1. Hunt, "Growth and Guano," 255-318; Bonilla, Guano y burguesía ; Yepez del Castillo, Perú 1820-1920 ; for Latin America in general, see Glade, "Latin America" 4:1-56. [BACK]

2. Exports rose fourfold between the nadir of 1883 and 1910, from 1.4 to 6.2 million pounds sterling, and may have doubled again until 1919; British and U.S. capital investments grew nearly tenfold between 1880 and 1919, from U.S. $17 to 161 million; Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 27, 338. [BACK]

3. Ibid., chs. 3-7. [BACK]

4. There are no reliable figures for total Peruvian wool production before the late 1930s. In 1921 estimated global wool production amounted to 3,003 million English pounds; in that year Peru exported about 14 million English pounds, including both sheep and cameloid wools. See Hamilton, Statistical Survey , 56, table 17; Wool Year Book, 1930 , 29-30. [BACK]

5. Margins of error for export statistics on Peruvian wool for most years between the mid-1850s and 1920 lay in the range of 10 percent, only exceptionally rising to 20 percent. See the careful comparison of Peruvian export and British import statistics in Miller, "Wool Trade." [BACK]

6. Deane and Cole, British Economic Growth , 196-201; Mues, Die Organisation , 152. [BACK]

7. Based on English import prices, for lack of a long-term series of FOB Peruvian wool prices. Given the importance of currency devaluations, I calculated the soles equivalent of pound sterling import prices. I converted the values for years prior to 1863 from pesos into the decimal soles m.n., applying the conversion 1 peso = 0.80 soles m.n. Detailed wool export statistics are in Jacobsen, "Cycles and Booms," 491-500. [BACK]

8. Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:103, 105-7, 168-69; Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:351. [BACK]

9. Lewis, Evolution , 80-81; Sabato, "Wool Trade," 65. [BACK]

10. Saul, Studies , 102. [BACK]

11. Report by Consul Robilliard about Mollendo trade in 1880, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 5:5-7; Manrique, Yawar Mayu , 103-5. [BACK]

12. Report by Consul Robilliard about Mollendo trade in 1886, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 5:9. [BACK]

13. Miller, "Wool Trade," 299; Manrique ( Yawar Mayu , 94-135) even speaks, mistakenly in my view, of the relative affluence of wool producers during the war because of increased domestic demand for the production of uniforms and other articles. [BACK]

14. Sartorius von Waltershausen, Die Entstehung der Weltwirtschaft , 419; Lewis, Evolution , 280-81, table A.11. [BACK]

15. For world production of wool, see Lewis, Evolution , 277, table A.10. Australia's sheep population nearly doubled between 1880 and 1895, reaching a peak of 100,940,405 in the latter year; see Mues, Die Organisation , 155, app. 9. [BACK]

16. Sigsworth and Blackman, "Woolen and Worsted Industries," 142-44; Saul, Studies , 106-7. [BACK]

17. Lewis, Evolution , 277-81, tables A.10, A.11. [BACK]

18. Saul, Studies , 126-27. [BACK]

19. For the early war crisis in Peru, see Albert and Henderson, South America , ch. 2. For mechanisms to increase wool production in response to strong demand, see Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 47-48, 99. [BACK]

20. Saul, Studies , 93. [BACK]

21. Bairoch, Economic Development , 119, table 35. [BACK]

22. Miller, "Wool Trade," 303-4. [BACK]

23. Garland, La moneda en el Perú , 67; Quiroz, "Financial Institutions," 232-37; Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 26-30; Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 277, table 4-1. [BACK]

24. Moll and Barreto, "El sistema monetario del Perú," 146-48. [BACK]

25. In terms of pound sterling, earnings for the best year of this period, 1890, lay 56 percent below the best year of the 1860s, 1864. [BACK]

26. Mean value of sheep wool exports from Islay and Mollendo, FOB, in soles m.n.: 1861-66: 653,891 soles; 1892-1903: 616,654 soles. To calculate FOB prices for 1892-1903, I used the mean ratio between CIF and FOB prices for 1886-92. [BACK]

