen only during the years of active conversion and would decline as the mission population increasingly consisted of Indians born there, we give for each mission a subtotal of data at the end of the years of active conversion. For Mission Santa Clara and in the summary, no such treatment is possible. At Santa Clara the Tulares arrived soon enough to continue the active conversion of adult gentiles so that there is no break, but rather an increase in the proportion of marriages by Christian rite of partners previously living as man and wife in heathen society. In the summary, the fact that the years of active conversion came at different times makes it impossible to mark off any term of years.
It is evident from the summary sheet that during the peak
years of conversion, 1770 to 1809, more than one-third of the marriages at the missions reunited couples who had been living together according to Indian law and custom. The summary tends to smooth out a great deal of variation from mission to mission. For some 5-year periods and at some missions, the proportion of such unions to total Indian marriages ran more than half, and at San Antonio de Padua for the years 1773–1774 reached the value of 73.7%. In each mission the proportion would trail off unless there was a renewed injection of adult gentile converts through the importation of Tulares from the Central Valley. Their presence may be found in the data presented in Tables 3.1 and 3.2, which should be examined in conjunction with Table 3.9.
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Once a Christian ceremony of marriage had taken place, the partners of that ceremony were not free to remarry so long as both lived, except under unusual conditions requiring judgment by an ecclesiastical court such as did not exist within California within the mission years, but some of whose powers were delegated to the provincial President. If one of the partners to the marriage died, the other was free to remarry. The marriage entries carefully specify for each individual to a marriage ceremony whether he or she had been previously married in the Christian Church. For both Indians and gente de razón, therefore, we get some indication through the marriage entries of the severity of mortality. In the case of the Indians, however, it is
necessary to delete from the count those marriages which were, in effect, a repetition of an Indian ceremony, for unions which occurred prior to the first Christian marriage are otherwise never recorded. With this adjustment, if the number of remarried widows and widowers is large, then we must conclude that the death rate was high among young adults in order to free these marriageable persons. The converse must be true if the number is small.
Table 3.10A gives data for seven of the eight missions on remarriage among the Indians down to 1834. For the years after 1834, we have taken off data only for some of the missions. Accordingly, the summary gives the number of missions from which data are made available in each semi-decade. Differences in the earlier years are due to dates of founding. The subtotals for data down to 1834 are the most reliable; subsequent adduction of data should be considered a series of samples of lessening reliability. Two items in Table 3.10A are of significance. The first is that the average for all seven missions down to 1834 is 35.7%—i.e., 35.7% of those men and women entering wedlock had already been married in the Christian faith. Their previous spouses must have died, for there was no divorce nor were they likely to have available to them other avenues of dissolution of marriage ties. The second feature is that the proportion of those remarrying rose steadily until it reached maxima in the years 1805–1814 and 1825–1829. Equally high values are shown for 1840–1844 and 1850–1854, but are based upon data from fewer missions. They also occur in years when many Indians, presumably a larger proportion of the young, had abandoned the missions and left behind older adults. The explanation of the maxima in the years 1805–1814 and 1825–1829 is that in the early years most of the brides and grooms were converted gentiles. These, however, were replaced by mission-born Indians until the latter group, subsequent to about 1810, exclusively constituted the newlyweds at most missions. We have already found from inspection of baptism and burial records that the mission-born component suffered from a very high rate of mortality. The marriage records, which show increased remarriage, substantiate this finding. Further, there was a marked difference between men and women in the proportion of second and later marriages. In the aggregate, over 40% of the marriages involved remarriage by men, whereas only approximately 30% involved remarriages by women.
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In Table 3.10B we present data on remarriages among the gente de razón. Our data are from three missions, but they cover the overwhelming bulk of the non-Indians in the territory of the eight missions down to 1834, and a steadily lessening but still considerable proportion of Catholic marriages down to 1854. The data are organized by 10-year periods centered upon the last year of each calendar decade, except for the first period, 1770–1784. For the gente de razón, the rate of remarriage was reasonably constant from 1770 to 1834 at Monterey (Mission San Carlos Borromeo) and much more variable at the two other missions. The rates in the summary reflect the preponderance of the non-Indian population in San Jose, which resorted to Mission Santa Clara. In general, the rates of remarriage fell sharply with the new immigration after 1835. During the mission period the values of all three missions combined held to a mean of 12.7% for both sexes, slightly more than one-third of the mean rate for the Indians of both sexes in the same span of time. This difference further supports the finding, based upon the baptismal and burial records, that mortality among the mission Indians far exceeded that among the neighboring population of European culture. Another difference between Indians and non-Indians that shows up in Table 3.10B is that the proportion of gente de razón widows was slightly higher among people marrying than that of widowers, and so comes closer to present-day experience in the differential survival of the sexes. In sharp contrast, among the Indians, the proportion of widowers remarrying was markedly higher than that of widows. Lastly, the drop in the proportion of widowers as against widows among the gente de razón who married between 1835 and 1854 may be testimony to the presence of a large surplus of bachelors among the new immigrants, and their search for wives.
Yet another aspect of gente de razón marriage that may be studied through the marriage entries is the racial origin and ethnic affiliation of each participant, for these are either explicitly stated for each spouse, or may be inferred from the name and circumstances recorded. It becomes possible, therefore, to construct a chart showing for each decade of mission activity the number of marriages performed and the combinations of racial and ethnic affiliation involved. In Table 3.11 we give the data on 912 marriages celebrated between 1770 and 1834 at the
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same three missions covered in Table 3.10B. Marriages in which both partners were Indian are, of course, excluded. The categories are the same as those used in Table 3.8B and the problems of application, in general, the same. The data from the three missions (Santa Clara, San Juan Bautista, and San Carlos Borromeo) cover the overwhelming majority of the non-Indian population. Addition of marriage data from four of the remaining five missions, the only ones for which marriage registers are extant, would add data on 32 marriages down to 1834 to the 423 in the summary table for the same term of years. The proportions would be very different in those 32 marriages, in that 14 fell in our subtotal designated M and 18 in the category of MN, that is, with one partner an Indian.
At the three missions, the early years showed a predictable course in that the first marriages involved adults immigrating from Spain and Mexico. As the children born in California grew to maturity and married, there came into being a Californio component which gradually became dominant. The flaws in the data on exact affiliation within subcomponents of the general category M probably have placed many more marriages in MM in the later years than there should be, for we have counted cases of doubt as MM. The subtotal M, however, is reliable.
