1. In the first paragraph of my chapter “The Art of Allusion” I cite a newspaper article. I criticize the statement that Jurgen Habermas is undeserving of the title of philosopher because he has “made too much of a mark in the social sciences and in political debates” (Ross, “Schmuggel: Gadamers Geheimnis” Frankfurter All-gemeine Zeitung, vol. 11, no. 2 [Feb. 11, 1995]). Zuckert attributes to me the very opinion criticized by me. [BACK]

2. An example for this logic is the commentary on my work by Richard Palmer (PHGG588 ff). Without entering into my research, Palmer contents himself with a

3. Moreover, if one wishes to use Gadamer's memoirs as an authentic source, it would make sense to demand at least their examination of and their comparison with other sources. [BACK]

4. The political significance of this document has been described by George Leamann, Heidegger im Kontext: Gesamtuberblich zum NS-Engagement der Universitdt-sphilosophen (Hamburg: Argument-Verlag, 1993), 100, and Thomas Laugstien, Philosophieverhdltnisse im deutschen Faschismus (Hamburg: Argument-Verlag, 1990), 29 ff. [BACK]

5. This membership (number 254, 387) is substantiated by the files of the former Berlin Document Center. In 1934 Gadamer became a member of the National Socialist People's Welfare Organization (NSV) and in 1938 he joined the German Reich Union for Physical Education (DRL) (Leaman 40). [BACK]

6. Gadamer published a text in 1967 with the title Herder und die geschichtliche Welt (Herder and the historical world). It appears as an epilogue to the edition of J. G. Herder's early writings, Audi eine Philosophie der Geschichte zur Bildung der Men-schheit (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 1967). A comprehensive examination of this text and of the lecture underlying it, “Volh and History in Herder's Thought” (Frankfurt: Vit-torio Klostermann, 1942), is likewise found in my book. There I reconstruct the official context of this enterprise and analyze the characteristics of National Socialist occupation policy in France, as well as the importance attached to German cultural policy and to the German Institute in Paris. [BACK]

7. Here it should be mentioned that Gadamer has also shown courage. In 1942, when the Marburg Romanist Werner Krauss was arrested by the Gestapo in their action against the Schulze-Boysen-Harnack resistance group and was condemned to death, an intensive rescue operation was set in motion by Krauss's university colleagues. Among them was Gadamer, who sent a plea for clemency to the Reich court-martial. Cf. Peter Jehle, Werner Krauss und die Romanistik im NS-Staat (Hamburg: Argument-Verlag, 1996), 141–50. [BACK]

8. Habermas attributes the solidarity of the faction of Young Conservatives to their collective convictions: “It is precisely the specifically German offshoots of the lost First World War—which was also lost mentally—who appear as the true guardians of an unbroken national tradition According to what they themselves profess, they had nothing to regret in 1945, for they felt that the movement they had supported in 1933 had let them down. They had seen National Socialism in the light of their own ideas, at least as a variation on what was’ their own’” (Jiirgen Habermas, “Carl Schmitt in the Political Intellectual History of the Federal Republic,” in A Berlin Republic: Writings on Germany, trans. Steven Rendall [Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997], 116–17). [BACK]

9. Martin Broszat and Horst Moller, eds., Das Dritte Reich: Herrschaftsstruhtur und Geschichte (Munich: Beck, 1986). Eberhardjackel, Hitlers Herrschaft (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1986); Martin Broszat and Klaus Schwabe, eds., Die deutschen Eliten und der Wegin den Zweiten Welthrieg (Munich: Beck, 1989); Hans Momm-sen, “Zur Verschrankung traditioneller und faschistischer Fuhrungsgruppen in Deutschland beim Ubergang von der Bewegung zur Systemphase,” in DerNational-sozialismus und die deutsche Gesellschaft (Hamburg: Rowohlt-Verlag, 1991), 39–66. [BACK]

10. Hans Mommsen, “Gesellschaftsbild und Verfassungsplane des deutschen Widerstands,” in Der Nationalsozialismus und die deutsche Gesellschaft (Hamburg: Ro-wohlt-Verlag, 1991), 233–337. [BACK]

11. “Unlike after the Second World War, after the first World War in Germany the national dreams of greatness and world power were still by no means dreamed out…. An especially fateful effect of the humiliation of the Treaty of Versailles was that it prevented the self-critical examination of Wilhelmine imperialist pre-war policies” (Mommsen, “Zur Verschrankung,” 36). [BACK]

12. “The real Nazis, however, had no interest in us at all.” Hans-Georg Gadamer in conversation with Dorte von Westernhagen, Das Argument 182, 32.4 (July-Aug. 1990): 543–55; here 549. [BACK]

13. Teresa Orozco, “Die Platon-Rezeption in Deutschland um 1933,” in “Die besten Geister der Nation.“Philosophie und Nationalsozialismus, ed. Use Korotin (Vienna: PicusVerlag, 1994), 141–85. [BACK]

14. Gadamer, “Uber die politische Inkompetenz der Philosophie,” Sinn und Form 45.1:5–12. [BACK]

15. Hans-Georg Gadamer in conversation with Dorte von Westernhagen, Das Argument 182, 32.4 (July-Aug. 1990), 543–555; here 549. [BACK]

