1. I apologize, as we did in the Introduction (around n. 3), for the potentially misleading but unavoidable terminology, and for the fact that I sometimes, for brevity's sake, speak of "music," without further qualification, when meaning only Western art music, e.g., in the phrases "music lovers" or "music patrons." [BACK]

2. My work in this area was informed and encouraged by work on women's clubs (including art clubs) and on American women's philanthropic and community-service work by various recent scholars in women's history and social history. These include the works by Karen J. Blair, Lori D. Ginzberg, Wendy Kaminer, Kathleen D. McCarthy, and Anne Firor Scott, referred to in later notes. For some primary accounts of women's early benevolent work, see Victorian Women: A Documentary Account of. Women's Lives in Nineteenth-Century England, France, and the United States , ed. Erna Olafson Hellerstein, Leslie Parker Hume, and Karen M. Offen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1981), 429-44. On motivations behind, and methods of, nineteenth-century benevolent work (primarily in England but applicable in many respects to the American situation), see Gertrude Himmelfarb, Poverty and Compassion: The Moral Imagination of the Late Victorians (New York: Knopf, 1991). On wealthy women's goals and activities today, including more on clubs, see Susan Ostrander, Women of the Upper Class (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984). And on people of wealth, see two astonishing, complementary books: Nelson W. Aldrich, Jr., Old Money: The Mythology of America's Upper Class (New York: Knopf, 1988), and George E. Marcus, with Peter Dobkin Hall, Lives in Trust: The Fortunes of Dynastic Families in Late Twentieth-Century America (Boulder, Colo.: West-view Press, 1992). Marcus discusses Aldrich's book on pp. 189-205. [BACK]

3. The 1940s comic-strip character Maggie, for example, was forever dragging her husband, Jiggs, off to concerts, where he promptly dozed off as a great masterpiece played away. The music critic B. H. Haggin addressed himself to a tonier but still captive husband in his appreciation primer, Music for the Man Who Enjoys "Hamlet " (New York: Knopf, 1944), 3: "You reach home . . . and you learn with dismay that this is the night of the third concert of the city's major series, that your wife is going, and you are going with her." [BACK]

4. Two sociologists note that bigots often define prejudice as "disliking or hating people for no reason at all." Since they feel they have good reasons, they do not consider themselves bigots. "But what the bigot cites as reasons the social scientist defines as prejudice" (Gertrude J. Selznick and Stephen Steinberg, The Tenacity of Prejudice: Anti-Semitism in Contemporary America [New York: Harper & Row, 1969], xviii). Varied and valuable materials—including some eloquent passages from literary fiction—on the way we see others are gathered in On Prejudice: A Global Perspective , ed. Daniela Gioseffi (New York: Doubleday, Anchor Books, 1993). [BACK]

5. Negative stereotypes will be dealt with in detail later in this chapter (e.g., at n. 77). Some varied examples of critical writings on patrons and philanthropists (male and female) are cited in the Introduction, nn. 8 and 12 (Keefer, Tawa, Goldin), and in Chapter 1, n. 21 (Boorstin) and 32 (Martin). [BACK]

6. I use the terms "social history" and "sociology" somewhat interchangeably, despite the differences between the two disciplines in aims and method. [BACK]

7. Given the context of the present book, I am referring, by "American," to the United States. Analogous phenomena, though, can be seen in Latin America—e.g., the Italian opera houses of Argentina and Brazil—and of course in Canada as well. There are parallels in Europe, too: the exportation of German symphony to France or of Italian opera to England or Russia. [BACK]

8. Lawrence W. Levine. Highbrow/Lowbrow: The Emergence of Cultural Hierarchy in America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1986). [BACK]

9. Paul J. DiMaggio, "Cultural Entrepreneurship in Nineteenth-Century Boston: The Creation of an Organizational Base for High Culture in America," and "Cultural Entrepreneurship in Nineteenth-Century Boston, Part II: The Classification and Framing of American Art," Media, Culture, Society 4 (1982): 33-50, 303-22; the first part is also reprinted, in somewhat altered version, in Nonprofit Enterprise in the Arts: Studies in Mission and Constraint ed. Paul DiMaggio (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 41-61; see also idem, Organizing Culture (New York: Basic Books, forthcoming); Neil Harris, The Artist in American Society: The Formative Years, 1790-1860 , rev. ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), the essays on museum advocacy, art collecting (J. Pierpont Morgan), and John Philip Sousa in idem, Cultural Excursions: Marketing Appetites and Cultural Tastes in Modern America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); Alan Trachtenberg, The Incorporation of America: Culture and Society in the Gilded Age (New York: Hill & Wang, 1982); and Thomas Bender, New York Intellect: A History of Intellectual Life in New York City from 1750 to the Beginnings of Our Time (New York: Knopf, 1987). [BACK]

