1. Berthoff, The Ferment of Realism , 62. [BACK]

2. See Gillian Brown's argument in Domestic Individualism: Imagining Self in Nineteenth-Century America (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990) that the feminine interior in middle-class ideology—for men as well as for women—was the perceived guarantor of the integrity of the individual. [BACK]

3. Peter N. Stearns, Be a Man! Males in Modern Society (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1979), 96-112; Peter G. Filene, Him/Her/Self: Sex Roles in Modern America , 2d ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 69-93; Clyde Griffen, "Reconstructing Masculinity from the Evangelical Revival to the Waning of Progressivism: A Speculative Synthesis," in Meanings for Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America , ed. Mark C. Carnes and Clyde Griffen (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 183-205. Also, John Higham's well-known account, "The Reorientation of American Culture in the 1890's," while preoccupied with "a farreaching reaction against the constrictions of a routinized society," reveals how profoundly concerned with masculinity were the late-nineteenth-century demands for a ''strenuous life" of "muscular spirit," prowess, "vital force," and virility that could replace not only the enervations supposedly caused by mechanization, but also those attributed to effeminacy, overcivilization, and parlor domesticity ( Writing American History: Essays on Modern Scholarship [Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1970], 73-102). [BACK]

4. See, especially, Elliott J. Gorn, The Manly Art: Bare-Knuckle Prize Fighting in America (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), and Erenberg, Steppin' Out , for the argument that working-class styles became models of leisure and pleasure for the dominant culture. [BACK]

5. Elaine Showalter, Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de Siècle (New York: Viking, 1990), especially 3-14. [BACK]

6. John Lauber, The Making of Mark Twain: A Biography (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1985), 51. [BACK]

7. Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "Sex as Symbol in Victorian America," Prospects: An Annual of American Cultural Studies 5 (1980): 55-59. On the changes in apprenticeship in the printing trade, see Ava Baron, "Acquiring Manly Competence: The Demise of Apprenticeship and the Remasculinization of Printers' Work," in Meanings for Manhood , ed. Carnes and Griffen, 152-63. On the general change for workingmen from the apprentice system to wage labor, see Sean Wilentz, Chants Democratic: New York City and the Rise of the American Working Class, 1788-1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), especially 107-42. [BACK]

8. Mark Twain's Travels with Mr. Brown , 84. George C. D. Odell in Annals of the New York Stage , 15 vols. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1927-49), VI, 258, 329, notes that in 1853 Mademoiselle Couret's model artists were performing at George Len's Franklin Museum; this may have been the show Clemens saw. [BACK]

9. Mark Twain's Letters in the Muscatine Journal , ed. Edgar M. Branch (Chicago: The Mark Twain Association of America, 1942), 13. [BACK]

10. For general accounts of gender-segregated leisure in the middle and later nineteenth century, see Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986), especially 16-21, 56-57, and idem, "Commercial Leisure and the 'Woman Question,' "in For Fun and Profit , ed. Butsch, 106-9. Peiss helpfully stresses the ways in which commercial leisure—theaters, saloons, billiard halls, music halls, dance houses, arcades, etc.—expressed and shaped male culture and an ethos of rowdiness. Mary P. Ryan, too, discusses public domains as masculine (including parades, street festivals, cafés, restaurants, mechanics' institutes, etc.), with a new segregation of men and women occurring in the 1840s; see Ryan, Women in Public: Between Banners and Ballots, 1825-1880 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990). Robert C. Allen, in Horrible Prettiness: Burlesque and American Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991), 64-66, rightly observes that leisure spots reinforced solidarities of gender, class, and race. [BACK]

11. See Arthur Herman Wilson, A History of the Philadelphia Theatre, 1853-1855 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1935), 37, 47-48. [BACK]