27. Benavides, Historia de la moneda boliviana , 39-41. [BACK]

28. For Peruvian attempts to deal with Bolivian moneda feble , see Garland, La moneda en el Perú , 33-35; Echenique, Memorias 2:202-3; J. Basadre, Historia de la república 3:1451-52; on Bolivian conversion schemes, see Benavides, Historia de la moneda boliviana. [BACK]

29. Min. de Hacienda y Comercio, Memoria [1890] , lxii-lxvii. [BACK]

30. Guía general ; for a model of currency exchange circuits, see Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 163-67. [BACK]

31. Benavides, Historia de la moneda boliviana , 97-99. [BACK]

32. Political developments in Bolivia (such as the war with Brazil over the Acre territory in 1902-3) also played a role in the depreciation of her currency. The adoption of the silver standard by China and India, and Great Britain's rush to buy silver to supply these countries, led to a brief appreciation of bolivianos and debased pesos beginning in 1904; ibid., 83. [BACK]

33. Paco Gutiérrez to Ricketts, Ayaviri, May 8, 1915, Lb. 26-Interior, AFA-R. [BACK]

34. Sigsworth, Black Dyke Mills , 237, 243-56; I am indebted to Gordon Appleby for this reference. Handling alpaca wool apparently became a specialized businesses in Arequipa, increasing local oligopsonistic control; personal communication from Rory Miller, Aug. 1990. [BACK]

35. Hutner, Farr Alpaca Company , 32-34. [BACK]

36. Sigsworth, Black Dyke Mills , 254. [BACK]

37. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 35, speak of an "alpaca cycle" for 1915-19. Although this description is accurate for Ricketts, for southern Peru as a whole the boom years were a "sheep wool cycle." Prices and export volume for this fiber rose faster than did those for alpaca wool. [BACK]

38. FOB prices as a percentage of CIF prices for alpaca wools developed as follows: 1861-66: 68.7%; 1886-91: 74.0%; 1928-29: 74.7%. There were enormous fluctuations from year to year within these periods. This fact, along with the unexpectedly large difference between CIF and FOB prices, suggests that the alpaca market was more speculative than was the sheep wool market. [BACK]

39. On the correlation between southern Peruvian wool exports and international Kondratieff cycles, see Jacobsen, "Cycles and Booms." [BACK]

40. According to the National Wool Producers Association, in 1942 about 4,085 tons of sheep wool and 2,318 tons of alpaca wool were either exported or consumed by factories in all of Peru. A further 2,000 tons, undifferentiated as to type of wool, was estimated to be used by Indian household production or urban artisans. If we generously assume that 50 percent of household and artisanal consumption pertained to alpaca wools, then total national wool production would have consisted of about 58.2 percent sheep wool, 38 percent alpaca wool, and 3.8 percent llama and huarizo wool. (A huarizo is a cross between a llama and an alpaca.) In the south the share of alpaca was perhaps higher. See Memoria . . . de la Industria Lanar , 56. [BACK]

41. Duffield, Peru , 15-16. [BACK]

42. Forbes, On the Aymara Indians , 69-70. [BACK]

43. See Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 88. I estimate the community peasants' and hacienda colonos' share of cameloids in Azángaro province around 1920 at between 60 and 70 percent; see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 871-81, app. 6. [BACK]

44. Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 33-35, 348-49 (tables A.4.2, A.4.3); Wright, The Old and the New Peru , 448; Yepez del Castillo, Perú 1820-1920 , 171-72; Boloña, "Tariff Policies," 83, table 3.3. [BACK]

45. Report by Vice-Consul Robilliard about Mollendo trade in 1902, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:52. [BACK]

46. Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 124-27; Lewis, Evolution , 170-71. [BACK]

47. Table 5.5 exaggerates that slump for the years 1886 to 1901, however, as mineral exports from Bolivia, not listed separately in available trade statistics until 1902, contributed a growing share to total Mollendo exports until the completion of the rail link from La Paz to Arica in 1914. [BACK]