10. On Gramsci, see James Joll, Antonio Gramsci (New York: Viking, 1978), 117-34; Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci , ed. and trans. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1971); Antonio Gramsci: Selections from Cultural Writings , ed. David Forgacs and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith, trans. William Boelhower (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1985), esp. 1-15, 87-91, 183, 343-45, 377-80. A specific application of Gramscian thought to turn-of-the-century America is T. J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880-1920 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1981), esp. p. xv; Edward Said invokes Gramsci in his stimulating book Musical Elaborations (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 70, as does Derek B. Scott (explicitly on pp. x-xi and elsewhere by implication) in his perceptive book The Singing Bourgeois: Songs of the Victorian Drawing Room and Parlour (Milton Keynes, Eng.: Open University Press, 1989). The strengths and limitations of the Gramscian and, more generally, Marxist "base-superstructure" model are explored in Janet Wolff, The Social Production of Art (New York: New York University Press, 1981), 71-94. With specific regard to music, see Derek B. Scott, "Music and Sociology for the 1990s: A Changing Critical Perspective," Musical Quarterly 74 (1990): 385-410. [BACK]

11. For Pierre Bourdieu on classical music (including statistics aligning musical tastes in France with social class), see his Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste , trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1984), 13-18, 74-76 (on children of music-playing mothers), 503-18. Two articles on American cultural life that draw on Bourdieu's concept of class identification through "cultural capital" are Paul J. DiMaggio and Francie Ostrower, "Participation in the Arts by Black and White Americans," and Rolf Meyersohn, "Culture in the Bronx: Minority Participation in the Arts," both in The Future of the Arts: Public Policy and Arts Research , ed. David B. Pankratz and Valerie B. Morris (New York: Praeger, 1990), respectively 105-40 and 141-49. Bourdieu's ideas are explored in John Guillory, Cultural Capital: The Problem of Literary Canon Formation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993). [BACK]

12. Charles Hamm, "The USA: Classical, Industrial and Invisible Music," in Music and Society: The Late Romantic Era, from the Mid-Nineteenth Century to World War I , ed. Jim Samson [British series title: Man and Music ] (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1991), 303 (the term "mystification" is invoked three more times: on 304 and 314-15; cf. also 302); Hamm relies heavily here on the arguments and Geertz-based terminology of Bruce A. McConachie, "New York Operagoing, 1825-50: Creating an Elite Social Ritual," American Music 6 (1988): 181-92, and also on Joseph Horowitz's trenchant sketch of the musical institutions of Gilded Age America in Understanding Toscanini: How He Became an American Culture-God and Helped Create a New Audience for Old Music (New York: Knopf, 1987), 13-42. [BACK]

13. McConachie, "New York Operagoing," 181, 186. McConachie seems here to be borrowing the word "canaille" from a jovially sardonic newspaper article of the time, which he quotes on p. 184: "The canaille must keep themselves a respectable distance from Astor's Palace hereafter. Read and obey." This kind of journalistic lampoon of the rich, although revealing of the press's attempt to exploit and foster populist prejudices through hyperbolic writing, should surely not be treated as an objective description of the social and musical scene. Philip Hart has noted similar tactics and attitudes in the mass media of the mid twentieth century ( Orpheus in the New World: The Symphony Orchestra as an American Cultural Institution [New York: Norton, 1973], 258n), to which one might add a recent attack on the Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra's request for funding from the city: the columnist Bob Lonsberry derided classical-music lovers as un-American snobs ("Medicis") who force "the majority" of hardworking taxpayers to foot the bill for "the entertainment of the minority" ("If RPO Goes 'Poof' We'll Live," Rochester Democrat and Chronicle , 22 May 1994, § B , 1). [BACK]

14. On the sacralized art museum and library, see Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 146-60, and DiMaggio, "Cultural Entrepreneurship." [BACK]

15. See Rose Rosengard Subotnik, "Individualism in Western Art Music and Its Cultural Costs," in her Developing Variations: Style and Ideology in Western Music (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), 239-64 and 350-53; two crucial articles by J. Peter Burkholder: "Museum Pieces: The Historicist Mainstream in Music of the Last Hundred Years," Journal of Musicology 2 (1983): 115-34, and "Brahms and Twentieth-Century Classical Music," Nineteenth-Century Music 8 (1984-85): 75-83; and various articles in Disciplining Music: Musicology and Its Canons , ed. Katherine Bergeron and Philip V. Bohlman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992). [BACK]

16. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 233. [BACK]

17. Certain recent donors of concert halls (e.g., Emilie Spivey in Morrow, Georgia, and Joseph Meyerhoff in Baltimore) have likewise taken a personal interest in the acoustics and other details of the halls that bear their names or those of their families (Margaret Shakespeare, "A Hall by Any Other Name: The Stories behind Some Famous Musical Venues and Their Namesakes," Musical America 112, no. 1 [January-February 1992]: 33-37). [BACK]