Until the period 1815–1824 there were no marriages of non-Hispanic gente de razón. Even the 3 marriages in that 10-year period (2 AM and 1 AA) took place in the 1820's. Thereafter such marriages, particularly those of a non-Hispanic but gente de razón male with a woman of Hispanic affiliation, show up as a steadily rising proportion of combined M and AM marriages. (Proportions based on total marriages would be slightly lower, but follow the same course.) Our value for the last 10-year period for the eight missions is 20.3, somewhat higher than the corresponding value for gente de razón baptisms for the same years. The table does not go farther, and the data after 1846–1848 already are less inclusive, since new elements of Protestant and civil marriages had come into being but lie outside our sources. As far as our data go, we may conclude that by the 1850's ethnic fusion between the Hispanic people of California and the new immigration, despite new migration from Mexico, other countries of Latin America, and Spain, was proceeding at the rate of one-fifth the Hispanic stock per generation. If, as seems likely, some of the marriages took place
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by civil or Protestant ceremony, fusion would have been proceeding that much faster.
The data in Table 3.11 also cover marriages of gente de razón with California Indians. They represent a small proportion of total marriages of gente de razón. Even if we add the data for the four other missions, we find that down to 1834, of a total of 455 marriages, only 39, or 8.6%, involved marriage with a California Indian. The proportion of such marriages was far higher among the gente de razón scattered in garrisons and ranches in the territories of the four missions that had no Hispanic pueblo. Only in the territory of Mission San Juan Bautista was the rural Hispanic population sufficiently numerous to provide marriage partners among the gente de razón. We are not entitled, however, to conclude from these data that we here have the true rate of racial fusion between people of Hispanic culture and California Indians, for much of the procreation of children probably proceeded without religious marriage or any formal legal union, just as unión libre is an important form of sexual association in Mexico today. The children of such unions more likely would be counted as Indians, since the mother would be an Indian, and with the collapse of the mission system might never enter the white man's records. Futhermore, in the last years of our study, 1835–1854, a process was taking place that is also characteristic of Hispanic culture. Indian neophytes, who may have been Christian for as many as three generations, were settling among the gente de razon in San Jose and other Hispanic settlements and were winning acceptance, as is shown in the marginal entries for baptisms and marriages, which begin to use the terms vecino and vecina (also employed increasingly for the gente de razon) in place of indigena , that is to say, Indian. How many people were involved in this kind of passing, how far acceptance went, what the end results might have been, we are unable to state. The first years of the American period unleashed a series of new forces of violent impact that changed the demographic history of California even more completely than had the coming of the missionaries.
6—
Some Comments
Our essay basically has attempted to apply the techniques of examination of vital registers as they have been worked out by students of historical demography on two continents. We have,
we think, shed new light upon a series of facts of the experience of Indian and Hispanic populations during the California mission period. Considerably more probably can be done. Much studied as the California missions have been, and voluminous the publications in existence, we have been forced repeatedly to point to questions we cannot answer at this time and suggest that more research is needed with the specific question in mind. Our essay, furthermore, covers only the registers of eight missions. There were twenty-three missions in all in Alta California, every one of them keeping the same kind of registers. Remarkably few of such registers have been mislaid or lost, so that the same kind of techniques, perhaps even in improved form, can be applied to this mass of raw data, with yield that is certain to be rich but whose ultimate dimension one can foresee only dimly. The Indians of Southern California, even after missionization, remained in rancherías. Their type of mission settlement should yield information on yet other kinds of reactions and adaptations.
The Hispanic population, with fuller entries in the mission registers and control over the entire number, can probably be traced through what is at this point the ultimate in satisfactory reconstruction from vital registers, the reconstitution of families. We guess that the mission registers of all California, supplemented by other materials, should permit tracing the Hispanic immigrants and their children for at least a century and a quarter. From the data available in the registers of the eight missions we have studied, we suspect further that the Hispanic population should turn out to be as robust, as long-lived, and as fecund as the habitants of French Canada. Presumably they should show the same rapid multiplication of numbers until they met some check. That might have come either through filling up the vital space available to them or the entrance of a more formidable competing group. We know that the latter occurred. They and their descendants were rapidly absorbed by the newcomers.
To what extent similar studies of American Indians, Hispanos, and others can be carried on for the Southwest of the United States and the North of Mexico, we do not yet know. A series of surveys will have to locate the materials that survive and determine the extent of analysis possible. By and large, they have yet to be made.
Works Cited or Consulted
Manuscripts
Mexico
Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City (abbreviated in the text as AGN)
Historia,
vols. 522–523. Summaries by intendancies and provinces of incomplete censuses taken during the administration of Viceroy Revillagigedo II, 1789–1794.
Padrones,
108 vols. Returns of the military census (i.e., counts of non-Indian population), 1791–1793.
Archivo Municipal, Guadalajara
legajos 273 and 276. Sheets of the city census of 1838.
Spain
Archivo de los Duques del Infantado, Madrid
vol. 54, ff. 148–180. Report of Juan de Cervantes Casaus on the royal finances, Mexico City, 4 September 1646. 32 ff.
Archivo General de Indias, Seville (abbreviated in the text as AGI)
Audiencia de Méjico,
legajos 2578–2581 and 2589–2591. Portions of 1777 census reports from the bishoprics of Puebla and Oaxaca.
Indiferente General,
legajos 102 and 1526. Portions of the 1777 census for the bishopric of Durango.
United States
Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley
California—Statistics, vital [California Mission Statistics 1769–1834].
Lists of population, births, marriages, deaths, livestock and crops for each mission, the Presidios of San Diego, Monterey, San Francisco, and Santa Barbara, the pueblos of San Jose and Los Angeles, and the Villa Branciforte, with analyses by place and overall statistics. 32 folders. (Call number C–C 64.)
Palafox y Mendoza, Juan de. Instrucción reservada. n.d., but 1643–1647. In Mexican Manuscript 162, ff. 7v-46v.
Archive of the Diocese of Monterey-Salinas, Monterey, California
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Library of the University of Santa Clara, Santa Clara, California
Mission Registers of Santa Clara
Library of the Genealogical Society of Utah, Salt Lake City
Card catalogue. Consulted on film at the branch of the Genealogical Society in Oakland, California.
Mission Registers of the Diocese of Monterey-Salinas, California, in microfilm. Consulted at the branch of the Genealogical Society in Oakland, California.
Library of the University of Texas at Austin
Relaciones Geográficas, in the García Icazbalceta Collection.
Printed Materials
Aguirre Beltrán, Gonzalo. "Cultura y nutrición," In Estudios antropológicos publicados en homenaje al doctor Manuel Gamio (Mexico City, 1956), pp. 227–249.
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Standley, Paul C. Trees and Shrubs of Mexico . (Contributions from the United States National Herbarium, vol. 23). 5 parts. Washington, D.C., 1920–1926.