48. Jacobsen, "Free Trade," 153; Reports by British vice consuls about Mollendo trade for 1898, 1900, 1901, and 1908-9, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:32, 40-47, 79; Dunn, Peru , 464-65. [BACK]

49. See reports by the British consuls on Islay and Mollendo trade for 1862, 1863, 1871, and 1878 in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:133, 144, 190-91, 257; on the decline of silver mining between the late 1840s and 1890, see Deustua, "Producción minera." For the crucial role of transport costs for mining in the central sierra, see Contreras, "Mineros." For Bolivian and Mexican mining conjunctures, cf. Mitre, Los patriarcas de la plata ; Urrutia de Strebelski and Nava Oteo, ''La minería," 119-45. [BACK]

50. Reports by British consuls about Mollendo trade for 1890, 1898, 1900, 1901, 1902, 1906-7, 1908-9 and 1910-11, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:17, 32, 40, 47, 52, 74, 79, 87; Wright, The Old and the New Peru , 357. [BACK]

51. Export of coinage, considerable during some years, appears to have been linked not to balance-of-trade deficits but rather to the attempted withdrawal of Bolivian currency from circulation in southern Peru during the 1890s. Report by British Vice-Consul Rowlands about Mollendo trade in 1908-9, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:79; Deustua, "El ciclo interno," 23-49. [BACK]

52. A table on Islay and Mollendo's balance of trade, 1853-1931, can be obtained from the author. [BACK]

53. Dunn, Peru , 24. [BACK]

54. Imports through Mollendo accounted for between 7.2 and 11.0 percent of national imports from 1909 to 1916. Total southern Peruvian imports were somewhat higher. [BACK]

55. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 81. [BACK]

56. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 151. [BACK]

57. My own calculation, based on Montavon, Wearing Apparel in Peru , 16-21. [BACK]

58. Montavon, Wearing Apparel in Peru . [BACK]

59. Krüggeler, "Lifestyles in the Peruvian Countryside." [BACK]

60. REPP, Cáceres, año 1858 (Aug. 17, 1858). [BACK]

61. REPP, año 1890 II, San Martín, No. 18 (Apr. 30, 1890). [BACK]

62. Mercedes Martínez to Manuel E. Paredes; Puno, Feb. 17, 1873, MPA. [BACK]

63. Will of Mariano Wenceslao Enríquez, in REPP, año 1909, Garnica, F. 375, No. 187 (Oct. 27, 1909). [BACK]

64. Markham, Travels , 76 n. 6. [BACK]

65. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 84-85; see also the inventory of a Puno store, in REPP, año 1890 II, San Martín, No. 18 (Apr. 30, 1890). [BACK]

66. Import substitution of textiles advanced faster for Peru as a whole than for the south. Between 1911 and 1914 textiles and clothing accounted for only 19-22 percent of total national imports. See Thorp and Bertram, Peru 1890-1977 , 119, table 6.4; Boloña, "Tariff Policies," 253-63. [BACK]

67. Southern Peru's imports of staple foods, primarily wheat flour from Chile, accounted for only 5-10 percent of total imports between the 1860s and the years of World War I, growing roughly proportionate to the general growth of imports. Before the 1920s there are no signs of serious longer-term food shortages in the region. Report about Islay trade in 1863 by Consul Cocks, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:140; and table on Mollendo imports, 1910-31, constructed by author. Vincent Peloso, in his article "Succulence and Sustenance," argues that price and availability of staple foods, especially bread, became a political issue in Peru first during the 1860s and especially after the War of the Pacific. It was an issue for working classes of Lima, not the altiplano peasantry. [BACK]

68. Markham, History , 498; Markham, Travels , 102-3. [BACK]

69. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 179. [BACK]

70. I chose 1840 as starting point since the small initial wool exports around 1830 would have distorted the picture. [BACK]

