1. Nichi-Bei (Japanese American News), February 20, 1930, p. 1; Unpublished Field Notes, James Earl Wood Collection, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos," Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. Hereafter cited as Field Notes. [BACK]

2. Superior Court, Case No. 23367, Complaint, Filisberto S. Tapia [sic] vs. Yasaburo Saiki, February 18, 1930, County of San Joaquin, State of California. [BACK]

3. Ibid. [BACK]

4. Stockton Daily Independent, February 12, 1930, p. 12. [BACK]

5. Sacramento Bee, February 3, 1930, p. 1; February 5, 1930, p. 1. There were general reports that Filipino organizations in the U.S. passed resolutions condemning the race riots and calling for Philippine independence. See The Philippine Republic, February 1930, p. 14. [BACK]

6. Michael M. J. Fischer, "Ethnicity and the Post-Modern Arts of Memory," in Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, James Clifford and George E. Marcus, eds. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), pp. 195-196. See also George J. Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 10-21. [BACK]

7. The best accounts of the anti-Japanese and anti-Filipino movements remain Roger Daniels, The Politics of Prejudice: The Anti-Japanese Movement in California and the Struggle for Japanese Exclusion (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962) and Howard A. DeWitt, Anti-Filipino Movements in California: A History, Bibliography and Study Guide (San Francisco: R and E Research Associates, 1976). For more comprehensive accounts of both movements as anti-Asian racism, see Ronald Takaki, Strangers from a Different Shore (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1989) and Sucheng Chan, Asian Americans: An Interpretive History (Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1991). [BACK]

8. This view of culture is based upon Antonio Gramsci's concept of cultural hegemony: "an order in which a certain way of life and thought is dominant, in which one concept of reality is diffused throughout society in all its institutional and private manifestations, informing with its spirit all taste, morality, customs, religious and political principles, and all social relations, particularly in their intellectual and moral connotation." As quoted by Ronald Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1979), pp. xiv-xv. [BACK]

9. See David Roedigger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (New York: Verso Press, 1991), pp. 152-153. This psychoanalytic concept and its relevance for the development of racial attitudes was first utilized by Winthrop Jordan in his landmark study, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550-1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968). Jordan referred to it as "projection." [BACK]

10. Luzviminda Francisco, "The First Vietnam: The Philippine-American War, 1899-1902," in Letters in Exile, Jesse Quinsaat, ed. (Los Angeles: Resource Development and Publications, UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1976), pp. 1-22; Chan, Asian Americans, p. 17. For a perspective on the Spanish-American War from the viewpoint of African American soldiers, see Willard B. Gatewood, Jr., Smoked Yankees and the Struggle for Empire: Letters Home from Negro Soldiers, 1899-1902 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971). [BACK]

11. Their tuition was paid by the United States government, or by the colleges and universities they attended. See Takaki, Strangers, p. 58; Chan, Asian Americans, p. 75; Dorothy Cordova, "Voices from the Past: Why They Came," in Making Waves, Asian Women United of California, ed. (Boston: Beacon Press, 1989), pp. 42-49. [BACK]

12. C. M. Goethe, "Filipino Immigration Viewed as Peril," Current History (June 1931): 353-356; Casiano Pagdilao Coloma, "A Study of the Filipino Repatriation Movement," master's thesis, University of Southern California, 1939, pp. 6-7. [BACK]

13. The Philippines Free Press, March 27, 1926, p. 13, as quoted by Larry Lawcock, "Filipino Students in the United States and the Philippine Independence Movement: 1900-1935," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1975, p. 514. [BACK]

14. The Three Stars, June 1929, p. 4. Suarez was also an officer in the Filipino Business Association of California, formed in February 1930. See The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 3. [BACK]

15. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos." [BACK]

16. A total of 208 surveys were completed by Japanese pupils enrolled in Stockton area schools. The actual numbers for the top three categories were: farmers, 90; hotel keepers, 31; and merchants, 18. Miscellaneous came in at 24. It is somewhat curious that "labor contractors" were not listed. It is possible that a separate category for labor contractors was not established on the questionnaire itself. Unfortunately, a copy of the questionnaire was left out of the thesis. See Horace F. Chansler, "The Assimilation of Japanese in and around Stockton," master's thesis, College of the Pacific, 1932, pp. 34-35. [BACK]

17. Two scholars state that the majority of contractors for Filipino seasonal labor during this time were Japanese. See Bruno Lasker, Filipino Immigration to the Continental United States and Hawaii (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1931; reprinted, New York: Arno Press, 1969), p. 89; and Carol Hemminger, "Little Manila: The Filipino in Stockton Prior to World War II, Part I," The Pacific Historian 24, no. 1 (Spring 1980): 25. [BACK]

18. Takaki, Strangers, p. 214. [BACK]

19. Paul Spickard, Mixed Blood: Intermarriage and Ethnic Identity in Twentieth-Century America (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), pp. 98-106, 118-119.

