1. Edward R. Ridley to Fidalgo Island Packing Company, January 11, 1932, Fidalgo Island Packing Company Records, Anacortes Museum of History and Art, Anacortes, Washington. [BACK]

2. The Grand Camp, or umbrella organization, was in Ketchikan on a permanent basis. Each major village in southeast Alaska had its own designation as a "camp" and held representation within the Grand Camp. For the standard review of the organizations, see Philip Drucker, The Native Brotherhoods: Modern Intertribal Organizations on the Northwest Coast, Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 168 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1958). [BACK]

3. At the risk of oversimplifying categories, I have used the term Asian American in this paper to indicate any person of Chinese, Japanese, or Filipino ancestry, immigrant or American-born. For a more detailed analysis of their activities in the industry, see Chris Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor: The Pacific Coast Canned Salmon Industry, 1870-1942 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994). [BACK]

4. For a discussion of this issue see Fidalgo Island Packing Company to Seid G. Back, Mar. 9, 1933, Fidalgo Island Packing Company Records. [BACK]

5. William L. Paul to Frank Desmond, January 16, 1938, 1938 file, box 1, William L. Paul Papers, accession no. 1885-5, Manuscripts Division, University of Washington Libraries, Seattle, Washington. Hereafter cited as Paul Papers. [BACK]

6. United Cannery, Agricultural, Packinghouse, and Allied Workers of America (UCAPAWA) locals, affiliated with the CIO, won a National Labor Relations Board Certification Election in May 1938, which awarded locals in San Francisco, Portland, and Seattle the right to represent outside workers who were largely the same Asian American crews that had formerly worked in the industry under co-ethnic labor contractors. For more information on the CIO locals, see Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor. For information regarding the AFL locals, see Ketchikan Daily News, July 16, 1946, Paul Papers. [BACK]

7. Patricia Nelson Limerick, Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken Past of the American West (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987), argues that the West's multiculturalism was one of its defining features as people competed in the region for control of profits and property. Richard White, "Race Relations in the American West," American Quarterly 38, no. 3 (1986): 396-416, has argued that the West's race relations have been distinctive because of the diversity of the peoples, the territorial claim certain groups have to lands, the international components of race relations in the manner in which various groups can be associated with or draw upon foreign governments, the racial stratification of wage labor in the region, and the consistent presence of the federal government as a "regulator of racial relations." While some debate the exceptionalism of the West's racial diversity and the notion of regional exceptionalism itself (for example, see the thoughtful but brief essay by Nancy Shoemaker, "Regions as Categories of Analysis," Perspectives 34, no. 8 [1996]: 7-8, 10), I argue in "'In Due Time': Engaging the Narratives of Race and Place in the Twentieth-Century American West," in Race and Racism: Toward the 21st Century, ed. Paul Wong et al. (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, forthcoming), that while the West was not particularly different in its diversity, it did have a different narrative about its racial composition that allowed for a more graded and contested racial hierarchy than other regions. [BACK]

8. The historiography on Populism is immense as is Populism's influence on western politics. I have been most influenced in my thinking about the weakness of party politics and the role of "populist" or grassroots organizing by Paul Kleppner, "Politics without Parties: The Western States, 1900-1984," in The Twentieth-Century West: Historical Interpretations, ed. Gerald D. Nash and Richard W. Etulain (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989), 295-338; and Michael Kazin, "The Grass-Roots Right: New Histories of U.S. Conservatism in the Twentieth Century," American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (1992): 136-155. [BACK]

9. Others have noted the role of individuals in rural communities as important factors in the maintenance of far-flung networks of associations among Asian Americans. For examples, see Sucheng Chan, This Bittersweet Soil: The Chinese in California Agriculture (Los Angeles and Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); and Gail Nomura, "Interpreting Historical Evidence," in Frontiers of Asian American Studies, ed. Gail Nomura et al. (Pullman, Wash.: Washington State University Press, 1989), 1-5.