Stoudt, Howard W., Albert Damon, and Ross A. McFarland. "Heights and Weights of White Americans," Human Biology XXXII (1960): 331–341.
Taylor, William B. Landlord and Peasant in Colonial Oaxaca . Stanford, 1972.
Thompson, J. Eric S., ed. and trans. "The Relacion de Tecuanapa, Guerrero." Tlalocan , V (1965): 85–96.
Tlalocan . 6 vols. 1943–1971.
United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. The Eighteenth Decennial Census of the United States, Census of Population: 1960. Volume I . Washington, D.C., 1964.
———. 1970 Census of Population. Volume I. General Population Characteristics. Part I. United States Summary . 2 sections. Washington, D.C., 1973.
———. Historical Statistics of the United States, Colonial Times to 1957 . Washington, D.C., 1960.
United States Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Public Health Service, National Vital Statistics Division. Vital Statistics of the United States, 1960 . 3 vols. Washington, D.C., 1963.
Veracruz (State). Estadística del estado libre y soberano de Veracruz . Jalapa, 1831–1832.
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Index
A
Acorns:
neglected as food source in pre-Conquest Mexico, 136 -138
Adult:
use of term in California mission registers, 249
Age distribution:
of converts in California missions, Table 3.2, 197 -204;
age at death of converts, Table 3.3, 206 -209;
survival of converts, 210 -229, Tables 3.4A, 3.4B, 3.5 and passim;
baptisms and deaths of mission-born Indians, by cohorts, Table 3.6, 232 -238;
life tables for selected cohorts, Table 3.7, 244 -247
Agriculture:
pre-Conquest Indian agricultural system, 133 -135;
major aboriginal crops, 134 -135;
physical labor requirements, 153 -158;
pre-Conquest maize productivity, 165 -167;
agricultural census of 1930, 166 ;
agricultural census of 1940, 166 ;
agricultural census of 1950, 166 n;
digging stick vs. plow yields, 167 , 171 ;
introduction of new crops by Spanish, 167 -168;
and post-Conquest Indian population decline, 168 -173;
Indian resistance to adoption of wheat, 169 -170;
widespread Indian adoption of bananas and sugarcane, 170 ;
Indian resistance to adoption of plow, 171 -172;
rise in per capita output in 16th century, 172 -173;
increasing specialization, 16th century, 173
Álamos, 179 n
Alcabala : see Taxes
Algae:
use of as food in pre-Conquest Valley of Mexico, 136
Almojarifazgo : see Taxes
Alta California: see California
Amat, Tadeo (Bishop of Monterey), 280 n
Amatlán (town), Table 1.3n, 115
Amozoc (town), Table 1.4A, 118
Analco, 105
Anderson, Richmond K., 163 n
Animal foods:
types consumed by pre-Conquest Indians, 135 ;
adoption of Spanish-introduced animals by Indians, 170 -171
Anonymous Conqueror, 141 , 162
Archivo General de Indias, Seville, 2 , 4
Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City, 4
Armada de Barlovento : see Taxes
Arriaga, Eduardo E., 241 , 242
Arteaga, Reverend Mother Cristina de la Cruz de, 5
Atitalaquía (town), 140 n
Atlatlauca (town), 139 n
Atlixco, Valley of:
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118
B
Baja California:
mission records, 179 ;
Indian immigrants from, 261
Bananas, 170 and note
Bancroft, Hubert Howe, 190 n, 248
Bancroft Library, 180 , 248
Bancroft Transcripts, 248
Baptism:
of Indian gentiles in California missions, Tables 3.1, 3.2, 193 -204;
survival of converts, 210 -229, Tables 3.4A, 3.4B, 3.5 and passim;
survival of mission-born Indians, Table 3.6, 232 -238;
records on non-Indians, 262 -265
Bard, Philip, 151
Beauvaisis, 266
Birth rate: see Natality
Body size:
pre-Conquest Indians, contemporary statements, 141 -142;
anthropometry of skeletal remains, 142 ;
derived from present-day conditions, 142 -150;
average height and weight of Indian tribes, North and South America, Table 2.1, 143 -147;
height of males and females, Indian tribes and other ethnic groups, Table 2.2, 148 ;
height differences between
central Mexican and northern Indians, 142 , 149 ;
height, Mesoamerican and South American Indians compared, 149 ;
height differences among central Mexican groups, 149 ;
ratio of stature to body weight, 149 ;
male/female ratio, 149 -150;
pre-Conquest Mexican children, 152 -153
Bonfil Batalla, Guillermo, 163 n
Boserup, Ester, 133
Bowman, J.N., 181 n
Braganza, Duke of (King of Portugal), 6
Branciforte, Villa, 183 , 248 n, 262
Braudel, Fernand, 130 -131n
Britanny, 241 , 242 , 266
Bulls of the Crusade: see Taxes
C
Cacao:
as tribute commodity, Table 1.3, 106 -115, passim;
related to altitude, 116 , 117 , 123 ;
amount and value of tribute, 1646, Table 1.4B, 122 , and 123 n
California:
Indian use of acorns as food, 137 ; 138 ;
mission records, 179 -181;
foundation of missions, 181 -182;
Alta and Baja, detached from Bishopric of Sonora, 186 ;
American annexation and ecclesiastical organization, 186 ;
immigration to, 261 -263, passim
Californios , 267 , 304
Caloric requirements:
pre-modern Europe, 130 -131n;
modern caloric minima, U.S., 141 ;
basal metabolism and caloric requirements, 150 -153;
mean basal metabolic rate, pre-Conquest Mexican Indian adult male, 151 ;
females, 151 ;
children, 151 -153;
of total population, 153 ;
caloric requirements above basal level, modern U.S.-European and pre-Conquest Mexican Indians compared, 154 -155;
for average pre-Conquest Mexican Indian peasant, daily, 155 -159;
annual daily average above basal level, pre-Conquest central Mexican Indian male adults, 157 ;
female adults, 157 -158;
children, 158 -159;
average per person per day, central Mexico, all ages, 159 ;
Spanish notions of adequacy, 176
Campeche, 46
Cannibalism:
as food source, 136 ;
substitution of animal foods for, 173 -174
Carmel, 182
Carriers, Indian, 155 -156, 176
Carrión (town):
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118
Cattle:
a Spanish vs. Indian livestock activity, 171 ;
slowness of spread among Indians, 172 ;
Indian consumption of beef, 173 and note
Census:
Status Animarum , or Padrón , in California mission records, 184 ;
Mexican census of 1895, 241 , 242 ;
census of 1900, 242
Central Mexico:
Indian population, 1518-1605, 1 ;
1650, 3 ;
1568, 1595, 1620-1625, 1646, 95 -100;
size of, 132 ;
Indian population, pre-Columbian, 132
Central Valley (California), 182 , 192 , 194 , 282
Cervantes Casaus, Juan de, 5 and note
Chalco (district), 106 -115, Table 1.3 and passim;
pre-Conquest agriculture, 133
Charles V (King), 141
Chávez, Fray Angélico, O.F.M., 179
Chichimec territory, 12 , 16 ;
frontier, 105
Chickens:
adoption of by Indians, 170 and note, 172
Chinampa :
described, 133 -134
Chinantla, 167 n
Chontales bravos (Oaxaca), 65
Chumash Indians, 182
Cihuatlán (town), Table 1.3n, 115
Clavijero, Francisco Javier, 171 n
Cloth:
as tribute commodity, 104 , 106 -115, Table 1.3, passim;
related to altitude, 116 , 117 , 123 ;
amount and value as tribute, 1646, Table 1.4B, 122 , 123 n;
amount and value huipiles and naguas as tribute, 1646, Table 1.4B, 122 , 123 n
Cochineal:
as tribute commodity, 106 ;
Table 1.3, 110 ;
value of tribute, 1646, Table 1.4B, 122
Colegio de Propaganda Fide de San Fernando de México, 184
Colima, 11
Colyton (England), 267
Congregación , 9
Conquest, Spanish:
general effects of on central Mexico, 168
Contaduría General de Tributos, 8 , 10 -11
Conversion:
Indian gentiles in California missions, 192 -194;
age at conversion related to mortality, 223 -224;
Table 3.5, 224 -228;
non-Indians to Catholocism, 262 , 277 ;
and marriage, 279 -282, 286 -287.
