1. See my The King and the City in the Parisian Royal Entry Ceremony: Politics, Ritual, and Art in the Renaissance (Geneva, 1986), 66-98. [BACK]

2. Victor Turner, Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1978), 43. [BACK]

3. Bernard Guenée and Françoise Lehoux, Les Entrées royale françaises de 1328 à 1515 (Paris, 1968), 7. Guenée calls attention to the importance of the two aspects in his important article, "Histoire de l'Etat en France à la fin du Moyen Age, vue par les historiens français dépuis cent ans," Revue historique 236, (1964): 331-360, and in translation in P.S. Lewis, ed., The Recovery of France in the Fifteenth Century (New York, 1972), 324-352. [BACK]

4. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, "The 'King's Advent' and the Enigmatic Panels in the Doors of Santa Sabina," Art Bulletin 26 (1944): 207-231, and reprinted in his Selected Studies (Locust Valley, New York: J.J. Augustin, 1965), 37-64. Sabine MacCormack, Art and Ceremony in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1981), 1-92. [BACK]

5. On the principle, see Gaines Post, "A Romano-Canonical Maxim, Quod omnes tangit , in Bracton," Traditio 4 (1954): 195-252. [BACK]

6. For Germany, Winfried Dotzauer has noted "Die Verweigerung oder Gewährung einer feierlichen Einholung war keine Zeremoniellenfrage, sondern eine wichtige Vorentscheidung in der Frage der Anerkennung des Herrschers, denken wir in diesem Zusammenhang an Wahlkandidaten, strittige und Gegenkönige und gebannte Herrsche, denen der Einzug verweigert werden konnte" in "Die Ankunft des Herrschers: Der fürstliche 'Einzug' in die Stadt (bis zum Ende des Alten Reichs)," Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 55 (1973): 259. One of the best descriptions of an early civic reception for a French king is that staged by the canons and citizens of Bruges in 1127. Louis VI and William Clitho, his candidate to replace the murdered Count of Flanders, were greeted ''in sollempni processu regio more" by the clergy; in an assembly held the next day king and count swore on relics to preserve the liberties of the canons and they promised to preserve the liberties of the citizens granted by the former count. Only then did the citizens give fealty, loyalty, and homage to both king and count: Galbert de Bruges, Histoire du Meurtre de Charles Le Bon, Comte de Flandre ( 1127-1128 ), introduction and notes by Henri Pirenne (Paris, 1891), chap. 55, pp. 86-89. Frederick I took great offense at such a request by the Roman citizens before his coronation in 1155: Otto of Freising, Gesta Frederici , lib. II, cap. 29, ed. G. Waitz (MGH. SS. rer. germ., 1912), 148 ff. [BACK]

7. In other places the clergy was prominent in extramural processions, as Noël Coulet makes clear for Provence: "Les Entrées solennelles en Provence," Ethnologie française 7 (1977): 63-82. [BACK]

8. Christine de Pizan, Livre des fais et bonnes meurs du sage roy Charles V , éd. S. Solente (Paris, 1936), 50-51 and "Livre de Paix" in Pizan, Livre des fais , appendix 5, p. 198. There is no contemporary evidence for the use of the "espée et le chappel royal" in entry ceremonies before the 1420s when Christine was writing her biography. [BACK]

9. Coulet calls attention to the entry taking shape as a "rite d'honneur" ("Entrées en Province," 70) rather than in feudal obligations such as the "droit de gîte" as suggested by Guenée and Lehoux ( Entrées royales , 9). [BACK]

10. In 1437 for Charles VII's entry it was noted: "et à la entrée les bourgeois luy mirent ung ciel sur sa teste que on a la Saint Sauveur à porter Nostre-Seigneur"; Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris , ed. Jos. Fr. Michaud and J.-J. F. Poujoulat (Paris, 1837, Nouvelle collection des mémoires, l ^e série, tome 3), 283. [BACK]

11. The tax payments for 1421, 1423, and 1438 show that the most prosperous guilds carried the canopy: see Jean Favier, Les Contribuables parisiens à la fin de la guerre de cents ans (Geneva, 1970), 26-34. [BACK]

12. On the phrase, Sarah Hanley has the last word: The Lit de Justice of the Kings of France: Constitutional Ideology in Legend, Ritual, and Discourse (Princeton University Press: Princeton, 1983), chap. 1, and in Annales 37, no. 1 (jan.-fev. 1982): 32-63. [BACK]

13. Guenée and Leheux, Entrées royales , 50. [BACK]

15. See I. D. McFarlane's introduction and notes for the facsimile edition of the 1549 entry: The Entry of Henri II into Paris, 16 June 1549 (Binghamtom, N.Y.: Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies; 1982). [BACK]

16. Jean, Sire de Joinville, Mémoires ou Histoire de Saint Louis , ed. M. Gervais (Paris, 1822), 191. The route that Louis took from Reims to Paris was by way of Montlhery where the Parisians went. [BACK]