18. A particularly active force in this regard—as also in the revolutionizing of music education in the New York City public schools—was Frank Damrosch (George Martin, The Damrosch Dynasty: America's First Family of Music [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1983], 152, 175-76). [BACK]

19. Calvin Trillin, "Culture Shopping," New Yorker , 15 February 1993, 48-51, quotation from p. 49. [BACK]

20. See, e.g., John H. Mueller, The American Symphony Orchestra: A Social History of Musical Taste (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1951), 35 (Higginson "set the pattern of things to come"), 78-90; Milton Goldin, The Music Merchants ([New York?]: Macmillan, 1969), 115-35; DiMaggio's "Cultural Entrepreneurship"; and Levine's Highbrow/Lowbrow , 122-32. [BACK]

21. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 126-27. [BACK]

22. Michael Broyles, " Music of the Highest Class": Elitism and Populism in Antebellum Boston (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 10. [BACK]

23. Harris, Cultural Excursions , 91. [BACK]

24. Joseph Horowitz, review of Theodore Thomas—America's Conductor and Builder of Orchestras, 1835-1905 , by Ezra Schabas, in Nineteenth-Century Music 14 (1990-91): 296-302, quotation from pp. 301-2. [BACK]

25. See Horowitz, Understanding Toscanini . [BACK]

26. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 234. [BACK]

27. Ibid., 167. Outreach programs are more explicitly rejected by David Trend (in terms that Levine, with his unelaborated but resonant "mere," might or might not wish to endorse): such programs "amount to little more than efforts at force-feeding dominant aesthetics to people perceived as having no legitimate culture of their own" and "promote an oppressive assimilation to a common culture, implicitly offered as superior to others" (Trend, "The Politics of Philanthropy: Cultural Policy and the Public Interest," Afterimage [journal of the Visual Studies Workshop, Rochester], March 1993, 4-7, quotation from p. 6). As one instance of a far-from-oppressive outreach effort to reach schoolchildren and radio audiences, see William L. Cahn, Rochester's Own: A History of the Rochester Philharmonic Orchestra and Its Educational Programming (Rochester, N.Y.: Citizens for a Quality Philharmonic, 1989). [BACK]

28. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 230-31; also 171-77. [BACK]

29. Ibid., 236; cf. 226-28 (European music legitimated the social claims of people with new money; Levine bases his analysis on Veblen and Paul Starr); 104 (Levine repeats Ronald Davis's unsupported assertion that opera was "more a symbol of culture than a real cultural force"; cf. 168); 131 (Levine's sarcasm: symphonic concerts "for those who preferred to have their culture unsullied by compromise"); also 126-28 (more sarcasm, and quotations from Higginson taken out of context). [BACK]

30. DiMaggio, "Cultural Entrepreneurship," 309. [BACK]

31. Dwight, "The Peace Jubilee Summed Up," in What They Heard: Music in America, 1852-1881, from the Pages of "Dwight's Journal of Music ," ed. Irving Sablosky (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1986), 70. [BACK]

32. Cited in M. A. DeWolfe Howe, The Boston Symphony Orchestra: 1881-1931 , rev. ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1931), 6-7. [BACK]

33. Dwight, "The Orchestral Problem Well-Nigh Settled," in What They Heard , ed. Sablosky, 252, 251. [BACK]

34. In a youthful article of 1840, Dwight foresaw the need for a "nucleus," but—not yet the realist that he would soon become—trusted in the support of music lovers: "a constant audience of which the two or three hundred most musical persons in the community shall be the nucleus" (cited in Howe, Boston Symphony , 3). [BACK]

35. Joan Shelley Rubin, The Making of Middlebrow Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), xviii. [BACK]

36. Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 227, 235. [BACK]

37. In Horowitz's review of Schabas's Theodore Thomas , 301. [BACK]

38. See Judith Tick, "Women in Music," in The New Grove Dictionary of American Music , ed. H. Wiley Hitchcock and Stanley Sadie, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1986), 4: 554, 550, and census data cited in Catherine Parsons Smith, "'A Distinguishing Virility': On Feminism and Modernism in American Art Music," in Cecilia Reclaimed: Perspectives on Gender and Music , ed. Susan C. Cook and Judy S. Tsou (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 90-106. And see also Chapter 1 of the present book, e.g., n. 18, on the People's Singing Classes that Frank Damrosch began running in 1892, and n. 20, regarding Depression-era singing classes. [BACK]

39. Such considerations are at the heart of the recent social-historical and social-theoretical writings of Christopher Lasch, Robert N. Bellah, Michael Lerner, and others, as well as of those of "transformational feminists" such as Suzanne Gordon. [BACK]

40. Two additional categories of evidence are richly suggestive but problematic in their own ways: writings of a popularizing nature (such as program notes) and complaints about the new audiences by traditionally trained musicians. Both of these are invoked at length in Leon Botstein "Listening through Reading: Musical Literacy and the Concert Audience," Nineteenth-Century Music 16 (1992-93): 124-45. [BACK]