See also: Baptism
Cook, Sherburne F., 130 n, 194 , 195 , 248
Cortés, Fernando:
family encomienda, 103 , 141 , 162 , 163
Costanoan Indians, 182
Cuicatlán (town), 139 n
Cuilapan (town), 162
Culleton, Monsignor James, 189
D
Dávalos Hurtado, Eusebio, 134
Death rate: see Mortality
Demographic materials:
recent discoveries of, 1610-1700, 2 -4;
Montemayor y Córdova de Cuenca population count, Mixteca Alta, 2 -3, 4 , 8 -9;
Landeras de Velasco estimate, 1607, 3 n;
pastoral inspections, 4 ;
Salvatierra report of 1646, 4 -7ff;
keeping of tribute records, 10 -11;
California mission registers, 177 -192;
location and availability of registers, 177 -181, 183 -184;
nature of mission registers, 184 -187;
difficulties in the use of, 187 -192;
annual mission reports remitted to Mexico City, 248 -249;
non-Indians in mission registers, 262 -263;
marriages in mission registers, 278 -279
Demographic methods:
conversion factors, 1607, 3 n; 1646, 12 -13;
adjustment for lag between tribute counts and reassessments, 8 -9, 99 ;
estimate of towns covered in 1646 tribute list, 9 -11, 99 -100;
correction for deficient coverage of 1646 list, 13 -16, 23 -24, 28 ;
for deriving age at death in California mission registers, 188 -192, 204 -205;
age distribution of mission converts, 196 ;
calculation of survivorship of converts, 210 ;
problem of determining age at death of later cohorts in missions, 230
Demographic regions:
Central Plateua (Region I), defined, 16 ;
Valles-Pánuco (Region II), defined, 34 ;
Central Veracruz (Region IIA), defined, 42 ;
Alvarado-Coatzacoalcos (Region III), defined, 46 ;
Northwestern Oaxaca (Region IV), defined, 51 ;
the Zapotecas (Region V), defined, 59 ;
Oaxaca Coast (Region VI), defined, 67 ;
Zacatula-Guerrero (Region VII), defined, 72 ;
Michoacán (Region VIII), defined, 80 ;
Eastern Jalisco-Zacatecas (Region IX), defined, 84 ;
Colima-Nayarit (Region X), defined, 88 ;
variation in population decline to 1620-1625, 101
Desagüe , Table 1.4A, 119 ; 174 -175
Díaz del Castillo, Bernal, 156 and note
Diet:
food consumption equated with nutrition, 131 ;
regional differences in pre-Conquest central Mexico, 138 -139;
social distribution in pre-Conquest central Mexico, 139 -140;
adequacy relative to caloric requirements, pre-Conquest central Mexico, 159 -163;
undernutrition, effects of, 160 -161;
paucity of Indian diet described, 16th century, 162 ;
undernutrition vs. malnutrition, 163 ;
per capita maize consumption, pre-Conquest Indians, 164 -165;
introduction of new foods by Spanish, 167 -168;
Indian adoption of European foods, 170 ;
Indian adoption of Spanish food animals, 170 -171;
continued post-Conquest Indian reliance on maize, 172 ;
rise in per capita consumption, 16th century, 172 -173;
reduction of variety, 16th century, 173 ;
Indian consumption of beef, 173 and note;
increases in protein and caloric intake of Indian peasantry, 1550-1650, 174 -176;
general improvement after Conquest, 176 ;
Spanish notions of adequacy, 176
Disease:
intestinal, from water pollution, 136 ;
epidemic of 1802, Mission San Carlos Borromeo, 190 ;
exposure to, among converted mission Indians, 193
E
Ejidos , 166
Encomienda(s) , 7 -8;
extinction of, 102 -103;
and pensions, 103
Engelhardt, Father Zephyrin, 183 n
Esselen Indians, 182
F
Famine:
scientific study of, 130
Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, Gonzalo, 162
Fonseca, Fabián de: see Taxes; Tributes, Indian; Tributes, Free Negroes and Mulattoes
Food production:
general definition, 131 ;
agriculture, 132 -135;
animal foods, 135 ;
algae, 136 ;
cannibalism, 136 ;
acorns, 136 -138;
rise in per capita output, 16th century, 172 -173;
increasing specialization, 16th century, 173
France:
infant mortality compared to California missions, 240 -242;
compared to non-Indian population, 255 -267
Franciscans: see Missions
French Canada, 311
G
Geneological Society of Utah, Salt Lake City, 181 and note
Gente de razón :
defined, 177 -178; 186 , 188 , 261 -310 passim
Gerhard, Peter, 12
Gibson, Charles, 4 -5, 130 n, 165 and note, 171 n, 174 -175
Goats:
adoption of by Indians, 171 , 172
Gold: see Taxes
Gómez Canedo, Father Lino, O.F.M., 179 n
Goodhart, Robert S., 152 -153
Grande, Francisco, 160
Great Armada, 164 n
Green Revolution, 164 n, 165
Guadalajara (city):
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118 and 122 n
Guatemala, 149
Guatemala, Audiencia of, 126
H
Haciendas:
resident families' rations, 175
Havard, V., 137 n
Hernández, Francisco, 135
Hernández, Mercedes, 164 n
Huapanapa (town), 106
Huatenicamanes (Oaxaca), 65 , 116
Huatulco (town):
customs, 1646, Table 1.4A, 120
Huaxteca (province), 105
Huayacocotla (town), Table 1.3n, 115
Huipiles : see Cloth
I
Indian population:
increase, 1644-1698, 2 ;
in Mixteca Alta, pre-Conquest to 1620, 2 -3;
in west-central Mexico, 1548-1650, 3 ;