      Sarah Deutsch, No Separate Refuge: Culture, Class, and Gender on an Anglo-Hispanic Frontier in the American Southwest, 1880-1940 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 9-12, discusses how kith and kin ties to those residents assisted in gaining employment. In many respects their community of association was like the "regional community" that Deutsch has described among Chicanos and Chicanas in the Southwest between 1880 and 1940. Gunther W. Peck, "Mobilizing Ethnicity: Immigrant Diasporas in the Intermountain West, 1900-1920," paper presented at the Power and Place in the North American West Symposium, Seattle, Washington, November 5, 1994, does much the same for Greeks in the Utah mining districts, but pays special attention to the manner in which class and ethnicity interact given specific historical and contextual circumstances. I have explored these ideas, too, relative to Asian Americans in "The West as East: The Crossroads of Asian Immigrant and Asian American History and the U.S. West," paper presented at the Center for the American West, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, January 29, 1993. [BACK]

10. Nora Marks Dauenhauer and Richard Dauenhauer, eds., Haa Kusteeyi, Our Culture: Tlingit Life Stories (Seattle: University of Washington, and Juneau: Sealaska Heritage Foundation, 1994), 275, note that during the 1930S and 1940s many Filipino men married Tlingit women. [BACK]

11. For far too long, scholars have relegated Native American labor to the corners of their studies. For a strong critique of this tendency, see Martha C. Knack and Alice Littlefield, "Native American Labor: Retrieving History, Rethinking Theory," in Native Americans and Wage Labor: Ethnohistorical Perspectives, ed. Alice Littlefield and Martha C. Knack (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996), 3-44, as well as the other essays in the volume. [BACK]

12. Victoria Wyatt, "Alaskan Indian Wage Earners in the 19th Century: Economic Choices and Ethnic Identity on Southeast Alaska's Frontier," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 78, nos. 1-2 (1987): 43-50; and Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 135, 152-155, 272, 395, 435. [BACK]

13. Daniel Boxberger, To Fish in Common: The Ethnohistory of Lummi Salmon Fishing (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989). [BACK]

14. For examples, see Kenneth D. Tollefson, "From Localized Clans to Regional Corporation," The Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology 8, no. 1 (1978): 1-20; and Laura Frances Klein, "Tlingit Women and Town Politics," Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1975. Stephen Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," in Our Culture, ed. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, esp. 506-520, provides a good, succinct overview of ANB activities. [BACK]

15. Claus-M. Naske, "Alaska's Long and Sometimes Painful Relationship with the Lower Forty-eight," in The Changing Pacific Northwest: Interpreting its Past, ed. David H. Stratton and George A. Frykman (Pullman, Wash.: Washington State University Press, 1988), 55-76. For a discussion of the creation of whiteness in general, see David A. Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso Press, 1991 ); and Alexander P. Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class, Politics, and Mass Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (London: Verso Press, 1990). These authors point to the need to examine such notions on a regional scale and though Carlos A. Schwantes, "Protest in a Promised Land: Unemployment, Disinheritance, and the Origin of Labor Militancy in the Pacific Northwest, 1885-1886," Western Historical Quarterly 13 (1982): 373-390, comes the closest to this, he does not squarely address the issue. I have examined the subject in "Asian American Labor and Historical Interpretation," Labor History 35 (1994): 524-546. [BACK]

16. The best discussion of ANB activities is in Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," but even that essay points to the need to determine more about the ANB and ANS activities as a bargaining agent. [BACK]

17. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 76-88; Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," in ibid., esp. 503-504; and Drucker, Native Brotherhoods, 16-40. [BACK]

18. The Alaska Fisherman, July 1930, p. 1. The sporadic issues of The Alaska Fishernan between 1928 and 1931 available in the Paul Papers carry the phrase "Our Platform: Alaska for Alaskans" in the paper's masthead. [BACK]