16. In terms of the society as a whole, this is also substantiated in the new Hitler biography by Ian Kershaw, particularly in the chapter “Dem Fiihrer entgegen ar-beiten.” Hitler 1889–1936 (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1998), 663–744. [BACK]

17. The remarks that Zuckert misses with regard to the differences between Gadamer's philosophical texts before 1933 and after 1945 are found in my book (15, 65 ff) and also in my essay in this volume. [BACK]

18. Fritz Bucherer and Herman Easters, eds., Das Humanistische Gymnasium (Berlin and Leipzig: B. G. Teubner, 1934), 100. [BACK]

19. My attempt to reconstruct these resonances is prompted by the French linguist Michel Pecheux's concept of interdiscourse and/or cross-discourse. Pech-eux's discourse analysis takes as its task the analysis of the effect of interdiscourse, “which bursts into the organization of what can be said, in the form of the unsaid or the said-elsewhere.” Michel Pecheux, “Uber die Rolle des Gedachtnisses als interdiskursives Material: Ein Forschungsprojekt im Rahmen der Diskursanalyse und Archivlektiire,” in Das Subjeht des Dishurses: Beitrdge zur sprachlichen Bildung von Subjektivitdt und Intersubjektivitdt, ed. Manfred Geier and Harold Woetzel (Berlin: Argument-Verlag, 1983), 54. The cross-discourse functions “as a kind of axiom of meaning, stabilized in the discursive memory, which seems to make possible evident intradiscursive links.” It is a kind of reading “in which the reading subject at the same time is responsible for and is expropriated by the meaning that he deciphers. For the interpretation follows the interdiscursive tracks, which are preconstructed and transversal as such” (54). To this end, discourse analysis describes processes “that expose to the reader those levels of the discourse which are opaque relative to the strategic actions of an information-processing epistemic subject” (54) as presupposed by the cognitivistic variants of discourse analysis. In this sense discourse analysis shares a point of view with Gadamerian hermeneutics, since both oppose the logicistic or cognitivistic theories of meaning. The crucial difference from the hermeneutic position, however, is that concepts like the preconstructed (preconstruit), the interdiscourse (discours transverse), and indirect or reported discourse

20. “Only in the context of this founding of the state, and from the motive of a radical rejection of the existing state and its establishment in the words of philosophy, can the critique of poets be understood.” Plato und die Dichter (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1934), 13. [BACK]

21. “He who recognizes himself in it certainly does not, indeed, recognize himself as a stateless, isolated being: he recognizes in himself the ground on which the reality of the state is built, however, and in whatever degenerate form the real state may exist” (Plato und die Dichter 14). [BACK]

22. The linguistic difficulty of the usual rendering of German staatlich in English as “political” must be considered here in its distorting consequences. The concept of the political does not have to be imagined in conjunction with the attributes of the state, as is generally the case in these texts. [BACK]

23. As Kurt Hildebrandt, a member of the George circle, sums it up, Plato's state “rests on the human soul, it is a mental construct. For that which we call the total state today, there is no more perfect portrait than Plato's Politeia.” Kurt Hildebrandt, Einleitung zur Platan: Der Staat, trans. A. Horneffer (Leipzig: Alfred Kroner-Verlag, 1933), 364. Alfred Baeumler believes that Plato encourages artistic and gymnastic upbringing, “not because he considers art to be an educational material,” but as “a necessary device for rearing children.” By such means a youth would learn “to love and to hate correctly, without first of all being able to indicate the reason.” Alfred Baeumler, “Asthetik,” in Handbuch der Philosophie. Die Grunddisziplinen (Munich and Berlin: Oldenburg, 1934), 6. Regarding the adoption of Platonic principles in a broad spectrum of National Socialist organizations, the Nazi educational theorist Ernst Krieck writes, “No one, however, has had as profound an understanding of the power of the artistic as Plato, who in this regard can become our teacher yet again. For education in the youth leagues; in the state youth groups; in the army; and in the defense units of the SA, the SS, and the Stahlhelm, artistic education has become a necessity.” Ernst Krieck, Musische Erziehung (Leipzig: Arma-nen, 1933), i. [BACK]

24. Rolf Nemitz, “Die Erziehung des faschistischen Subjekts,” in Faschismus und Ideologic (Hamburg: Argument-Verlag, 1980), 141–75. [BACK]

25. Ernst Krieck, “Erziehungsphilosophie,” in Handbuch der Philosophie, ed. A. Baeumler and M. Schroter (Munich and Berlin: 1931). See section III, “Mensch und Charakter,” pp. 68 and 48. [BACK]

26. This allotment of status is explicitly contrary to Plato's Politeia, in which the guardians constitute a profession between the workmen and the philosopher-kings. More important than the accuracy of this interpretation, however, is the harmony of this reading with the political constellation to which this text speaks, for example,

27. Albrecht Wellmer, quoted in Jiirgen Habermas, “Der Universalitatsan-pruch der Hermeneutik,” in ZurLogik der Sozialwissenschaften (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, [BACK]

28. Isabelle Kalinowsky, “Les ambiguites de Gadamer,” Liber: Revue Internationale des livres 30 (Mar. 1997): 14. [BACK]