41. Herbert Satterlee (Morgan's son-in-law), quoted in Irving Kolodin, The Story of the Metropolitan Opera: A Candid History , 4th ed. (New York: Knopf, 1967), 57-58. The Morgan family also precipitated the ban on Salome in 1907 (ibid., 185-87). [BACK]

42. Letters from Loeffler to Gardner, 10 August 1898 (on his Rhapsodies to texts of Rollinat, early version), 28 October 1904 (also on d'Indy's Second Symphony), and 29 January 1920 (passage quoted), in the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston. [BACK]

43. Bliss Perry, Life and Letters of Henry Lee Higginson (Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1921), 107, 135, 267. [BACK]

44. Otto H. Kahn, The Metropolitan Opera (New York, n.d. [1925]), 4-8, 12, 14-15, 18, 22-23. Perhaps, though, Gershwin's more political musicals (e.g., Let 'Em Eat Cake ) and his folk opera Porgy and Bess were in some measure a belated response to Kahn's call. [BACK]

45. Dwight, "Music as a Means of Culture," Atlantic Monthly (1870), cited at length in George Willis Cooke, John Sullivan Dwight: Brook-Farmer, Editor, and Critic of Music (Boston: Small, Maynard, 1898), 65-66. A well-documented account and analysis of musical life at Brook Farm is given in Seymour R. Kesten's recent Utopian Episodes: Daily Life in Experimental Colonies Dedicated to Changing the World (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1993), 206-16. [BACK]

46. Ruth A. Solie, "In Search of the Woman at the Piano: Musicology and Social History" (a paper dealing primarily with European women read at the 1993 Schubertiade at the Ninety-Second Street YMHA, New York); Joseph Horowitz, "Finding a 'Real Self': American Women and the Wagner Cult of the Late Nineteenth Century," Musical Quarterly 78 (1994): 189-205 (the quotation, given by Horowitz on p. 191, and also in Chapter 5 above, is from Musical Courier , 22 June 1922, and recalls the Met in the years 1885-98); Peter J. Rabinowitz, "'With Our Own Dominant Passions': Gottschalk, Gender, and the Power of Listening," Nineteenth-Century Music 16 (1992-93): 242-52. (Horowitz's article is also incorporated into his Wagner Nights: An American History [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1994].) Some sense of the listeners' passionate involvement with music can be gleaned from studies of specific cities, e.g., Broyles, " Music of the Highest Class"; Strong on Music: The New York Music Scene in the Days of George Templeton Strong, 1836-1875 , ed. Vera Brodsky Lawrence, vol. 1 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), and vols. 2-3 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995-); and Katherine K. Preston, Music for Hire: A Study of Professional Musicians in Washington (1877-1900 ) (Stuyvesant, N. Y.: Pendragon Press, 1992). See also the books on opera cited in Chapter 1, n. 7. [BACK]

47. Kahn, Metropolitan Opera , 20-21. [BACK]

48. Higginson, quoted in Howe, Boston Symphony , 128. [BACK]

49. Higginson, quoted in ibid., 128, 87, 85. [BACK]

50. The reminiscence, published in Harper's , is by George William Curtis and is quoted in Howe, Boston Symphony , 4 (Dwight also paraphrased it approvingly in "Music as a Means of Culture," cited in Cooke, John Sullivan Dwight , 65). [BACK]

51. [Wilson Flatt,] "Parlor Singing," Atlantic Monthly 24, no. 10 (October 1869): 410-20, cited in Joseph Mussulman, Music in the Cultured Generation: A Social History of Music in America, 1870-1900 (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1971), 174; the quotation from Gilbert Chase, America's Music , 2d ed., rev. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966), 165, is termed an unbalanced "indictment" by Mussulman on p. 4. [BACK]

52. Nicholas E. Tawa gathers yet further evidence of intense and involved listening (specifically in turn-of-the-century Boston): the Harvard professor John Fiske "had a good bawl" at one concert, Celia Thaxter felt "borne skyward" by great music, Paine's First Symphony "received the wildest applause that I [Fiske] ever witnessed at a concert," and so on ( The Coming of Age of American Art Music: New England's Classical Romanticists [New York: Greenwood Press, 1991], 6-27, quotations from pp. 20 and [Paine concert] 22). [BACK]

53. The remark is from Meyersohn's review of books by (or edited by) Subotnik, Said, and Leppert and McClary, Nineteenth-Century Music 16 (1992-93): 218. [BACK]

54. The quoted words come from Botstein's spirited reassertion of the merits of great Western art music: "Making Classics: 'I Know What I Like' vs. 'I Like What I Know,'" Culturefront 2, no. 1 (Winter 1993), 28-29, 48-49. [BACK]