12. Although Jon M. Kingsdale focuses on later, turn-of-the-century saloons, see his "The 'Poor Man's Club': Social Functions of the Urban Working-Class Saloon," American Quarterly 25 (1973): 472-89. Also pertinent is Roy Rosenzweig, Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), on the "alternative culture" of saloons as a preserve of male sociability, an escape from middle-class culture and crowded tenements, and a place for singing, storytelling, prizefighting, and gambling (see especially 45-58). [BACK]

13. Henry Ward Beecher, Lectures to Young Men on Various Important Subjects , new ed. (New York: J. B. Ford, 1873), 163, 185. This edition adds four newer lectures to the original seven lectures of the 1844 edition. [BACK]

14. William Knight Northall, Before and Behind the Curtain; or Fifteen Years' Observation among the Theatres of New York (New York: W. F. Burgess, 1851), 7. [BACK]

15. Quoted in Grimsted, Melodrama Unveiled , 25. [BACK]

16. Richard Moody, The Astor Place Riot (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1958). [BACK]

17. For Clemens's remarks on Forrest's New York performance, see Mark Twain's Letters, Volume 1: 1853-1866 , ed. Edgar Marquess Branch, Michael B. Frank, and Kenneth M. Sanderson (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987), 16. In this letter Clemens also says he regrets having missed the actor in Damon and Pythias in New York, and he notes that Forrest will appear in Philadelphia "on Monday night." Forrest opened at the Walnut Street Theatre in Philadelphia on Monday, October 10 (Wilson, A History of the Philadelphia Theatre , 689). The next existing letter from Clemens, dated October 26, came from Philadelphia, in which he told his family that his work schedule was flexible enough to allow him to stay at the theater until midnight ( Mark Twain's Letters, Volume 1 , 19). Sometime in January 1854, Clemens moved to Washington, and, in a letter to his brother Orion's newspaper, he wrote that he had seen Forrest play Othello at the National Theatre on February 17 (ibid., 42-43). [BACK]

18. On the Bowery b'hoy subculture, see Wilentz, Chants Democratic , 257-71, and Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (New York: Knopf, 1986), 89-101. Also see John Dizikes, Sportsmen and Gamesmen (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1981), 193-225; Allen, Horrible Prettiness , 65-66; and Eric Lott, Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 72-73, 81-84. [BACK]

19. The Adventures of Thomas Jefferson Snodgrass , 3-15. [BACK]

20. Herbert G. Gutman's influential overview of the persistence of preindustrial traditions among urban working people appears in Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America: Essays in American Working-Class and Social History (New York: Knopf, 1976), 3-78. Bruce Laurie, Working People of Philadelphia, 1800-1850 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980), discusses the multiple cultures among the urban working class, and Wilentz, in Chants Democratic , properly notes the reductiveness of dividing people into exclusive categories, such as abstemious and respectable trade unionists and Bowery roisterers (270). Both tendencies could exist, of course, in a culture and in a person. [BACK]

21. Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, "Davy Crockett as Trickster: Pornography, Liminality, and Symbolic Inversion in Victorian America," in Disorderly Conduct: Visions of Gender in Victorian America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), 90-108. [BACK]

22. Jerrold Seigel, Bohemian Paris: Culture, Politics, and the Boundaries of Bourgeois Life, 1830-1930 (New York: Viking Penguin, 1986). [BACK]

23. Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 1 , 251-52. [BACK]

24. Mark Twain's Travels with Mr. Brown , 270-74. [BACK]

25. Mark Twain's own list of the spectacles of Virginia City includes "theaters, 'hurdy-gurdy houses,' wide-open gambling places, political pow-wows, civic processions, street fights, murders, inquests, riots," and so on ( Roughing It [Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972], 274). [BACK]

26. Dizikes, Sportsmen and Gamesmen , 193. [BACK]

27. On theaters and entertainment in Virginia City, see Margaret G. Watson, Silver Theatre, Amusements of the Mining Frontier in Early Nevada, 1850-1864 (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark, 1964), 129-31, 159, and Paul Fatout, Mark Twain in Virginia City (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1964), 52, 57, 72-75. On Virginia City as a "mecca" for prizefighting, see Gorn, The Manly Art , 163-65. [BACK]