17. Paul Lehugeur, Histoire de Phillipe le Long, roi de France (Paris, 1897), 46. [BACK]

18. Chronique parisienne anonyme de 1316 à 1339 , ed. A. Hellot, vol. II, Mémoires de la société de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France (Paris, 1984), 175. [BACK]

19. Ibid., 137: my emphasis. [BACK]

20. By the end of the thirteenth century, the legal fiction that towns possessed a juridical personality comparable to that of an individual lord was commonly accepted in France primarily, according to Charles Petit-Dutaillis, under the influence of royal office holding and the applications of Roman law; see his Communes Françaises (Paris, 1947), 137f. [BACK]

21. In 1431 the herald, called Loyal Heart, introduced a person portraying the genius of the city in the guise of Fama ; she was accompanied by "les anciens IX preux et IX preuses" who reminded the new Anglo-French king that "cele ville ainsi fame/Est digne d'estre bien gouverné." In 1437 he introduced a mock battle of the seven vices with the seven virtues. In 1484 he presented the new king with the five virtues whose first letters formed an anagram for Paris ( "P"aix, "A''mour, "R''aison, "I"oye , and "S"urete ). See The King and the City , 143. [BACK]

22. Chronique des Jean II et de Charles V , 1: 27. [BACK]

23. Jean Froissart, Oeuvres , ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove (Brussels, 1867-1877) 9: 554 and 14: 10. [BACK]

24. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 65. [BACK]

25. In the mid-fifteenth century the parlementaire families began to replace the old merchant elite in major municipal offices: from about one-fifth during the English occupation to about three-fourths of the offices during 1440-1450; see Jean Favier, "Paris, place d'affaires au XV ^e siècle," Annales 28, no. 5 (Sept.-Oct. 1973): 1245-1279. [BACK]

26. On the tensions of the period and the assembly, see Léon Mirot, Les Insurrections urbaines au début de règne de Charles VI, 1380-1383 (Paris, 1905), 28-37. [BACK]

27. Froissart, Oeuvres 10: 192-200, 497-500. [BACK]

28. Chronica di Buonaccorso Pitti as printed in Mirot, Insurrections urbaines , 180, n. 5. Although the speech may be apocryphal, it both accurately represents events that followed the reception and gained a place in entry lore. [BACK]

29. The entry ceremony gave structure to reconciliation after rebellion, as described with excellent illustrations in the manuscript of Jean Marot, La Magnamine victoire du roy très crestien Loys XIIe . . . contre les Genevoys ses rebelles , Paris, B.N., ms. franç., ancien fonds, 5091. Robert W. Scheller considers such works of royal propaganda during the last years of Louis XII's reign in "Gallia Cisalpine: Louis XII and Italy, 1499-1508," Simiolus (1984-1985): 5-60. [BACK]

30. See Marcel Thibault, Isabeau de Baviere, 1370-1405 (Paris, 1903), 109-166. [BACK]

31. Political crises, religious intensity, and urban processions can quickly be related by a perusal of " Notes historiques extraites de registres du Parlement, 1340-1640, " Paris, Arch. Nat., U424. There was a marked increase in processions in which Parlement appeared in the period between 1411 and 1440 and then a tapering off until the period starting in the 1550s. [BACK]

32. Clement de Fauquembergue, Journal , ed. Alexandre Tuetey (Paris, 1903, 1915) 1: 264-269. [BACK]

33. Fauquembergue, Journal 2: 142 and Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris , ed. Alexandre Tuetey (Paris, 1981), 144, n. 4. [BACK]

34. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 61. [BACK]

35. In his Parisian entry Charles VII entrusted the keys to the constable: Enguerrand de Monstelet, Chronique , ed. L. Douet-d'Arcq (Paris, 1857-1862) 5: 301-302. [BACK]

36. The miniature reproduced by Guenée and Lehoux ( Entrées royales ) shows a different balance in the submission of Rouen. The kneeling échevin hands the keys to the king, who is on horseback and in armor, while the chancellor, who is also on horseback gestures for the submission. One of the échevins points upward to indicate a desire to rise. [BACK]

37. See C. Coudevc, "L'Entrée solennelle de Louis XI à Paris" in Mémoires de la société de l'histoire de Paris et de l'Ile-de-France (1896) 23: 125-166. [BACK]

38. Jacques du Clercq, Mémoires , ed. J. A. Buchon, in Chroniques nationales françaises (Paris, 1826) 39: 155. [BACK]

39. For descriptions of the kings' costumes in entry ceremonies, see Albert Mirot and Bernare Mahieu, "Cérémonies officielles à Notre Dame en XV ^e siècle," in Huitième Centenaire de Notre Dame--Congrès des 30 mai-juin, 1964 (Paris, 1967), 222-290. [BACK]

40. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 73. The riderless horse may have echoes of the gift that vassals made at their time of investiture according to the feudal custom of the Ile-de-France and as was practiced in Naples and other places, but no suggestion of such connections is mentioned. René Choppin-- Traité du domaine , bk. 3, title 13, par. 11, p. 471 from Oeuvres (Paris, 1662)--argued that the gifts did not pertain to entries. The horse was a common gift by medieval hosts to honored guests. [BACK]

41. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 128. Charles VII (Monstrelet, Chronique 5: 305), Louis XI (Du Clercq, Mémoires , 153), and Charles VIII ( Entrées royales , 110) also marched with helmets that were superimposed with a gold crown, but the accounts made no explicit connection between the symbol and imperial rights. On the symbol see Robert W. Scaheller's "Ensigns of Authority: French Royal Absolutism in the Age of Louis XII," Simiolus (1983-1984), 103-111 and "Imperial Themes in Art and Literature of the Early French Renaissance: The Period of Charles VIII," Simiolus 12 (1981-1982), 55-63. I would add that from its appearance in the early fifteenth century the crowned helmet quickly came to be seen as a juridical symbol of the superior rights of the king. [BACK]

42. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 73. [BACK]

43. Jean Chartier, Chronique de Charles VIII , ed. Auguste Vallet de Viriville (Paris, 1858) 2: 160-172 and 298-310. Scheller notes the seal in substitution for the king in the 1499 oath of fealty by Philip the Handsome: see "Ensigns of Authority," 128-134. [BACK]

44. E. Maugis, Histoire du Parlement de Paris de l'avènement des rois Valois à la mort d'Henri VI (Paris, 1913-1916) 1: 374. [BACK]

45. On the notion of a political aggregate as a "corpus morale," see Ernst Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1957), 210-221. [BACK]

46. On the actors in the street pageants, see The King and the City , 169-172 and 190-192. [BACK]

47. See ibid., chaps. 5-9. Also, see Elie Konigson, "La Cité de la prince: premières entrées de Charles VIII (1484-1486)" and Michel Reulos, "La Place de la justice dans les fêtes et cérémonies du XVI ^e siècle" in Les Fêtes de la renaissance , ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1975) 3: 55-69 and 71-80. Josephe Chartrou also offers a descriptive survey of the allegorical prsonages and virtues associated with rulers in fifteenth-century entries in Les Entrées solennelles et triomphales à la renaissance, 1484-1551 (Paris, 1928). [BACK]

48. On the aesthetic revolution, see V. L. Saulnier, "L'Entrée de Henry II à Paris et la revolution poetic de 1550," Les Fêtes de la renaissance , ed. Jean Jacquot (Paris, 1956) 1: 3-59; see also McFarlane, Entry of Henri II , "Introduction." [BACK]

49. Jean Gerson, Vivat Rex (Paris, 1559), 13-18. [BACK]

50. Ibid., 10. [BACK]

51. "Medieval Constitutionalism: A Balance of Power" in Album Helen Maud Cam. Studies Presented to the International Commission for the History of Representative and Parliamentary Institutions (Louvain, 1961) and reprinted in Studies of West European Medieval Institutions (London, 1978), 175. [BACK]

52. On the concept, see Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies , particularly 360f. On its ritual expression, see my The King and the City , 55-56 and 112-115. [BACK]

53. Emili Paulus, De Rebus Gestis Francorum (Paris, 1539), Liber VIII, fo. 165v. [BACK]

54. François Belleforest, Harangues militaires et concernant de princes, capitaines, ambassadeurs, et autres manians tant la guerre, que les affaires d'estat (1595), 2124. [BACK]

55. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 116. [BACK]

56. In 1460, according to Thomas Basin the coronation promise was repeated by Louis XI in his Parisian entry: Histoire de Louis XI , ed. Charles Samaran (Paris, 1963), 1: 26-28. Jacques du Clercq only noted that at Notre Dame Louis XI "fit le serment tel que les roys de Franche ont accoustume de faire" ( Mémoires , 158). [BACK]

57. Guenée and Lehoux, Entrées royales , 134. [BACK]

58. Matthieu de Vauzelles, Traicté des péages (Lyon, 1550), 38. [BACK]

59. On the subject, see my comments in "Parlementaire Political Theory in the Parisian Entry Ceremony," Sixteenth Century Journal 7 (1976): 15-24. [BACK]

60. Karl Mösenedor, Zeremoniell und monumentale Poesie: Die "Entrée solennelle" Ludwigs XIV. 1660 in Paris (Berlin, 1983), 64-80. [BACK]

61. George Chastellain, Traité par form d'allégorie mystique sur l'entrée du Roy Loys en nouveau régne in Oeuvres , Kervyn de Lettenhove (Brussels, 1865) 7: 6, 32. [BACK]

62. Kantorowicz, "The 'King's Advent'," 72-74 and Mösenedor, Zeremoniell , 26-33. [BACK]