71. These are low estimates, especially for 1917. They refer to peak years of wool exports and are based on an assumption of linear absolute growth of livestock populations between 1830 and 1917. In fact, the absolute growth of flocks must have been considerably larger between about 1890 and 1917 than before. Thus the share of domestically retained wools in southern Peru by the end of World War I is likely to have grown back to about two-thirds in the case of sheep wool and one-third in the case of alpaca wool. For 1942 the Junta Nacional de la Industria Lanar estimated that of a total of 8,667.9 metric tons of wools of all types, 5,148,8 tons, about 60 percent, were retained domestically. See Memoria . . . de la Industria Lanar , 56. [BACK]

72. Wright, The Old and the New Peru , 448; Yepez del Castillo, Perú 1820-1920 , 171-72; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 138-39. [BACK]

73. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 136-37; Wright, The Old and the New Peru , 448. [BACK]

74. Yepez del Castillo, Perú 1820-1920 , 171-72; the author's claim that domestic industrial wool production was about 10 percent of wool exports is misleading, as he includes both sheep and alpaca wools in the export figures. Domestic factories consumed practically no alpaca wool. [BACK]

75. Even if all of the 680 tons of sheep wool consumed by domestic factories had been produced in southern Peru, the share of sheep wool processed in peasant households could be estimated at 52.2 percent in 1918. For alpaca wool I have assumed that nearly all fiber not exported was processed in peasant households. [BACK]

76. Sereni, Capitalismo y mercado nacional , 99-119. [BACK]

77. Cf. Jacobsen, "Free Trade," 145-75. [BACK]

78. Burga and Flores Galindo, Apogeo , 121; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 37-39. [BACK]

79. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 37; Dunn, Peru , 144-50. [BACK]

80. Forbes, On the Aymara Indians , 57; Guía general , 213. [BACK]

81. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 506-7. [BACK]

82. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 100-107. [BACK]

83. T. Platt, Estado boliviano , chs. 1-2. [BACK]

84. Manrique, Mercado interno , esp. 139-41, 191-94, 265-70; Wilson, "Propiedad e ideología," 36-54; Burga, "El Perú central," 227-310; Mallon, Defense of Community , ch. 4. [BACK]

85. Cf. Jacobsen, "Free Trade"; on effective protection during the early 1890s, see Boloña, "Tariff Policies," 91-92. [BACK]

86. Grandidier, Voyage , 50; the four companies were probably Gibbs and Company, Jack Brothers, Braillard et Compagnie, and Guillermo Harmsen y Compañía. [BACK]

87. Report by Consul Vines about Islay trade during 1870 and 1871, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:189. [BACK]

88. The wool business of Peña and Escobedo was significant enough for their names to appear in a 1856 report sent to the manufacturer Foster in England together with those of the four foreign companies as principal alpaca wool buyers; see Sigsworth, Black Dyke Mills , 236-37. [BACK]