28. See the Introduction to Mark Twain of the "Enterprise": Newspaper Articles and Other Documents 1862-1864 , ed. Henry Nash Smith and Frederick Anderson (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1957), 5. Also see Schirer, Mark Twain and the Theatre , 12-14. [BACK]

29. On Clemens's friendship with Doten, see Paul Fatout, "Mark Twain's Nom de Plume," in Mark Twain: A Profile , ed. Justin Kaplan (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), 162-65. On Alf Doten, his friendship with Twain's roommate Dan De Quille (William Wright), and their cruising, see Marion S. Goldman, Gold Diggers and Silver Miners: Prostitution and Social Life on the Comstock Lode (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1981), 97, 111-12. Goldman also provides the best account of the vice districts in Virginia City. [BACK]

30. Fatout, Mark Twain in Virginia City , 37. [BACK]

31. Clemens carried on feuds with Clement T. Rice (whom he called the Unreliable) and Adair Wilson (whom he called the Unimportant) of the Virginia City Union ; Charlie Parker (the Obese) of the Virginia City Evening Bulletin ; William Wright (Dan De Quille), his companion on the Enterprise ; and Albert S. Evans (Fitz Smythe) of the Alta California . See, as a good example, the series of attacks on Fitz Smythe, in Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 2: 1864-1865 , ed. Edgar Marquess Branch and Robert H. Hirst (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), 329-58. Edgar Branch, in The Literary Apprenticeship of Mark Twain , provides a good account of this feuding. [BACK]

32. Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County, New York, 1790-1865 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981). [BACK]

33. Nancy Armstrong, Desire and Domestic Fiction: A Political History of the Novel (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987). [BACK]

34. "Burlesque Il Trovatore ," in Mark Twain's Satires and Burlesques , ed. Franklin R. Rogers (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1968), 19-24. [BACK]

35. Fatout, Mark Twain in Virginia City , 80. [BACK]

36. Clemens of the "Call": Mark Twain in San Francisco , ed. Edgar M. Branch (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 97, and Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 2 , 172. [BACK]

37. Ann Douglas, The Feminization of American Culture (New York: Avon, 1978); see especially 308-9 and the discussion of Melville in chap. 9. For critiques and historicizations of the association between mass culture and the feminine, see Andreas Huyssen, "Mass Culture as Woman: Modernism's Other," in Studies in Entertainment: Critical Approaches to Mass Culture , ed. Tania Modleski (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), 188-207, and Tania Modleski, "Femininity as Mas[s]querade: A Feminist Approach to Mass Culture," in High Theory/Low Culture: Analysing Popular Television and Film , ed. Colin MacCabe (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986), 37-52. [BACK]

38. Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 2 , 235. [BACK]

39. Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 1 , 155-59, 320-26. [BACK]

40. See Contributions to "The Galaxy" 1868-1871 , ed. Bruce R. McElderry, Jr. (Gainesville, Fla.: Scholars' Facsimiles and Reprints, 1961), 47-50, for Mark Twain's comments, in retrospect, about these hoaxes. [BACK]

41. The Washoe Giant in San Francisco , ed. Franklin Walker (San Francisco: George Fields, 1938), 58-60. Friedrich Halm was the pseudonym of Baron Eligius Franz Joseph von Münch-Bellinghausen. Originally Der Sohn der Wildniss, Ingomar was translated into English by William H. Charlton. [BACK]

42. This is the argument made by Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick throughout Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), but see, for example, 25-26. [BACK]

43. See Claudia D. Johnson, "Burlesques of Shakespeare: The Democratic American's 'Light Artillery,'" Theatre Survey 21 (1980): 49-62. Ever since the Olympic and Chambers Street theaters in New York specialized in burlesques in the 1830s and 1840s and lowered their prices, burlesque was associated with audiences of Bowery b'hoys, mechanics, newsboys, and apprentices. See David Rinear, "Burlesque Comes to New York: William Mitchell's First Season at the Olympic," Nineteenth-Century Theatre Research 2 (1974): 23-34, and George Kummer, ''The Americanization of Burlesque, 1840-1860," in Popular Literature in America:A Symposium in Honor of Lyon N. Richardson , ed. James C. Austin and Donald A. Koch (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green University Popular Press, 1972), 146-54.