in Puebla region, 1570-1650, 3 ;
in central Mexico, 1650, 3 ;
demographic transition, 13 , 101 ;
pre-Columbian central Mexico, 132 ;
Central Plateau (Region I), 1568, 1646, and ratio 1646/1568, 16 ;
1646, 23 ;
1620-1625, 28 ;
1568, 24 ;
1595, 28 ;
Valles-Pánuco (Region II), 1568, 1646, 34 ;
1595, 35 ;
Central Veracruz (Region IIA), 1568, 1620-1625, 42 ;
1595, 42 ;
Alvarado-Coatzacoalcos (Region III), 1568, 1646, 1620-1625, 46 ;
1595, 50 ;
Northwestern Oaxaca (Region IV), 1568, 1646, 1620-1625, 51 ;
1595, 56 ;
the Zapotecas (Region V), 1568, 1646, 59 ;
1620-1625, 64 ;
1595, 65 ;
Oaxaca Coast (Region VI), 1568, 1646, 67 ;
1620-1625, 70 ;
1595, 71 ;
1646, 71 ;
Zacatula-Guerrero (Region VII), 1568, 1646, 73 ;
1620-1625, 78 ;
1595, 78 ;
1646, 78 ;
Michoacán (Region VIII), 1568, 1646, 80 ;
1620-1625, 82 ;
1595, 1646, 83 ;
Eastern Jalisco-Zacatecas (Region IX), 1568, 1646, 85 ;
1620-1625, 1646, 1595, 87 ;
Colima-Nayarit (Region X), 1568, 1646, 89 ;
1620-1625, 1646, 1595, 93 ;
central Mexico entire, 1568, 1595, 1620-1625, 1646, 95 -99, 100 ;
differences with earlier figures explained, 100 ;
Sinaloa (Nueva Galicia), 17th century, 100 ;
regional variations in decline, to 1620-1625, 101 , 168 ;
low point in central Mexico, 1620-1625, 101 -102, 168 ;
density, central Mexico, pre-Conquest, 132 ;
proportion children, 1518, 152 ;
post-Conquest decline and Indian agriculture, 168 -173;
ratio of converted to non-mission Indians in California, 193 -194;
total gentile baptisms in missions, Table 3.1, 195 ;
age of gentiles at baptism, Table 3.2, 197 -204;
age at death of Indian gentiles, Table 3.3, 206 -209;
survival of converted gentiles, Tables 3.4A, 3.4B, 3.5, 210 -229;
baptisms and deaths of mission-born Indians, by cohorts, Table 3.6, 232 -238;
infant mortality in missions, 239 -243;
life tables for selected cohorts, Table 3.7, 244 -247;
life expectancy of mission-born Indians compared to gentile converts, 248 ;
birth rates in missions, 248 -260;
ratio of births to adult female and total populations, Figures 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 250 -257;
and interethnic mixture with non-Indians, 267 -278;
marriage in missions, 278 -310;
remarriage and mortality in missions, 287 -298, Table 3.10A and passim
Indian towns:
changes in, 1568-1646, 8 -9;
identification of, 12
Infant mortality: see Mortality
Infantado, Duques del, 5
Israel, J. I., 3 and note
Ivanovsky, Alexis, 160
Ixmiquilpan, Table 1.3n, 115
J
Jacona:
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118
Jalapa (Province), Table 1.3n, 115 ; 138 n
Jilotepec de Abasolo (town), Table 1.3n, 115
Jowdy, E. William, 4 -5
K
Keys, Ancel, 160
Kleiber, Max, 150
Kroeber, Alfred E., 182
L
Labor:
daily activity schedule of pre-Conquest central Mexican Indian male adults, 155 -158;
hypothetical day of average Aztec male macehual , 156 -157;
adjusted for yerly rest-days, 157 ;
Aztec women, 157 -158;
chil-
dren, 158 -159;
shortage of, late 16th century, 173 ;
rise in real wages, 16th century, 174
Land:
competition between Indians and Spanish over, 168 -169;
Indian land grants for livestock, 170 -171
Life expectancy: see Mortality
Livestock:
spread of, and Indian land rights, 169 ;
Indian adoption of, 170 -171
Llamas, Roberto, 164 n
López de Gómara, Francisco, 135 , 141 , 171 n
Los Angeles, pueblo, 248 n
M
Macuilsúchil (town), 167 n
Maize:
as tribute commodity, 104 , 105 -106;
Table 1.3, 106 -115 passim, 117 , 123 ;
amount and value as tribute, 1646, Table 1.4B, 122 , and 123 n;
as staple pre-Conquest crop, 134 -135;
rations, Indian laborers, 1555, 164 , 165 ;
caloric values, 164 n;
productivity, 165 -167;
yields, 165 -166;
yields of hybrid maize, 166 n;
yields compared to wheat, 169
Maldonado, Licenciado (oidor ), 174
Malinaltepec (town), 139 n
Mancera, Viceroy, 128
Marriage:
interethnic, in mission registers, 267 -278;
non-Indian intermarriage, 277 , 298 ; 304 -310, Table 3.11, passim;
recorded in mission registers, 278 -310;
Pauline Dispensation, 279 ;
and conversion to Christianity, 279 -282;
Christian marriages of Indian converts, Table 3.9, 282 -286, 286 -287;
remarriage and mortality in missions, 287 -298 and Table 3.10A;
remarriage among non-Indians, 298 -304 and Table 3.10B
Martín Enríquez, Viceroy, 124 , 175 and note
Maya Indians, 149
Mendizábal, Miguel Othón de, 129 , 130
Mérida:
caja , 9
Mestization, 261
Metabolism: see Caloric consumption
Mexico, Archbishopric, 280
Mexico, Audiencia, 3 n;
treasury, 6 ;
tribute administration, 1625-1650, 8 ;
coverage in 1646 tribute report, 9 -11;
Indian population, 1568, 1595, 1620-1625, 1646, 95 -100
Mexico, Bishopric, 2
Mexico City:
Indian suburbs, tributes, 106 ;
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118 ;
and water resources, 169
Mexico:
infant mortality in Porfirian era, 241 -241, 266
Mexico, Valley of, 132 , 135 , 139 , 164 , 165 , 171 and note