55. Rubin, Highbrow/Lowbrow , xix-xx; Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (1977; reprint, New York: Anchor Books, 1988), "Preface to the 1988 Anchor Edition," xi-xii. [BACK]

56. Vera L. Zolberg, Constructing a Sociology of the Arts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 207, 212, 208. [BACK]

57. Janet Wolff, Aesthetics and the Sociology of Art (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1983), 11-12, 108. [BACK]

58. Paul Charosh, "'Popular' and 'Classical' in the Mid-Nineteenth Century," American Music 10 (1992): 117-35. [BACK]

59. Ibid., 128. A similar point is made by Richard L. Bushman: gentility seeped down into daily lives of the middle and even working classes ( The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992], 208). On genteel parlor songs in England (and, by extension, in the United States), see Scott's Singing Bourgeois , viii, 1-44. [BACK]

60. See Richard Crawford's historiographical overview of such dichotomous term-pairs as "folk" (or "light") vs. "serious" (or "classical"), also the less value-laden "vernacular" vs. "cultivated" ("Amerigrove's Pedigree: On The New Grove Dictionary of American Music," College Music Symposium 27 [1987]: 172-86; see also his The American Musical Landscape [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1993], 41-107). [BACK]

61. Charles Hamm, Music in the New World (New York: Norton, 1983), 338. [BACK]

62. Hamm frequently equates a composer's use of American musical materials with a desire to write music that is accessible in style; he also links the opposites of both: not-American-sounding means relatively inaccessible (ibid., 416, 420-21, 437, 553, 554, 559, 560-62, 578). [BACK]

64. On dance engagements and erratic attendance at rehearsals, see Levine, Highbrow/Lowbrow , 113 and 124, quoting Theodore Thomas, the pianist William Mason, a player from the New York Philharmonic of that time, and the Boston Symphony Orchestra contract of 1881. [BACK]

65. A Boston critic complained, in pre-Higginson days, that "'a dozen members [of the Harvard Musical Association Orchestra] were absent from the concert' because of 'other duties'" ( Dwight's Journal of Music , cited in Mueller, American Symphony Orchestra , 79). Deputizing continues in various places today; at Salzburg's distinguished summer Mozart festival, the administrators have only recently begun insisting that musicians who have played for the rehearsals fulfill their concert obligations themselves ("Salzburg Festival Director Brings VPO to Heel," BBC Music Magazine 2, no. 7 [March 1994]: 9). [BACK]

66. All of these problems are noted in Howard Shanet, Philharmonic: A History of New York's Orchestra (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1975), 493-95, on the first season, 1842-43. Similar complaints were heard in Boston over the next few decades, but they diminished once orchestras were put on a firmer financial basis and rehearsed and performed more regularly—see Howe, Boston Symphony , 6, and Dwight's essays in What They Heard , ed. Sablosky, 71-80 (on the revelation made by the visiting Theodore Thomas Orchestra), 251-52. [BACK]

67. Cited in Howe, Boston Symphony , 7. [BACK]

68. Dwight: "The very rumor of a Boston so full of good music and of good work for musicians will draw other good ones to us" ( What They Heard , ed. Sablosky, 252). [BACK]

69. See Niklas Luhmann, The Differentiation of Society , trans. Stephen Holmes and Charles Larmore (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), esp. ix-xxxvii (translators' introduction), 53-54, 266, 355. [BACK]

70. Trend, "Politics of Philanthropy," 6, based in part on Justin Lewis, Art, Culture, and Enterprise: The Politics of Art and the Cultural Industries (London: Routledge, 1990), 50. Trend, to be accurate, does not extend this argument to the symphony orchestra or opera, considering them manifestations of "elite expression" from the past, which in the 1990s need to be "dismantled" in order to allow a more democratic culture to blossom (David Trend, Cultural Pedagogy: Art/Education/Politics [New York: Bergin & Garvey, 1992], 5). The sociologist Herbert J. Gans is more evenhanded (but perhaps more unrealistic): "All people have a right to the culture they prefer, regardless of whether it is high or popular" and "everyone should get the culture they want, even if they cannot afford to pay for it" ( Popular Culture and High Culture: An Analysis and Evaluation of Taste [New York; Basic Books, 1974], ix, xi). [BACK]

71. Levine rightly notes (following DiMaggio) that symphony orchestras in America came to rely on "paternalistic capitalism . . . not only as a means of funds but as a model of organization as well" ( Highbrow/Lowbrow , 132); cf. Kathleen D. McCarthy on "nonprofit entrepreneurship" ( Women's Culture: American Philanthropy and Art, 1830-1930 [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991], 61). [BACK]

72. Kaminer, Women Volunteering , 4. [BACK]

73. Quoted in McCarthy, Women's Culture , 222. [BACK]

74. Quoted in Kaminer, Women Volunteering , 5. For a similar reply to accusations that social reformers merely end up reinforcing social oppression, see Dorothy Gallagher's appreciative review of Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work: The Rise of Women's Political Culture, 1830-1900 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), in New York Times Book Review , 9 July 1995, p. 9. [BACK]