The literary critics who have attended most closely to Mark Twain's burlesques—such as Walter Blair, Franklin Rogers, and David E. E. Sloane—have insistently stressed their belletrism. Seemingly anxious to dissociate Clemens from low burlesque, and from its vulgar, roughneck culture, they connect his burlesquing to a tradition that devolves from the burlesques printed in Vanity Fair —the New York, bohemian, literary magazine—and that is connected to British and Irish literary burlesque, such as Dickens's Pickwick Papers and Thackeray's burlesque novels (Walter Blair, "Burlesques in Nineteenth-Century American Humor," American Literature 2 [1930]: 236-37, 246; Rogers, Mark Twain's Burlesque Patterns , 12-17; David E. E. Sloane, Mark Twain as a Literary Comedian [Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1979], 4-7, 58). It is true that Twain sought out the bohemian literati of Virginia City and San Francisco and wrote burlesque novels in the style of Bret Harte, Charles Webb, and Orpheus C. Kerr. But Constance Rourke, Bernard

DeVoto, and Edgar Branch were right to invoke a widespread "spirit" of burlesque in the theater, newspapers, and comic periodicals as the context for Twain's writing (Rourke, American Humor , 101-2, 169; DeVoto, Mark Twain's America , 165; Branch, The Literary Apprenticeship of Mark Twain , 83). Lawrence W. Levine's recent tracing in Highbrow/Lowbrow of the changing cultural place of nineteenth-century burlesque—its displacement from a more or less common, national culture that embraced both Shakespeare and Shakespeare travesty on the same bill, and its marginalization in working-class theaters and minstrel houses as the geography of entertainments came to match new hierarchies of taste—furnishes a most helpful account of the dynamic of cultural hierarchy and antagonism in which we should understand Mark Twain's burlesques.

If his burlesques had an ingredient of belletrism, it belonged to the bohemianism that also romanticized the burlesque shows of the rowdy b'hoys. And both literary elitism and working-class irreverence were opposed to the bourgeois Victorian home and its proprieties and amusements. The burlesque novels , I would suggest, had as much to do with an attack on the form that represented the privatized and emotional subjectivity of the middleclass hearth as they had to do with aspirations to literariness. And the burlesquers of novels were as much a part of the tradition of rowdy theatrical burlesques as they were of belles lettres. Twain's bohemian mentor, Charles Henry Webb, made his name—and a substantial income, according to Twain—with a burlesque of Dion Boucicault's Arrah-na-Pogue , not with his writing for the Californian . (On Webb's Arrah-no-Poke, or Arrah of the Gold Pomme de Terre , see Ettore Rella, A History of Burlesque , vol. 14 of The San Francisco Theatre Research Monographs: A Monograph History of the San Francisco Stage and Its People from 1849 to the Present Day , ed. Lawrence Estavan [San Francisco: Work Projects Administration, 1938-42], 65-68. Twain's notice of the burlesque appears in Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 2 , 380-84.) Twain's friend Artemus Ward (Charles Farrar Browne), a bohemian and dandy and former contributor to Vanity Fair , wrote burlesques of The Octoroon, Arrahna-Pogue, Othello , and other plays in the burlesque-hall spirit ( The Complete Works of Artemus Ward [1898; rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1970], 45-50, 417-21). When Artemus Ward put on his show in Virginia City in 1863, after having gotten drunk with Mark Twain and the Enterprise staff, he blackened his face and gave an unscheduled performance with a minstrel troupe at the Niagara Music Hall, delivering a nonsensical burlesque oration typical of minstrelsy (Watson, Silver Theatre , 231). Such a performance, more than literariness, set the conditions for Twain's burlesques. [BACK]