Mezquital Valley, 129 , 132 , 139 , 163 and note
Michoacán, Bishopric, 2
Militia service:
by free people of color, 124
Minnesota, University of, 160
Miranda, José, 2
Mission La Soledad, 181 , 183 and note;
Table 3.1, 195 ;
Table 3.2, 201 -202;
Table 3.3, 208 ;
Figure 3.1, 251 ;
Figure 3.2, 253 ;
Figure 3.3, 255 ;
Figure 3.4, 257 , 258 ;
Table 3.8B, 273 ;
Table 3.9, 285 ;
Table 3.10A, 295 ; 303 n
Mission Nuestra Señora de los Dolores, 182 , 194 n
Mission Nuestra Señora Dolorosísima de la Soledad: see Mission La Soledad
Mission registers: see Demographic materials
Mission San Antonio de Padua, 181 , 183 and note, 194 ; 195 and Table 3.1; 196 ;
Table 3.2, 202 -203;
Table 3.3, 208 ;
Figure 3.1, 251 ;
Figure 3.2, 253 ;
Figure 3.3, 255 ;
Figure 3.4, 257 ; 259 -260;
Table 3.8B, 274 ; 282 ;
Table 3.9, 285 ;
Table 3.10A, 296 ; 303 n
Mission San Carlos Borromeo, 181 , 182 , 187 , 188 -192, 193 , 194 ;
Table 3.1, 195 ; 196 ;
Table 3.2, 201 ;
Table 3.3, 208 ; 211 ;
Table 3.4A, 216 ; 220 ;
Table 3.4B, 222 ;
Table 3.5, 226 ; 230 , 231 ;
Table 3.6, 236 ; 239 , 240 , 243 ;
Table 3.7, 243 ; 244 , 246 ;
Figure 3.1, 251 ;
Figure 3.2, 253 ;
Figure 3.3, 255 ;
Figure 3.4, 257 ; 259 , 260 , 262 ; 263 -264, Table 3.8A; 265 , 266 ;
Table 3.8B, 271 ; 277 ;
Table 3.9, 284 ;
Table 3.10A, 294 ; 298 ;
Table 3.10B, 302 ; 304 ;
Table 3.11, 308
Mission San Francisco de Asís: see Mission Nuestra Señora de los Dolores
Mission San Francisco de Solano, 179
Mission San José, 181 n, 182 , 183 , 194 n
Mission San Juan Bautista, 181 , 193 , 195 and Table 3.1;
Table 3.2, 200 ;
Table 3.3, 208 ; 210 ;
Table 3.4A, 215 ;
Table 3.4B, 221 ; 223 ;
Table 3.5, 226 ;
Table 3.6, 235 ;
Table 3.7, 246 ;
Figure 3.1, 250 ;
Figure 3.2, 252 ;
Figure 3.3, 254 ;
Figure 3.4, 256 ;
Table 3.8B, 272 ;
Table 3.9, 284 ;
Table 3.10B, 301 ; 304 ;
Table 3.11, 307 ; 310
Mission San Luis Obispo, 181 , 183 -184, 194 ;
Table 3.1, 195 ; 196 ;
Table 3.2,
204 ;
Table 3.3, 209 ; 211 ;
Table 3.4A, 218 ; 220 ;
Table 3.4B, 222 ; 223 ;
Table 3.5, 228 ; 230 ;
Table 3.6, 238 ; 240 , 243 ;
Table 3.7, 244 ; 247 ;
Figure 3.1, 251 ;
Figure 3.2, 253 ;
Figure 3.3, 255 ;
Figure 3.4, 257 ; 259 , 260 ;
Table 3.8B, 276 ;
Table 3.9, 286 ;
Table 3.10A, 297 ; 303 n
Mission San Miguel Arcángel, 181 , 183 and notes, 194 ;
Table 3.1, 195 ;
Table 3.2, 203 ;
Table 3.3, 209 ; 210 ;
Table 3.4A, 217 ; 220 ;
Table 3.4B, 222 ; 223 ;
Table 3.5, 227 ;
Table 3.6, 237 ; 243 ;
Table 3.7, 247 ;
Figure 3.1, 251 ;
Figure 3.2, 253 ;
Figure 3.3, 255 ;
Figure 3.4, 257 ;
Table 3.8B, 275 ; 303 n
Mission Santa Clara, 181 , 183 , 195 ;
Table 3.1, 196 ;
Table 3.2, 198 ; 205 ;
Table 3.3, 206 -207; 211 ;
Table 3.4A, 213 , 219 ; 220 ;
Table 3.4B, 221 , 223 ;
Table 3.5, 225 , 228 ;
Table 3.6, 233 ; 239 , 240 , 243 ;
Table 3.7, 244 -245; 249 ;
Figure 3.1, 250 ;
Figure 3.2, 252 ;
Figure 3.3, 254 ;
Figure 3.4, 256 ; 258 , 262 , 263 -264 and Table 3.8A; 265 , 266 ;
Table 3.8B, 269 ; 278 , 281 ;
Table 3.9, 283 ;
Table 3.10A, 290 -291; 298 ;
Table 3.10B, 300 ; 304 ;
Table 3.11, 306
Mission Santa Cruz, 181 , 183 , 193 ;
Table 3.1, 195 , 196 ;
Table 3.2, 199 ;
Table 3.3, 206 -207;
Table 3.4A, 214 ; 220 ;
Table 3.4B, 221 ;
Table 3.5, 225 ; 229 ;
Table 3.6, 234 ;
Table 3.7, 245 ;
Figure 3.1, 250 ;
Figure 3.2, 252 ;
Figure 3.3, 254 ;
Figure 3.4, 256 ; 262 , 263 ;
Table 3.8A, 264 ; 265 , 266 ;
Table 3.8B, 270 ; 277 ;
Table 3.9, 283 ;
Table 3.10A, 292 -293; 303 n
Missions:
function as parish churches, 177 ;
secularization, 178 ;
secularization of California missions, 182 , 186 , 190 , 261 -262;
foundation of, in California, 181 -182;
ethno-linguistic mixing in, 182 -183;
non-Indian population, 183 , 261 -278;
conversion of Indian gentiles, 192 -194;
age of Indian converts at baptism (summary), Table 3.2, 197 ;
age at death of Indian gentiles, Table 3.3, 206 -209;
survivorship of Indian converts, 210 ;
survival of converted gentiles, Tables 3.4A, 3.4B, 3.5, 210 -229 and passim;
effects on Indian mortality, vs. civil administration, 211 ;
Mortality of mission-born Indians, Table 3.6, 232 -238;
infant mortality, 239 -243;
life tables for selected cohorts, Table 3.7, 244 -247;
life expectancy of mission-born Indians compared to gentile converts, 248 ;
birth rates in missions, 248 -260;
use of term adult, defined, 249 ;
ratio of births to adult female and total populations, Figures 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 250 -257;
variation in natality among missions, 249 , 258 -260;
marriage among Indians, 278 -310;
marriage and conversion to Christianity, 279 -282;
Christian marriages of Indian converts, Table 3.9, 282 -286;
remarriage and mortality, 287 -298; and Table 3.10A;
remarriage among non-Indians, 298 -304, and Table 3.10B;
marriage among non-Indians, and interethnic marriage, 298 , 304 -310, and Table 3.11.