19. Kenneth R. Philp, "The New Deal and Alaskan Natives, 1936-1945," Pacific Historical Review 50, no. 3 (1981): 309-327. [BACK]

20. Alaska Native Brotherhood, November 25, 1938, Paul Papers. [BACK]

21. William L. Paul to Frank Desmond, January 16, 1938; William L. Paul, Jr., to Charles A. Wheeler, July 13, 1942, Paul Papers. The ANB and ANS had separate, autonomous "camps" at each settlement in southeast Alaska. These, in turn, were united in the organization under the Grand Camp in Ketchikan. In this present study, I have only been able to investigate the activities of the Grand Camp in any detail. A camp-by-camp analysis is still pending. Nonetheless, there are hints that significant tensions existed within and between the camps and that some of these manifest themselves in the struggles among the ANB-ANS camps, CIO locals, and AFL branches. The records of the ANB-ANS in general, though, do indicate some of the key features of the situation. [BACK]

22. See Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 311-313, for a brief biography of Frank G. Johnson. The fishermen organized as Alaska Salmon Purse Seiners Union (ASPSU) and the women as the Cannery Workers Auxiliary Union (CWAU). The latter was tightly affiliated with the former. [BACK]

23. Alaska Fishing News, April 15, 1940, p. 6. [BACK]

24. Ibid. This forceful statement is rather surprising given that Louis Paul is generally regarded by those who knew him as a more diplomatic person than his brother William. A Tlingit contemporary of the Pauls, Judson Brown, recalled that Louis was "inspiring" and "for the people" while William "would get side-tracked arguing with people." See Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 146. Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," 503-524, also notes that William Paul's style was rather abrasive at times. [BACK]

25. William L. Paul to [?], n.d., Paul Papers. [BACK]

26. Paul to Desmond, January 16, 1938, Paul Papers. [BACK]

27. Alaska Fishing News, June 26, 1942, p. 6. [BACK]

28. Susan H. Koester and Emma Widmark, "'By the Words of the Mouth Let Thee Be Judged': The Alaska Native Sisterhood Speaks," Journal of the West 27, no. 2 (1988): 36. [BACK]

29. Ibid., 38. [BACK]

30. Alaska Fishing News, November 27, 1939, p. 6. [BACK]

31. For men's and women's roles, see Klein, "Tlingit Women." [BACK]

32. [CIO] Local 7 News, March 1945, p. 4. [BACK]

33. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 272. The biographies of nearly every Tlingit woman in Our Culture confirm this mixed subsistence pattern. [BACK]

34. Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor, 88-89. [BACK]

35. Alaska Fishing News, November 29, 1943, p. 3. [BACK]

36. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 538; and Koester and Widmark, "Alaska Native Sisterhood." [BACK]

37. Frederica de Laguna to Chris Friday, January 31, 1995, in possession of author; and Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 76, 265. [BACK]

38. Alaska Fishing News, Harvest Edition, September 1939, sect. 3, p. 8; Alaska Fishing News, July 12, 1939, p. 3; May 6, 1940, p. 3; May 27, 1940, p. 3. [BACK]

39. Alaska Fishing News, March 27, 1940, p. 7. [BACK]

40. Ibid., March 25, 1940, p. 7. [BACK]

41. Ibid., July 17, 1939, p. 2. [BACK]

42. Ibid., July 12, 1939, P. 5. [BACK]

43. Alaska Fishing News, Harvest Edition, September 1939, sect. 3, p. 8. These were the very sites of many strong ANB/ANS camps. Metlakatlah, though, had a history of independent action and the CIO local in Ketchikan wielded more power than the CWAU there. U.S. Bureau of Fisheries, Alaska Fishery and Fur-Seal Industries (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1940), 143, lists 4,436 "native" and "white" "shoresmen" in southeast Alaska. These figures include European American engineers, machinists, radio operators, trapmen, and other skilled and semi-skilled cannery workers, some of whom shipped up from San Francisco, Portland, and Seattle. The estimate of 4,500 should only be taken as a rough figure. [BACK]