44. See Rella, A History of Burlesque , 66. [BACK]

45. Twain's burlesque review appears in Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 2 , 79-85. [BACK]

46. Mark Twain in Eruption , 255. [BACK]

47. On caricaturing monologuists, minstrels, and female performers in Virginia City during Mark Twain's stay there, see Watson, Silver Theatre . Often the same performers, and at least the same kinds of performers, were fea-

tured in the melodeons, minstrel halls, and taverns of San Francisco; see Edmond M. Gagey, The San Francisco Stage (New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), and The San Francisco Theatre Research Monographs , ed. Estavan, especially vol. 1, Introduction to the Series ; vol. 13, Minstrelsy ; and vol. 14, A History of Burlesque . For information about the melodeons, saloons, and burlesque houses in Virginia City's bawdy district, see Goldman, Gold Diggers and Silver Miners . [BACK]

48. Susan G. Davis gives an account of the circulation of "styles, dramatic techniques, devices and symbols" between street theater and the stage in her study Parades and Power , 15-16, 95-96, 102. David Roediger, too, in The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (London: Verso, 1991), writes of blackface on both stage and street (104-5). [BACK]

49. Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 2 , 449. An informative study of the African-American community in San Francisco during these years is Douglas Henry Daniels, Pioneer Urbanites: A Social and Cultural History of Black San Francisco (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); for a discussion of dances and festivities, including the one Twain reported on, see 146-47. Also see Eric J. Sundquist, To Wake the Nations: Race in the Making of American Literature (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1993), 271-94, on the ways African-American cakewalks could combine minstrel conventions and their mockery, stereotypical buffoonery and parody of white manners. [BACK]

50. My argument is at odds, obviously, with Guy Cardwell's assertion that, until about 1867, Twain was quite simply and crudely a white racist, invariably portraying blacks as ignorant, childlike, vulgar, inferior, etc.; see Cardwell, The Man Who Was Mark Twain , 109, 167-70, 180-200. I hope to complicate Twain's treatment of race in a way that will bypass the familiar argument over whether or not he was a minstrel-loving white supremacist, an argument whose tendency toward absolutism neglects the complexities in both minstrelsy and Twain's writing. [BACK]

51. Homi Bhabha, "Of Mimicry and Man: The Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse," October 28 (1984): 125-34, is useful on this issue, because the author argues that white racist caricatures and mimicry have "identityeffects" that "are always crucially split ." There exists a menacing excess in such mimicries, partly because they are designed not to get representation quite right, and thereby always leave a dimension of the mimicked unfixed, unknown, ungrasped. [BACK]

52. Eric Lott, in Love and Theft , provides an especially cogent and helpful examination of the ambivalences white audiences invested in the minstrel image. But also see Nathan Irvin Huggins, Harlem Renaissance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1971), 244-301; Berndt Ostendorf, "Minstrelsy: Imitation, Parody and Travesty in Black-White Interaction Rituals 1830-1920," in Black Literature in White America (Totowa, N.J.: Barnes and Noble, 1982), 65-94; Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness , especially 95-131; and Michael Rogin, "Blackface, White Noise: The Jewish Jazz Singer Finds His Voice," Critical Inquiry 18 (1992): 417-53. [BACK]

53. Mark Twain in Eruption , 111. On minstrelsy in Hannibal, see Bowen, Theatrical Entertainment , 41, and Brashear, Mark Twain: Son of Missouri , 142. [BACK]

54. Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 2 , 233. [BACK]