89. Will of José Mariano Escobedo of Oct. 24, 1859, in REPAr, año 1870-71, J. Cárdenas, F. 811. [BACK]

90. REPAr, año 1852, J. Cárdenas (Mar. 5, 1852); REPA, año 1863, Manrique, F. 10, No. 7 (Jan. 27, 1863). [BACK]

91. REPAr, año 1867, J. Cárdenas (May 31, 1867). [BACK]

92. REPP, Cáceres, año 1859 (Oct. 8, 1859). [BACK]

93. Ibid. [BACK]

94. Ibid. [BACK]

95. Bedoya, Estadísticas . [BACK]

96. REPP, año 1871, Cáceres (Apr. 27, 1871); REPP, año 1874, Cáceres (Oct. 7, 1874). [BACK]

97. First will of Antonio Amenábar in REPP, año 1865, Cáceres (Nov. 17, 1865). [BACK]

98. Second will of Antonio Amenábar in REPP, año 1875, Cáceres (Aug. 24, 1875). [BACK]

99. Ibid. [BACK]

100. REPA, año 1865, Patiño, F. 58, No. 22 (May 26, 1865). [BACK]

101. REPP, año 1857, Cáceres (June 10, 1857). [BACK]

102. REPP, año 1857, Cáceres (June 18, 1857); REPP, año 1861, Cáceres (July 12, 1861). [BACK]

103. REPP, año 1881, Cáceres (July 18, 1881). [BACK]

104. Markham, Travels , 77. [BACK]

105. Tschudi, Reisen durch Südamerika 5:195. [BACK]

106. Markham, History , 452. [BACK]

108. Report by Consul Cocks about Islay trade in 1862, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:136. [BACK]

109. Ibid. [BACK]

110. Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:235; Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 514-15; Min. de Fomento, Dir. de Obras Públicas y Vias de Comunicación, Economía , 41 (with wrong date, 1876, for opening of rail line). [BACK]

111. Romero, Monografía , 492-93; Appleby, ''Exportation and Its Aftermath," 114-15. [BACK]

112. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 111. [BACK]

113. The extension of the rail line into Cuzco department was begun only in the early 1890s; it reached the Imperial City in 1908; Min. de Fomento, Economía , 41-42. [BACK]

114. Report by British Consul Graham about Islay Trade in 1874, in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:241; Dunn, Peru , 57. [BACK]

115. See Coatsworth, Growth Against Development , ch. 4. [BACK]

116. I am indebted to Rory Miller (personal communication, Aug., 1990) for these ideas. Cf his thesis, "British Business," 290-94; and his article, "Grace Contract," 324-28. [BACK]

117. Report by British Consul Graham about Islay trade, 1875; report by British Vice-Consul Robilliard about Mollendo trade, 1900; both in Bonilla, Gran Bretaña 4:39, 244. [BACK]

118. On the establishment of the Peruvian Corporation by former bondholders of Peru's foreign debt, see Miller, "Making of the Grace Contract." [BACK]

119. Miller, "British Business," 350-52, app. A. Yet the French commercial attaché, Auguste Plane, claimed that in 1903 the Peruvian Corporation charged 7.04 soles m.n. per 100 kilograms of freight from Sicuani, the northernmost wool-trading center in Cuzco's Canas province, to Mollendo, while the freight charge for the same 100 kilograms would be about 3.80 soles m.n. if transported by llama; Plane, Le Pérou , 55; I calculated the freight by llama on the basis that the distance from Sicuani to Mollendo is 500 kilometers; freight charges for mule transport would have lain between the railroad and llama rates. In 1931 the Peruvian Corporation charged about 7.00 soles m.n. for just under 100 kilograms of wool from Estación de Pucará to Arequipa; see Manuel Paredes to Ricketts, Azángaro, Sept. 8, 1931, Lb. 601, AFA-R. [BACK]

120. H. Sánchez to Ricketts, Cojata, Dec. 5, 1923, Lb. 381, AFA-R. [BACK]

121. Bertram, "Modernización," 7-11, 17; Min. de Fomento, Economía , 43. [BACK]

122. Interview with José Luis Lescano, long-time chairman of the Asociación Ganadera del Departmento de Puno, Puno, Nov. 25, 1975; Carlos Barreda, "Carneros: La industria de las lanas en el Perú y el departamento de Puno," La vida agrícola 6:65 (1929), 355-62, reprinted in Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 159, app. 6. [BACK]

123. REPA, año 1910, Jiménez, F. 779, No. 337 (Aug. 12, 1910); REPP, año 1910, González, F. 42, No. 16 (Feb. 17, 1910). [BACK]

124. Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 477. [BACK]

125. "J. A.  Lizares  Quiñones se presenta ante la consideración de su pueblo" (flyer; n.p., n.d. [probably early 1932]), in MPA; Paz-Soldán, La región Cuzco-Puno , 23, 68; Diez Canseco, La red nacional de carreteras , 118; Dunn, Peru , 76, 89. On other new communication infrastructure in Azángaro (telegraph line and postal serive), see REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 483, No. 190 (Sept. 19, 1907); Romero, Monografía del departamento de Puno , 484; and REPA, año 1903, Jiménez, F. 536, No. 214 (Dec. 12, 1903). [BACK]

126. Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 83. [BACK]

127. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 110. [BACK]

128. Ibid., 111. [BACK]

129. Ibid., 115-16. [BACK]

130. The brothers Edward and Thomas Sothers, for example, British residents of Puno in 1885, called themselves "merchants and miners." They were exporting alpaca and sheep wool by consignment to Henry Kendall and Sons, London; REPP, año 1885, Cáceres (Feb. 4, 1885). [BACK]

131. REPP, año 1890 II, San Martín, No. 18 (Apr. 30, 1890). [BACK]

132. Interview with Agustín Román (born 1892), Azángaro, May 15, 1977. [BACK]

133. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 85. [BACK]

134. REPA, año 1901, Jiménez, F. 336, No. 123 (Sept. 4, 1901). [BACK]

135. Interview with Agustín Román, Azángaro, May 15, 1977; for similar life histories of newcomer traders in Azángaro, see Jacobsen, "Land Tenure," 327. [BACK]

136. Lb. 19 (1912), AFA-R; interview with Agustín Román, Azángaro, May 15, 1977. [BACK]

137. Raimondi, El Perú 1:132. [BACK]

138. M. C. Rodríguez to G. Ricketts, Rosaspata, Dec. 1, 1904, unnumbered Lb, AFA-R. [BACK]

139. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 57. [BACK]

140. M. C. Rodríguez to G. Ricketts, Rosaspata, Dec. 1, 1904, unnumbered Lb., AFA-R. [BACK]

141. Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , 142. [BACK]

142. REPA, año 1888, González Figueroa, F. 21, No. 12 (Mar. 14, 1888). [BACK]

143. REPA, año 1907, Jiménez, F. 3, No. 2 (Jan. 8, 1907). [BACK]

144. Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , 49. [BACK]

145. The operations of the wool-export houses have been studied thoroughly by Appleby, Burga and Reátegui, and Orlove, and the following discussion is largely based on their work: Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," esp. ch. 2; Appleby, "Markets," 27-34; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas ; Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , ch. 4. [BACK]

146. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 55-56. [BACK]

147. Ibid.; Sabato, "Wool Trade." [BACK]

148. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 62-63. [BACK]

149. Ibid., 58. [BACK]

150. Fischer to Castresana, Picotani, Aug. 9, 1908, AFA-P. Large wool producers in Argentina also sold directly to exporters; see Sabato, "Wool Trade," 55. [BACK]

151. Guía general , 207-9. [BACK]

152. Olivares to Ricketts, Cabanillas, n.d., Lb. 273, AFA-R, as cited in Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 60-61. [BACK]

153. On marketing of South American wools in Europe, see Behnsen and Genzmer, Weltwirtschaft , 36-39; on Peruvian wools, see Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , 35-37. [BACK]

154. Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memoria presentado al supremo gobierno , 5-6. [BACK]

155. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 63. [BACK]

156. See, e.g., Solórzano to Ricketts, Putina, June 8, 1902, unnumbered Lb., AFA-R, where Solórzano offered sixty-six quintales of alpaca wool to Ricketts and Ratti and would sell to the highest bidder; see also Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 84-85. [BACK]

157. Sociedad Ganadera del Departamento de Puno, Memoria presentado al supremo gobierno , 5-6; Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 63. [BACK]

158. See, e.g., will of Manuel Diaz Cano, REPA, año 1895, Meza, F. 148, No. 62 (Aug. 19, 1895); will of Adoraida Gallegos, REPP, año 1901, González, F. 639, No. 268 (Sept. 5, 1901). [BACK]

159. REPP, año 1877, Cáceres (Dec. 8, 1877); REPP, año 1878, Cáceres (June 18, 1878); REPP, año 1881, Cáceres (July 21, 1881). [BACK]