44. Alaska Fishing News, June 5, 1939, p. 4; July 19, 1939, P. 1. [BACK]

45. Minutes, Wrangell Alaska Native Brotherhood Grand Camp Convention, November 12, 1946, 3-5, William L. Paul Microfilm, roll 2, accession no. 2076-2, Manuscripts Division, University of Washington Libraries. [BACK]

46. Salvador Del Fierro, Sr., interview, Washington State Oral/Aural History Project, 1974-1977, microfiche accession no. FIL-KING 75-29ck. [BACK]

47. Vicki Ruiz, Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987) argues that women's shared work experiences assisted in the formation and maintenance of unions. Patricia Zavella, Women's Work and Chicano Families: Cannery Workers of the Santa Clara Valley (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1987), though, demonstrates how work cultures in the same industry eventually fragmented the workforce and worked against union concerns.

      In Organizing Asian American Labor, I have dealt with women's work cultures in the canned-salmon industry to some extent. For primary materials, see the interviews of women in the Skagit County Oral History Preservation Project at the Skagit County Historical Museum in LaConner, Washington. [BACK]

48. The Alaska Fishing News carried regular stories of Filipino events in Ketchikan, usually with a list of participants. Those names closely correspond to the roster of Local 237 officers in the same paper. For example, see Alaska Fishing News, July 29, 1942, p. 4; and August 23, 1942, p. 8. [BACK]

49. Voice of the Federation, March 20, 1937, p. 7; April 22, 1937, p. 8; November 1937, p. 2; January 19, 1939, p. 3. [BACK]

50. Ibid., January 19, 1939, p. 3. [BACK]

51. Ibid., July 7, 1938, p. 6. [BACK]

52. Ibid., January 19, 1939, p. 3; February 2, 1939, p. 1. [BACK]

53. Ibid., March 2, 1939, p. 6. [BACK]

54. Ibid., June 29, 1939, p. 3. [BACK]

55. Ibid., December 22, 1938, p. 3. [BACK]

56. Ibid., July 7, 1939, p. 5; and August 17, 1939, p. 3. [BACK]

57. Alaska Fishing News, October 29, 1943, p. 3; Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor, 187-190; and Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 434. [BACK]

58. Alaska Fishing News, October 29, 1943, p. 3. [BACK]

59. The origins of the Tlingit and Haida Central Council are unclear. Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 97, indicate that its formation came purely from pursuit of the land claims. Yet in their biography of Tlingit Jimmy George, Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer hold that Undersecretary of the Interior John Carver insisted that the ANB was too heterogeneous and "suggested that they [sic] form a political organization more limited in ethnicity. From this concept developed the Central Council of the Tlingit and Haida" (202). Haycox, "William Lewis Paul," in Our Culture, 517, argues that the Tlingit and Haida Central Council was created separately from the ANB in part to reduce the influence that Paul might have over the land claims cases. Indeed, in Paul's arguments before the U.S. Supreme Court in Tee-Hit-Ton v. U.S. (1959), he held that there was no basis for an entity such as the Tlingit and Haida Central Council and that individual camps, on the order of the ANB camps, should be allowed to file separately for their land claims. Paul's simultaneous moves to ensconce the ANB/ANS as a bargaining unit and his activities in land claims appear to be linked to his efforts at a comeback after a loss of status when in 1937 he was disbarred in Alaska on charges of defrauding his legal clients. In this context, the ANB/ANS bargaining agency might appear as a short-term measure to gain a position and the land claims as an effort to secure long-term status. For Haycox's discussion of the disbarring and the Supreme Court case, see "William Lewis Paul," in Our Culture, 516-519. I am grateful to Stephen Haycox for freely discussing this material with me on several occasions in 1994. [BACK]