      Spickard says that for Nisei, intermarriage was "resolutely opposed," particularly with Filipinos and the latter groups. Though the Japanese also rationalized their secondclass status at times by projecting their anger onto Filipinos, that is a topic for a future study. [BACK]

20. Manila Sunday Tribune, January 12, 1930, as quoted in the Filipino Nation, March 1930, p. 47. Though uncredited, the author is probably Maximo C. Manzon, a New York City writer. Filipinos, as U.S. nationals, often had passports stamped "American citizen." See Filipino Student Bulletin, "Are the Filipinos in the U.S. in as Good a Position as Aliens?" November 1929, p. 1. [BACK]

21. Field Notes, Folder 10, "Miscellaneous Notes Concerning Filipinos in California." [BACK]

22. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos," emphasis mine. [BACK]

23. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos." One example from Damiano Marcuelo's cases was Albert N. Kawasaki, described as an unscrupulous local Japanese labor contractor. [BACK]

24. The Philippine Republic, March 15, 1929, p. 16. [BACK]

25. Field Notes, Folder 6, "Materials Relating to Filipino Labor in California, Wages, Hours, etc." [BACK]

26. See Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia (London: Oxford University Press, 1965); Edgar Wickberg, The Chinese in Philippine Life (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965). While these colonial influences had also fostered the development of Filipino attitudes toward other races, regional groups, and national minorities living in the Philippines, the literature has focused primarily on the Chinese presence in the Philippines. By comparison, the numbers of Japanese were thought to be much smaller. [BACK]

27. Lasker, Filipino Immigration, p. 10. [BACK]

28. Stanley Karnow, In Our Image: America's Empire in the Philippines (New York: Ballantine Books, 1989) pp. 263-265. [BACK]

29. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos." This interview was with Benito Abenis. [BACK]

30. Craig Scharlin and Lilia V. Villanueva, Philip Vera Cruz, A Personal History of Filipino Immigrants and the Farmworkers Movement (Los Angeles: UCLA Labor Center, Institute of Industrial Relations & UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1992), p. 53. [BACK]

32. The topic of Filipino and Japanese interracial dating and marriage is one covered in fiction and in a few works. See Hisaye Yamamoto, "Yoneko's Earthquake," in Seventeen Syllables and Other Stories (Latham, N.Y.: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1988) pp. 46-56; John Fante, "Mary Osaka, I Love You," Good Housekeeping, October 1942, pp. 40, 167-179; Eiichiro Azuma, Walnut Grove: Japanese Farm Community in the Sacramento River Delta, 1892-1942, master's thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1992; and David Yoo, "'Read All About It': Race, Generation, and the Japanese American Press, 1925-1941," unpublished paper. [BACK]

33. Field Notes, Folder 9, "Miscellaneous Notes Concerning Filipinos in California." Nichi-Bei reported the boycott as a general boycott of all Japanese stores. See February 13, 1930, p. 1. [BACK]

34. The resolution committee of Damiano L. Marcuelo, Primo Villaruz, Teofilo Suarez, Primo Umanos, and J. Billones also sent copies to Philippine Resident Commissioners Pedro Guevara and Camilo Osias. Stockton Daily Independent, February 11, 1930, pp. 1, 2; Sacramento Bee, February 11, 1930, p. 7; The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 1. [BACK]

35. Lasker, Filipino Immigration, p. 17; Berkeley Gazette, February 12, 1930, pp. 1, 13; San Francisco Chronicle, February 12, 1930, p. 9. The Saikis' pool hall was closed, as it had been since February 6. Field Notes, Folder 3, "Field Notes Relating to Filipinos." [BACK]

36. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 1. [BACK]

37. Stockton Daily Independent, February 12, 1930, p. 12. [BACK]

38. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 1; Nichi-Bei, February 13, 1930, p. 1, February 20, 1930, p. 1. [BACK]

39. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 1, p. 5; San Francisco Chronicle, February 12, 1930, p. 9. [BACK]

40. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 5. [BACK]

41. The Three Stars, February 15, 1930, p. 5; San Francisco Chronicle, February 12, 1930, p. 9. By comparison, other cities and counties that experienced anti-Filipino violence, such as Monterey County and San Jose, did not increase their local patrols until February 18. See Sacramento Bee, February 18, 1930, p. 12. [BACK]