75. On the 1960s view, see Samuel R. Rosenbaum, "Financial Evolution of the Orchestra," in The American Symphony Orchestra , ed. Henry Swoboda (New York: Basic Books, 1967), 168. [BACK]

76. David Trend does hint at this and notes cogently that much private patronage is simply public patronage without public scrutiny, in that "private donations are subsidized by the government in the form of forgone taxes. . . . The uncollected taxes on the MacArthur Foundation's $2 billion nest egg aproximate the total yearly budget of the NEA" ( Cultural Pedagogy , 33). [BACK]

77. The remark comes from the conductor-historian David Wooldridge's startlingly misogynistic diatribe against Elizabeth Sprague Coolidge and women patrons generally. Such women, he states, use their "daddy's money" to indulge their "vague, uncomprehending awareness" of true art; Coolidge was a "bitch," eager to "castrate" Charles Ives, because his music was too dissonant for her taste ( From the Steeples and Mountains: A Study of Charles Ives [New York: Knopf, 1974], 171-72). Wooldridge's account of the meeting and correspondence between Coolidge and Ives and of their later correspondence is marred not only by prejudiced attitudes but also by major factual errors. Cyrilla Barr corrects the historical record in her forthcoming biography of Coolidge (New York: Schirmer Books). [BACK]

78. W. J. Henderson, The Soul of a Tenor (New York: Henry Holt, 1912), 1, 3, 68; see also p. 69 (passage cited in Chapter 1, n. 67). [BACK]

79. I have already mentioned some examples (e.g., Hokinson cartoons, Babbitt , Mrs. Claypool in A Night at the Opera ), but a few more may help show that the Misapprehensions to which I refer are not exaggerated abstractions, much less inventions of my own. Marc Blitzstein's parody of a patroness and her fawning violinist and painter (an instance particularly of Misapprehension E below) is quoted in Chapter 8 above, along with various other public attacks on patronesses in the 1920s and 1930s. Of similar slant is an article by Henry Cowell, "Kept Music," complaining of the taming influence of society ladies on composers. (See summary in Bruce Saylor, The Writings of Henry Cowell [Brooklyn: Institute for Studies in American Music, 1977], 12. I have been unable to locate a copy of this article; Saylor's summary speaks of "the power of musical society"; that it is wealthy women who are the primary object of attack seems likely from Cowell's sardonic title.) Lubov Keefer frankly states Misapprehension F, almost word for word, but seems at times to find the phenomenon of "vanity" endearing, which I would argue is perhaps even worse than castigating it unthinkingly ( Music Angels: A Thousand Years of Patronage [Baltimore: Sutherland Press, 1976], ix-x, 166). Linda Whitesitt repeats a version of Misapprehension C and suggests that it deserves examination ("Women's Support," 312). Wooldridge's pseudo-scholarly attack on Coolidge (see n. 77 above) is related to Misapprehensions A and B. Levine, Hamm, and others attack patrons as elitist Europe-worshipers, which borders on Misapprehension A. Worse than any of these, of course, is the veil of silence (noted in the Introduction) that some still cast over the woman patron: Levine, for example, almost systematically omits mention of women patrons (see discussion in Chapter 2 above). But my primary concern here is with sins of commission, not omission. [BACK]

80. Emanuel Rubin, "Dvorak * at the National Conservatory," in Dvorak * in America , ed. John Tibbetts (Portland, OR: Amadeus Press, 1993), 53-81. Dvorak's * published remarks are reprinted in an appendix to Tibbetts's volume and discussed by various of the other contributors. [BACK]

81. Karen J. Blair, Torchbearers: Woman and Their Amateur Arts Societies, 1890-1930 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994), 44-75, 211-19, 239-48, quotation from p. 58, summarizing an article of 1910. Blair lists numerous other projects that clubwomen carried out "in the service of nationalism" (their own motto for it was "Hear America First"), including pressure for a cabinet position in the arts, support for a National Conservatory (see Chapter 4 above), support for conservatories, creative colonies (e.g., the MacDowell), and neighborhood music schools (as well as music in settlement houses and public schools), community sings, political pageants (especially in wartime), research on and dissemination of folk and Native American music, opera productions in English, and the competitions (and creative colonies, such as the MacDowell) that directly spurred the growth of American competition (pp. 55-75). Further, see Karen J. Blair, "Seattle Ladies Musical Club," in Experiences in a Promised Land: Essays in Pacific Northwest History , ed. G. Thomas Edwards and Carlos Schwantes (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1989), 124-38, esp. 125-29; and Catherine Parsons Smith and Cynthia S. Richardson, Mary Carr Moore, American Composer (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1987), 124-29 (on performances of works by Moore and other "native" composers at both all-women and mixed-gender clubs in Los Angeles); see also p. 57 (Women's Century Club concerts at the State Art Exhibits in Seattle), 108-9. On one interesting case, see Catherine Parsons Smith, "Athena at the Manuscript Club: John Cage and Mary Carr Moore," Musical Quarterly 79 (1995): 351-67. [BACK]