60. Washington State CIO Labor News, March 1944, PP. 1, 3. [BACK]

61. Rose Dellama, interview by Vicki Ruiz, August 22, 1980, interview notes courtesy of Vicki Ruiz; and UCAPAWA News, April 15, 1944, p. 4. [BACK]

62. Dellama interview. [BACK]

63. Ibid.; Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 533. [BACK]

64. UCAPAWA News, May 15, 1944, p. 4; Alaska Fishing News, March 3, 1941, p. 6; and Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, pp. 265, 315. [BACK]

65. UCAPAWA News, May 1, 1944, p. 3. Koester and Widmark, "Alaska Native Sisterhood," also discuss Hayes's and Wanamaker's activities in the ANS. [BACK]

66. The CIO locals also supported resident Alaskans and Native Alaskans in claims of discrimination on the part of canneries and federal contractors. See UCAPAWA News, May 15, 1944, p. 4; July 1, 1944, p. 7. [BACK]

67. Dellama interview. [BACK]

68. Ibid. The biographies of Hoonah residents in Dauenhauer and Dauenhauer, Our Culture, 155, 318, reveal the cultural havoc the fire wrought but do not indicate the origins of the blaze. [BACK]

69. Dellama interview. [BACK]

70. Russell R. Miller to Essie G. Hanson, August 7, 1945, case 19-R-1268, box 5305, National Labor Relations Board, Record Group 25 (hereafter cited as NLRB, RG 25), National Archives and Records Administration, Suitland, Maryland. Minutes, ANB Grand Camp Convention, November 12, 1945, P. 4, roll 1, Paul Microfilm, confirm these figures and NLRB activities. [BACK]

71. Oscar S. Smith to Thomas P. Graham, August 27, 1945, case 19-R-1 268, box 5305, NLRB, RG 25; William L. Paul, Jr., to Russell Miller, August 14, 1945, ibid.; and Conrad Espe to Thomas P. Graham, Jr., n.d., ibid. By this point UCAPAWA had disintegrated and reformed as the Food, Tobacco and Allied Workers Union. [BACK]

72. Minutes, ANB Grand Camp Convention, November 13, 1945, p. 11, roll i, Paul Microfilm. [BACK]

73. Minutes, ANB Grand Camp Convention, Resolution no. 28, roll 1, Paul Microfilm; Miscellaneous notes on 1945 convention, 3 pp., Paul Papers. [BACK]

74. Paul M. Herzog and John M. Houston, Second Supplemental Decision and Direction, case 19-R-1268, December 13, 1946, case 19-R-1268, box 5305, NLRB, RG 25; and Wendell B. Phillips, Jr., to NLRB, January 6, 1947, ibid. [BACK]

75. Leslie H. Grove to NLRB, January 30, 1947, case 19-R-1268, Alaska Salmon Industry Inc., folder 2, box 5306, NLRB, RG 25; and NLRB to Grove, January 31, 1947, ibid. [BACK]

76. Harry Lundeberg to Paul Herzog, March 21, 1947, case 19-R-1268, folder 2, box 5306, NLRB, RG 25. [BACK]

77. I have explored this question in "The Marine Cooks and Stewards Union on a Narrowing Path: Race, Gender, Work, and Politics in the Cold War Epoch," prepared as a paper for the 1996 Organization of American Historians Annual Meeting and expanded as a public lecture for the Northwest Center for Comparative American Cultures and Race Relations, Rockefeller Humanities Lecture Series, Pullman, Washington, April 1996. Sailors' unions on the West Coast had, since the nineteenth century, been a driving anti-Asian force. When the Chinese Exclusion Act barred immigration to U.S. territories, it did nothing to prevent Chinese from sailing on American vessels, nor ships of other nations, and landing in U.S. ports. The Sailors Union of the Pacific led the way in trying to push Chinese off the ships and then extended its program in the twentieth century to include Japanese, Filipinos, and East Indians. As a result, while onshore unions tended to drop anti-Asian programs as soon as exclusionary legislation became permanent for a given group, the Sailors Union of the Pacific and its parent organization, the Seafarers International Union, remained actively and virulently anti-Asian. I have dealt with this topic in "A Dialogue about Race and Ethnicity in the Twentieth Century: From a Multi-Racial to a Black-and-White Perspective," Rockefeller Program in Comparative American Cultures and Race Relations, Washington State University, November 1995. Both these papers form portions of chapters in my work-in-progress on race, Pacific maritime labor, and the Marine Cooks and Stewards Union. [BACK]