42. Newspaper clipping, Stockton Record, February 12, 1930, James Earl Wood Collection, Folder 4, "Miscellaneous Clippings Relating to the Filipinos in California," Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. [BACK]

43. Newspaper clipping, Stockton Daily Evening Record, February 13, 1930, James Earl Wood Collection, Folder 4, "Miscellaneous Clippings Relating to the Filipinos in California," Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. [BACK]

44. Ibid. [BACK]

45. Nichi-Bei, February 20, 1930, p. 1. Bruno Lasker reported that some slight damage had occurred to Japanese property, although he does not say specifically when. See Lasker, Filipino Immigration, p. 17. [BACK]

46. Stockton Daily Independent, March 25, 1930, p. 8. [BACK]

47. Staff, "Anti-Miscegenation Laws and the Pilipino," in Letters in Exile: An Introductory Reader on the History of the Pilipinos in America, Jesse Quinsaat, ed. (Los Angeles: Resource Development and Publications, UCLA Asian American Studies Center, 1976) p. 67. For a more comprehensive treatment of the anti-miscegenation laws affecting Chinese, Japanese, and Filipinos in California and other states, see Megumi Dick Osumi, "Asians and California's Anti-Miscegenation Laws," in Nobuya Tsuchida, ed., Asian and Pacific American Experiences: Women's Perspectives (Minneapolis: Asian/Pacific American Learning Resource Center and General College, University of Minnesota, 1982), pp. 1-37. [BACK]

48. Editorial, "We Are Malayans," Filipino Nation, March 1930, p. 12, emphasis mine. This view of Filipinos as part of the "brown" or Malayan race had been a central tenet of the Filipino Federation of America from the early years. The 1927 maiden issue of the Filipino Nation lists among its principles "Malaysia—United." [BACK]

49. Filipino Nation, June 1930, p. 12. [BACK]

50. Hawes favored Philippine independence early in 1930. See Karnow, In Our Image, p. 253; Filipino Nation, June 1930, p. 13. [BACK]

51. This restriction was further exacerbated by the revising of the anti-miscegenation laws in California in 1933 to include Filipinos on the list of those forbidden to marry European Americans. See "Anti-Miscegenation Laws and the Filipino," by the staff, in Letters in Exile, pp. 63-71. One study has estimated that the formation of a visible second generation of Filipino Americans in California did not occur until the 1960s. See Amado Cabezas, Larry Shinagawa, and Gary Kawaguchi, "New Inquiries into the Socioeconomic Status of Pilipino Americans in California," Amerasia Journal 13, no. 1 (1986-87): 5-6. In states outside California which lacked antimiscegenation laws, there were numbers, albeit small, of second generation, often multiracial Filipino Americans. See Barbara Posadas, "Crossed Boundaries in Interracial Chicago: Pilipino American Families since 1925," Amerasia Journal 8, no. 2 (1981): 13-52. [BACK]

52. Filipino Pioneer; August 5, 1938, pp. 1, 4. In one example of the generally good relations between the first generation, in August 1929, on the occasion of the Third Annual Convention of the Filipino Federation of America, held that year in Stockton, the local "Japanese Business Association" [sic] sent a "basket of beautiful flowers" to Cornelio Clenuar, manager of the Federation's Stockton branch. See picture and item, Filipino Nation, August 1929, p. 13. [BACK]

53. Late in 1930, Manila politicians began to voice fears that the growing presence of Japanese in the southern part of the Philippines could be "encroaching" upon Philippine business opportunities. See "Japanization of Davao a Problem," The Philippine Republic, September 1930, p. 13. Toward the end of the decade, this "economic envy" began to shift toward fears of the "Japanese colony" in Davao becoming a potential ''fifth column" that would endanger Philippine national security. See Karnow, In Our Image, p. 279. In another ironic twist demonstrating the ambivalence of the relationship between the two communities, the Filipino Pioneer, the local Filipino newspaper, in a front page story just below Nunez's obituary, mentioned Philippine Commonwealth President Manuel L. Quezon's unease at having to deal with "Japs." See "Quezon Denies Jap Agreement," Filipino Pioneer, August 5, 1938, p. 1. [BACK]

54. The emergence of Issei nationalism as a result of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937 was not new, as nationalism had also peaked with previous conflicts in the first Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, the 1904-05 Russo-Japanese War, and the First World War. Historian Yuji Ichioka says that given the legal, social, and economic barriers to American citizenship and basic rights, the Issei's identification withJapan must be viewed as a psychological expression of dissatisfaction with their second-class status here. Yuji Ichioka, "Japanese Immigrant Nationalism: The Issei and the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1941," California History 69, no. 3 (Fall 1990): 260-275. [BACK]