82. For that matter, we tend to be inundated by the sounds of a relatively small number of "pop" singing voices, too. Top-40 stations but also "background-music" systems in supermarkets, doctors' waiting rooms, and even some Chinese restaurants currently fill our ears with Michael Bolton and Whitney Houston in incessant alternation. [BACK]

83. Smith and Richardson, Mary Carr Moore , 57, 108-16, 126-29. [BACK]

84. Blair, Torchbearers , 60-61. The Fadettes Orchestra, Blair notes, was "adopted by the Massachusetts State Federation of Women's Clubs, which . . . in annual reports . . . provided it with important exposure" (61). [BACK]

85. I borrow this image of an "end run" from Alice Echols's review of a book on a later phenomenon, the white-gloved "moral mothers" who campaigned with great effect against the Vietnam War: review of Women Strike for Peace: Traditional Motherhood and Radical Politics in the 1960s , by Amy Swerdlow, The Nation 257, no. 20 (13 December 1993): 737-39, quotation from p. 739. [BACK]

86. See, in Chapter 1, the passage in and at n. 69. [BACK]

87. On this disavowal of women composers, even by other women composers, see Deborah Hayes's study of Peggy Glanville-Hicks, cited in Smith, "'A Distinguishing Virility,'" 92. [BACK]

88. Of course, in the strictly political arena, writers such as the Grimké sisters (in the 1830s-60s), the framers of the Seneca Falls "Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions" (1848), and Susan B. Anthony were already appealing to women's common interests (see The American Sisterhood: Writings of the Feminist Movement from Colonial Times to the Present , ed. Wendy Martin [New York: Harper & Row, 1972]). Conversely, there is some risk in positing an unproblematic set of common interests among present-day "sisters" of diverse racial, ethnic, religious, and class backgrounds: see the introduction to Unequal Sisters: A Multicultural Reader in U.S. Women's History , ed. Ellen Carol Dubois and Vicki L. Ruiz (New York: Routledge, 1990), xi-xvi. [BACK]

89. Isabella Stewart Gardner's supposed attempt to run off with the novelist Francis Marion Crawford would be an extreme case of this, if Louise Hall Tharp's reconstruction of it in her biography of Gardner, Mrs. Jack (Boston: Little, Brown, 1965), 68-87, is credible. More generally, see Adie Nelson and Barrie W. Robinson, Gigolos and Madames Bountiful: Illusions of Gender, Power, and Intimacy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994). [BACK]

90. These questions have been prominently debated and explored at the first three conferences on Feminist Theory and Music (University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, June 1991; Eastman School of Music, Rochester, June 1993; University of California at Riverside, June 1995) and are well aired in, for example, Susan McClary, Feminine Endings: Music, Gender, and Sexuality (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991); Marcia J. Citron, Gender and the Musical Canon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), esp. ch. 4, "Music as Gendered Discourse"; and Cecilia Reclaimed , ed. Cook and Tsou. [BACK]

91. Blair, "Seattle Ladies Musical Club," 132, citing Rheta Childe Dorr, A Woman of Fifty (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1924), 119. Decker's "bombshell," as reported by Dorr, continued: "I think it is time we dropped the story of his Inferno and turned our attention to our own" (Dorr, Woman , 119). [BACK]

92. To be fair, Decker's reference to public libraries suggests a more inclusive vision than Blair—perhaps influenced by the sharpness of the cultural dichotomy in our own day—allows her. After all, libraries, such as Decker urged women to create, are themselves a crucial element in improving the "cultural life of the nation" and include copies of Dante. Her point was thus that women of means should dally less over Dante themselves and do more to (among other things) help make it available to others. Indeed, Blair's recent book gives us a concrete suggestion of this sort from Decker: if a music club is suffering from lack of enthusiasm, "sing for someone else" (clipping from Providence Sunday Journal , cited in Torchbearers , 56). [BACK]

93. I do not mean to be excluding in simplistic fashion all women from influence on the more public realms of politics; see Introduction, n. 26. [BACK]

94. On Gannett, see Chapter 1, n. 68. Similarly, clubwomen sometimes moved into political positions. See, for example, a study of the first woman mayor of a major American city: Doris H. Pieroth, "Bertha Knight Landes: The Woman Who Was Mayor," in Women in Pacific Northwest History: An Anthology , ed. Karen J. Blair (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988), 83-106. Diane L. Fowlkes offers an exploration of the situation today, focusing particularly on feminist activism, in White Political Women: Paths from Privilege to Empowerment (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1992). [BACK]

