Notes
1. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983), 45. [BACK]
2. In 1877 these provinces sent fewer than 15 percent of all deputies, as opposed to closer to 25 percent in 1908 (20 percent, excluding Turkish deputies from Arab provinces). The rise corresponds to the increased weight of the Arab population in shrinking boundaries. [BACK]
3. Michael Garleff, “Relations between the Political Representation of the Baltic Provinces and the Russian Government, 1850–1917,” in Governments, Ethnic Groups, and Political Representation, ed. Geoffrey Alderman in collaboration with John Leslie and Klaus Erich Pollmann (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1993), 225. [BACK]
4. Ernest Gellner’s foreword to Arjomand, ix. [BACK]
5. Both Arab nationalists like ‘Abd al-Ghani al-‘Uraysi, who had dwelled on the presumed irreligiosity of the Unionists—if not Turks in general—in order to strike an Arab nationalist chord, and Turkish nationalists like Ziya Gökalp, who had made Islam a cornerstone of their thought, utilized religion as a political vehicle. Yet, “religion played a secondary role in the thinking of al-‘Uraysi,” and Ziya Gökalp opposed the CUP leadership, though a member of the Committee, for its Ottomanist and Islamic policies. On al-‘Uraysi, see Khalidi, “al-‘Uraysi,” 30, and on Gökalp, Taha Parla, The Social and Political Thought of Ziya Gökalp, 1876–1924 (Leiden: Brill, 1985), 15. [BACK]