Se also specific missions by name
Mitla, 139 and note
Mitlantongo (town), 139 n
Miwok Indians, 182
Mixteca Alta, 2 , 8 -9, 13 , 101 , 169
Monterey, 182 , 183 , 298
Monterey, Presidio, 248 n, 262
Monterey Bay, 183
Morin, Claude, 3
Mortality:
normal among aboriginal groups, compared to Tulare Indians, 204 ;
age at death of Indian gentiles, Table 3.3, 206 -209;
and analysis of survivorship, 210 ;
years survived by baptized gentiles, Tables 3.4A, 3.4B, 3.5, 210 -229 and passim;
among mission-born Indians, 231 ;
baptisms and deaths among mission-born Indians, by cohorts, Table 3.6, 232 -238;
infant mortality, 239 -243;
compared to modern U.S., 18th-century France, and Porfirian Mexico, 240 -242;
life tables for selected cohorts, Table 3.7, 244 -247;
life expectancy of mission-born Indians compared to gentile converts, 248 ;
non-Indian population, Table 3.8A, 263 -264;
non-Indian infant mortality, 266 -267;
and remarriage in missions, 287 -298, and Table 3.10A;
remarriage among non-Indians, 298 -304, and Table 3.10B
Motolinía (Fray Toribio de Benavente), 162
N
Naguas : see cloth
Natality:
of Indians born in missions, 229 -231;
sources, 248 -249;
variation among missions, 249 , 258 -260;
ratio of births to adult female population, Figures 3.1, 3.3, 250 -251, 254 -255;
ratio of births to total population, Figures 3.2, 3.4, 252 -253, 256 -257;
overall natality in missions, 258 -259;
non-Indian population, Table 3.8A, 263 -264
National Institute of Anthropology and History, Mexico City, 179
New Laws, 127
New Mexico, 179
New Spain:
decay of royal administration in, 1640's, 6
Newman, Marshall, 149
Nexapa (town), 140 n
Non-Indian population:
and racial mixture, 177 -178, 267 -278, 304 ;
within mission territory, 183 ;
in mission registers, 185 -186, 261 -278;
non-Hispanic, 186 , 261 ;
and immigration, 261 ;
births and deaths in selected missions, Table 3.8A, 263 -264;
ratio of births to deaths, 265 ;
infant mortality, 266 -267;
aggregate born in mission areas, Table 3.8B, 267 -276;
Hispanoamericano defined, 277 n;
children born in missions, classified by origin of parents, Table 3.8B, 268 -276;
marriage among, 298 -310, and Tables 3.10B, 3.11
Noonan, John T., Jr., 280 n
Nueva Galicia, 3 n;
tribute assessments, 8 , 9 ;
Indian population, 17th century, 100
Nutrition:
equated with food consumption, 131 .
See also: Diet
O
Oaxaca, 241
Obrajes :
ordinances regarding workers, 1579, 175 and note
P
Pajacuarán (town), 82
Palafox y Mendoza, Juan de:
visita of 1646, 5 -7;
relación de mando on royal taxes, 126 -127
Palerm, Ángel, 133
Paris basin (France), 241 , 242
Patton, Harry D., 151 , 153 , 154 , 155
Pátzcuaro, 82 , 140
Peanuts:
introduced into Mexico by Spanish, 168
Peñol Blanco:
salt deposits, royal monopoly, Table 1.4A, 119
Petates :
as tribute commodity, Table 1.3, 112 ;
number and value of tribute, 1646, Table 1.4B, 122
Philippine trade: see Taxes
Piaztla (town), 140 n
Pigs:
adopted by Indians, 171 and note;
slowness of adoption by Indians, 172
Pinotepa (town), Table 1.3n, 115 ; 116
Ponce, Father Alonso, 170 n, 171 n, 173 n
Ponce, Juan Bautista, 173 n
Pope (The), 186
Population density:
aboriginal population, central Mexico, 132
Population pressure:
related to ridged fields, 134 ;
related to consumption of algae, 136
Prices:
commodities, 17th century, 123
Puebla, Bishopric, 2
Puebla (city);
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118
Puebla region, 3
R
Race mixture: see Marriage; Non-Indian population
Radding de Murrieta, Cynthia, 179 n
Rations:
maize, Indians, 16th century, 164 -165;
increases, for laborers, 16th and 17th centuries, 174 -175
Relaciones Geograficas , 130 , 135 , 137 -138 and notes, 139 and note, 140 , 161 , 169 , 170 n, 173 n, 176
Revillagigedo, Conde de, II (Viceroy), 117
Roca, Juan, 164 n
Royal revenues: see Taxes
Ruch, Theodore C., 151 , 153 , 154 , 155
Russia, 160
S
Sahagún, Bernardino de, 135 , 157
Saint Paul, 279
Salazar, Fray Agustín de, 162
Salinan Indians, 182
Salt:
as tribute commodity, Table 1.3, 107 ; 117 , 123 ;
amount and value of tribute, 1646, Table 1.4B, 122 and 123 n
Salvatierra, Conde de (Viceroy), 5
San Diego, Bishopric, 186
San Diego (mission jurisdiction), 181 n
San Diego, Presidio, 248 n
San Francisco, Archdiocese, 181 n
San Francisco, Presidio, 248 n
San Joaquin Valley: see Central Valley (California)
San José, pueblo, 183 , 248 n, 262 , 278 , 298 , 310
San Luis Potosí (city):
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118 ;
income from mining taxes, 1646, 125
San Luis Potosí:
subtreasury, 116 -117;
Table 1.4A, 121
Sánchez-Albornoz, Nocolás, 130 n
Santa Barbara, Presidio, 248 n
Santa Fé, Archdiocese, 179
Santa Cruz, Marqués de, 164 n
Santa Inés Zacatelco, 3
Santa María de la Victoria:
subcaja , 9
Santiago Tlatelolco (town), 106 n
Sauer, Jonathan, 134
Seigniorage: see Taxes
Serra, Father Junípero, 182 , 184
Servicio real , 7 -8, 103 -104;
Table 1.3 111 ;
Table 1.4B, 122
Sheep:
Indian adoption of, 170 -171, 172
Sherman, Henry C., 154 , 156 , 161 , 163
Silveira, Carlos, 164 n
Silveira, María Cristina, 164 n
Silver: see Taxes
Simpson, Lesley Byrd, 130 n, 170 -171
Sinaloa:
Indian population, 17th century, 100
Slaves, 124
Social structure:
and diet differences in pre-Conquest central Mexico, 139 -140;
and Indian consumption of beef, 173 and note
Sonora, Bishopric, 186 , 279
Southern California, 311
Sudzal (town), 163 n
Sugarcane, 170 and note
Sultepec (town), 167 and note
Survivorship: see Mortality
T
Tabasco, 9
Tancajual (town), 105 ;
Table 1.3n, 115
Tanleón (town), 105 ;
Table 1.3n, 115
Tarascan(s):
state tribute system, 139 -140
Tasco, 174
Taxes:
difficulty in collection and accounting of royal revenues, 6 -7;
mercury monopoly, 7 ;
royal revenues, 102 -128;
disorder of, 102 ;
almojarifazgo , 117 ;
structure of royal revenues, Audiencia of Mexico, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118 -121;
Armada de Barlovento , 117 ;
Table 1.4A, 118 -121; 125 -126;
history of royal treasury by Fonseca and Urrutia, 117 , 124 , Table 1.4A, 118 -121;
alcabala revenues, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118 ;
playing card monopoly, 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 and 122 n;
gunpowder monopoly, 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 and 122 n;
Indian tributes, 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 ;
almojarifazgo , 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 ;
quinto on silver, 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 ;
taxes on gold, 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 ;
seigniorage, 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 ;
bulls of the crusade, 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 ;
dos novenos of tithe, 1646, Table 1.4A, 120 ;
taxes on Philippine trade, 1646, Table 1.4A, 120 ;
media anata , 1646, Table 1.4A, 120 ;
mercury monopoly, 1646, Table 1.4A, 120 and 123 n;
tax on wine, 1646, Table 1.4A, 120 ;
alcabala most profitable, 125 ;
relative tax yields, 1646, 125 ;
negligence and corruption in collection, 126 -128;
ramos not included in 1646 report, 127
Tehuacán, Valley of, 137 n
Tehuantepec (town), 106 ;
Table 1.3n, 115
Temazcaltepec (town), 138 n
Tenochtitlán, 136 , 139
Teotenango (town), Table 1.3n, 115
Teotlalpan, 169
Tepeaca, 138 n
Teutitlán del Camino (town), 139 n
Texcaltitlán (town), 138 n
Texcoco (city), 139 and note, 173 n
Texcoco, Lake, 134 , 136
Tithes, ecclesiastical, 117 ;
dos novenos , 1646, Table 1.4A, 120
Tlacopan, 139
Tlatzintla (town), Table 1.3n, 115
Tlaxcala, 105 , 171 n
Trelease, William, 137 n
Tribute commodities:
conversion to cash values, 117 , 123 -124
Tributes, Free Negroes and Mulattoes: 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 ;
Fonseca and Urrutia on, 124 ;
numbers and tribute rates, 124 -125
Tributes, Indian:
medio real de fábrica , 2 ;
Salvatierra report of 1646, 4 -7;
conversion of tributes to tributaries, 1646, 7 -8, 12 -13;
time lapse between counts and reassessments, 8 -9, 99 ;
towns covered in 1646 report, 9 -10; 1568 list, 9 -10, 99 -110;
matrículas de tributos , 11 ;
general description of tribute system, 102 ff;
mid-16th-century reforms, 103 -104;
commutations, 104 -106;
trend toward standardization, 104 -105;
standardization related to altitude, 116 ;
exemptions and variations, 105 -106;
Table 1.3, 106 -115;
conversion commodities to cash values, 117 , 123 -124;
value in cash, 1646, Table 1.4A, 119 ;
value commodities in cash, 1646, Table 1.4A, 121 ;
value tributes in cash and commodities, 1646, Table 1.4B, 122 ;
estimating yields, 124 ;
Fonseca and Urrutia on yields, 1646, 124 ;
pre-Conquest tributes and diet, 139 -140;
evidence regarding maize productivity, 165
Triple Alliance, 139 , 171
Tuchimilco (town):
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118
Tulare Indians, 192 , 194 , 195 and Table 3.1, 196 ;
Table 3.2, 197 -204, 205 ;
Table 3.3, 207 ; 210 , 211 ;
Table
3.4A, 219 ; 220 ;
Table 3.4B, 223 ;
Table 3.5, 228 ; 229 , 260 , 281 , 282
Tulareños: see Tulare Indians
Turkeys, 135 and note
U
Undernutrition: see Diet
United States:
infant mortality compared to California missions, 240 , 242
Urrutia, Carlos de: see Taxes; Tributes, Indian; Tributes, Free Negroes and Mulattoes
V
Velasco, Luis de (viceroy), 174
Veracruz (city):
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118 ; 141
Veracruz:
coast, 11 ;
subtreasury, 117 ;
Table 1.4A, 120
Villena, Marqués de, 6
Vollmer, Günter, 3
W
Wages:
rise in real wages, 16th century, 174 .
See also : Labor
Warfare:
as mechanism of food production, 131
Water:
Spanish seizure of control from Indians, 169
West-central Mexico:
Indian population, 1548-1650, 3
Wheat:
as tribute commodity, 106 ; 117 , 123 , 169 ;
amount and value of tribute, 1646, Table 1.4B, 122 and 123 n;
resistance to adoption by Indians, 169 -170
Wine: see Taxes
Wohl, Michael G., 152 -153
Y
Yokut Indians, 182 , 192 , 194 , 204
Yucatán, 3 n, 8 , 126 , 149
Z
Zacatecas (city):
alcabala farm, 1646, Table 1.4A, 118 and 122 n;
arears in mining taxes, 126
Zacatula, 78
Zamora (town):
alcabala farm, 1646, 1.4A, 118
Zapotecas (province), 11 , 65 , 105 , 116
Zicapuzalco, 174
Preferred Citation: Cook, Sherburne F., and Woodrow Borah Essays in Population History, Vol. III: Mexico and California. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971-1979. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft5d5nb3d0/