160. Flores Galindo, Arequipa , 91. [BACK]

161. REPP, año 1875, Cáceres (Nov. 11, 1875). [BACK]

162. Quiroz, "Financial Institutions," 54, table 3. [BACK]

163. Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Discurso , 18-19. [BACK]

164. Quiroz, "Financial Institutions," 77-78, 249-50, 340-63. [BACK]

165. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 58. [BACK]

166. Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, Discurso , 21-23. [BACK]

167. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 58. [BACK]

168. Interview with Agustín Román, Azángaro, May 15, 1977. [BACK]

169. Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 61. [BACK]

170. Orlove, Alpacas, Sheep, and Men , 49. [BACK]

171. Guía general , 207-9. [BACK]

172. Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 169; Lazarte to Ricketts, Santa Rosa, Feb. 12, 1930, Lb. 556, AFA-R, as cited by Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 62. By the 1920s this practice had become so disruptive in towns such as Sicuani and Ayaviri that even some of the merchants themselves called for legal steps against alcanzadores, who were hated by the Indians and ultimately hurt the business of the towns; see Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 105. [BACK]

173. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 207-9, 213; Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 169. [BACK]

174. Petition by Indians of parcialidad Quiñota, Chumbivilcas, May 12, 1882, cited in Manrique, Yawar Mayu , 113. [BACK]

175. Report of Commission, in Roca Sánchez, Por la clase indígena , 219. [BACK]

176. Nieto to Ricketts, Puno, Sept. 30, 1927, Lb. 493; Lazarte to Ricketts, Santa Rosa, Feb. 1, 1930, Lb. 556, AFA-R. [BACK]

177. Forbes, On the Aymara Indians , 35-36. [BACK]

178. See Molino Rivero, "La tradicionalidad," 603-36. [BACK]

179. Medina to Castresana, Picotani, May 12, 1907, AFA-P. By 1920 a regular Sunday market functioned in Sandia, where peasants from communities and haciendas in Azángaro and Huancané province offered fresh mutton, dried meat, cheese, lard, butter, bread, baizes, and serge in exchange for maize and coca leaves; exchanges were becoming more impersonal, intensive, and perhaps monetarized in contrast to the annual barter expeditions often connecting specific communities and families over generations; see Guía general , 229. [BACK]

180. Lazarte to Ricketts, Cabanillas, Nov. 1, 1919, Lb. 281, AFA-R. [BACK]

181. Rodríguez to Ricketts, Santa Rosa, Sept. 8, 1918, Lb. 261, AFA-R. [BACK]

182. Pujalt to Ricketts, Nov. 18, 1917, Lb. 229, AFA-R; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 106. [BACK]

183. Saravia to Ricketts, Cojata, Apr. 13, 1932, Lb. 619, AFA-R. [BACK]

184. Sánchez to Ricketts, Moho, Sept. 14, 1926, Lb. 452, AFA-R. [BACK]

185. Arturo López de Romaña to Ricketts, Lagunillas, Feb. 21, 1918, Lb. 260, AFA-R; Guía general , 213; Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 97. In November 1919 peasants refused to accept a contract to weave cordoncillo (round lace), "because it is time to sow the chacras and they are very busy"; A. Ratti to Ricketts, Nov. 19, 1919, Lb. 281, AFA-R. During celebrations wools could not be expedited for a week or more because "all the Indians . . . go back to their estancias and one cannot count on them for sorting, packing, and hauling"; Francisco Mariño to Ricketts, Puno, Feb. 9, 1929, Lb. 540, AFA-R. The labor market, like the commodity market, was embedded into the agricultural cycle. [BACK]

186. Burga and Reátegui, Lanas , 104-5; on separation between long-distance trade and local trade provisioning urban elites, see Appleby, "Exportation and Its Aftermath," 185-86. Among peasants long-distance trade was a male activity, and local marketplace sales of small quantities of foodstuffs was a female activity. [BACK]

187. Saravia to Ricketts, Cojata, Aug. 1, 1924, Lb. 418, AFA-R. [BACK]