78. Clara M. Martin, Order Denying Motion, April 1, 1947, case 19-R-1268, folder 2, box 5306, NLRB, RG 25. [BACK]

79. William Lewis Paul, "For the Good of the Order," June 22, 1949, p. 6, roll 1, Paul Microfilm; and Ketchikan Daily News, July 16, 1946, clipping, Paul Papers. [BACK]

80. FTA News, December 1948, p. 3. See also Arleen De Vera, "Without Parallel: The Local 7 Deportation Cases, 1949-1955," Amerasia Journal 20, no. 2 (1994): 1-25. [BACK]

81. Alaska Fishing News, September 18, 1944, p. 1, and stories in subsequent weeks and months, illustrate the intensity with which the ANB and ANS pursued their efforts to regain portions of their aboriginal land base. [BACK]

82. For selective discussions, see Friday, Organizing Asian American Labor; and Steve Rosswurm, ed., The CIO's Left-Led Unions (New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992). [BACK]

83. Labor historians, in particular, have been rather romantic about the CIO's racial record and have gone to great lengths to vilify the AFL. For a critique of that romanticism, see Herbert Hill, "The Problem of Race in American Labor History," Reviews in American History 24, no. 2 (1996): 189-208. Hill's major criticism is that labor historians have made class a primary and immutable category of analysis, thereby relegating questions of race to ideological and transitory realms. In his own way, however, Hill has essentialized race in a fashion not dissimilar from those he criticizes. For an attempt to develop a "middle ground" between the two analyses, see Marshall F. Stevenson, "'It Will Take More than Official Pronouncement': The American Federation of Labor and the Black Worker, 1935-1955, a Reconsideration," paper presented at the 1996 Annual Association for the Study of Afro-American Life and History, Charleston, South Carolina, September 13-15. [BACK]

84. Kevin Allen Leonard, "Years of Hope, Days of Fear: The Impact of World War II on Race Relations in Los Angeles," Ph.D. diss., University of California, Davis, 1992, esp. 276 ff. [BACK]

85. I use the term "racialized" to suggest a process influenced by unequal power relations based on the creation and application of "otherness." It is always a shifting and contested construction and is therefore not as static as the notion of "race." I use it, too, instead of the more amorphous "racial/ethnic" because it better captures the power relationships inherent in the exercise of "race'' in a stark contrast to "ethnicity." The former is frequently a tool of oppression, the latter a signifier of the assertion of an "identity," though that, too, comes with its own privileging, its own oppressive tendencies. [BACK]

86. I address this issue in much greater depth and length in "'In Due Time."' It is important to note that the binary rhetoric of race in the "North" and the "South" has obscured those regions' own multiracial and multiethnic pasts in particularly distorting and damaging ways. Only in the contemporary setting have the popular and scholarly images of those regions begun to change. [BACK]

87. Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formations in the United States from the 1960s to the 1980s, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 1991), 87. [BACK]

89. Among the strongest statements of this position are Virginia Scharff, "Getting Out: What Does Mobility Mean for Women?" and Kerwin Lee Klein, "Reclaiming the 'F' Word: or, Being and Becoming Postwestern," papers presented as part of the "American Dreams, Western Images'' program at the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, 1993-94. [BACK]