95. Blair discusses these efforts—throughout the United States, and not just in Seattle (as the title might suggest)—in "Seattle Ladies Musical Club," 132-36. On the music and theater activities at Jane Addams's Hull House, see the memoirs of Hilda Satt Polacheck, I Came a Stranger: The Story of a Hull-House Girl , ed. Dena J. Polacheck Epstein (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989), e.g., 80, 105, 107, 109-25. The settlement houses and Dewey-inspired laboratory schools made a point of introducing children to various "immigrant cultures" (e.g., Scandinavian folk dancing), not just high-art music: see Therese M. Volk, "A History of Multicultural Music Education in the Public Schools of the United States" (Ph.D. diss., Kent State University, 1993), 82-86. [BACK]

96. Doris Evans McGinty, "Gifted Minds and Pure Hearts: Mary L. Europe and Estelle Pinckney Webster," Journal of Negro Education 51 (1982): 266-78. [BACK]

97. Joseph Horowitz, The Ivory Trade: Music Competitions and the Business of Music (1990), rev. ed. (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1994). [BACK]

98. The closest candidate I've come across recently is Anne Ratner, a retired music teacher who organizes up to eighteen concerts a year in her Manhattan living room for the benefit of Camphill Village, a community for mentally handicapped adults. Performers have included the singers Dawn Upshaw and Cecilia Bartoli, the flutist Carol Wincenc, the clarinettist Richard Stoltzman, and the pianist Richard Goode, and the repertoire is most substantial. But even she has her own motivating reasons for doing what she does, including a passionate love of high-level music making and a desire to do something positive with her anguish over her daughter's autism (David Blum, "Giving the Salon Concert a New Style and Purpose," New York Times , 21 February 1993, § H , 31). For that matter, perhaps even Mother Teresa herself finds gratification and solace in her work (one hopes so!) and is thus, by some people's lights, no "Mother Teresa" (i.e., no saint). [BACK]

99. Christine Franklin, interviewed in René Becker, "Volunteers," Boston Magazine 80, no. 12 (December 1988): 205. [BACK]

100. Suzanne Gordon warns about the danger to feminism and to society generally of women's internalizing patriarchal values and neglecting cooperation and nurturing ( Prisoners of Men's Dreams: Striking Out for a New Feminine Future [Boston: Little, Brown, 1991], esp. 1-16, 268-96). [BACK]

101. The fact is, though, that some of the most prominent male philanthropists (e.g., Samuel J. LeFrak, Ronald O. Perelman) are rather "entrepreneurial" in their giving: see Geraldine Fabrikant and Shelby White, "Noblesse oblige . . . with Strings: The Charity of the Rich Isn't Always What It Seems," New York Times , 30 April 1995, § 3, 1, 13. For more on the mixed and often understated motives of philanthropists (and volunteers), see Robert Wuthnow, Poor Richard's Principle: Recovering the American Dream through the Moral Dimension of Work, Business, and Money (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 265-91; Robert Wuthnow, Acts of Compassion: Caring for Others and Helping Ourselves (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); and Francie Ostrower, Why the Wealthy Give: The Culture of Elite Philanthrophy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995). [BACK]

102. On the growing crisis in governmental funding for Italy's many opera houses, see various recent articles by Nigel Jamieson in Opera News magazine. The net result of inadequate public funding is not much different from inadequate private funding: some Italian houses "are a national disgrace," says Riccardo Chailly, principal conductor at the (well-funded) Teatro comunale of Bologna (Jamieson, "Funds and Games," Opera News 57, no. 10 [30 January 1993]: 34-35). [BACK]

103. In contrast, certain recent strands of (postmodern, minimalist, technopop, etc.) music making and "performance art" find a home quite apart from universities: in artists' lofts, coffeehouses, and the like. It is difficult to generalize about such work, except to say that it has little to do with the traditional network of wealthy music patrons (and rather more to do, when it can get it, with funding from the NEA and the various state councils on the arts). [BACK]

104. The exhibit resulted in two illustrated catalogues, both entitled Music People and Others (Milan: Nuova edizioni Gabriele Mazzotta, 1987; and [Berlin?]: n.p., [1991]). Further on Freeman, see Vignette B. [BACK]

105. See Naomi Gerstel's sociological research, briefly reported in "Volunteerism and Women's Crowded Lives: 'Points of Light' in Sharper Focus," Massachusetts [alumni bulletin of the University of Massachusetts] 3, no. 2 (Winter 1992): 5. Various comparative studies of charitable giving are summarized in Susan Weidman Schneider, "Giving It Away: Jewish Women's Philanthropy Is Coming of Age," Lilith , 18, no. 1 (Winter 1993): 6-12, 29, 38-39. See also Sidney Verba, Kay Lehman Schlozman, and Henry E. Brady, Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995). [BACK]