55. See Twain's extended description and discussion of minstrelsy in Mark Twain in Eruption , 111-14. [BACK]

56. Quoted in the entry for Adelaide Sartoris in Gribben, Mark Twain's Library , II, 604. [BACK]

57. Relevant to my argument is Shelley Fisher Fishkin's Was Huck Black? Mark Twain and African-American Voices (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), not only in the author's general point that Twain's imagination was pervasively shaped by a multiracial community, but also in the more particular point that he was familiar with and adopted "signifying" practices for social satire (see especially 53-76). Fishkin, however, is more concerned with characterizing Twain as an embodiment of "multiculturalism," with demonstrating the influences of particular African Americans on his creation of Huck, and with deciding the (impossible?) question of when he drew on African-American culture and when he drew on minstrelsy, than she is with my concerns—assessing the complex ends to which elements attributable to African-American culture are put, and how such cultural borrowings work within a field of cultural conflicts. [BACK]

58. Henry Louis Gates, Jr., The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of AfricanAmerican Literary Criticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), 46-53, 78, 85. But also see Houston A. Baker, Jr.'s, argument that, even if minstrel nonsense has ludic elements, it was nonetheless primarily a white creation of African Americans as brutish " mis-speakers ," a creation that African-American writers had to reinhabit, rework, re-sound, master—or deny, replacing it with "authentic" African-American sounds ( Modernism and the Harlem Renaissance [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987], 17-24, 56). [BACK]

59. These arguments are made persuasively by William J. Mahar, "Black English in Early Blackface Minstrelsy: A New Interpretation of the Sources of Minstrel Show Dialect," American Quarterly 37 (summer 1985): 260-85. [BACK]

60. For Twain's remarks on Birch, see "The Lick House Ball," Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 1 , 316. [BACK]

61. For considerations of such features in African-American language—talking without getting to the point, puns, boasting, put-ons, mimicries, etc.—see Geneva Smitherman, Talkin and Testifyin: The Language of Black America (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1977), e.g., 79-83, 94-100, 142-63, and Claudia Mitchell-Kernan, "Signifying, Loud-Talking, and Marking," in Rappin' and Stylin' Out: Communication in Urban Black America , ed. Thomas Kochman (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1972), 315-35. [BACK]

62. " Ah Sin," a Dramatic Work by Mark Twain and Bret Harte , ed. Frederick Anderson (San Francisco: Book Club of California, 1961). [BACK]

63. Robert C. Toll, Blacking Up: The Minstrel Show in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), 169-70. On similar stage

representations of the Chinese in the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century, many of them patterned on Harte's "heathen Chinee," see Stuart W. Hyde, "The Chinese Stereotype in American Melodrama," California Historical Society Quarterly 34 (1955): 357-67, and William Purviance Fenn, Ah Sin and His Brethren in American Literature (Beijing: College of Chinese Studies, 1933), 75, 100-101. [BACK]

64. There were of course general, though never consistent, tendencies among whites to conflate images of African Americans and Chinese into a vague Other; see Dan Cardwell, "The Negroization of the Chinese Stereotype in California," Southern California Quarterly 53 (1971): 123-32; Ronald Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 216-19; Stuart C. Miller, The Unwelcome Immigrant: The American Image of the Chinese, 1785-1882 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969), 7, 155; and Alexander Saxton, The Indispensable Enemy: Labor and the Anti-Chinese Movement in California (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1971), 260. [BACK]

65. Toni Morrison's Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992) is indispensable for an understanding of this sort of displacement—for an understanding, that is, of the ways in which white authors have constructed race metaphorically and allegorically, using it as a vehicle for articulating other cultural and social problems—of class, gender, identity, etc. Also see the critique by bell hooks of blackness as a metaphor in the white imagination in "Eating the Other," in Black Looks: Race and Representation (Boston: South End Press, 1992), 21-40. [BACK]

66. See Dizikes, Sportsmen and Gamesmen , 227-32, for an account of Menken and the bohemian, sporting, theatrical subculture she knew. [BACK]

67. For examples of the jokes, see Fatout, Mark Twain in Virginia City , 157, and Branch, The Literary Apprenticeship of Mark Twain , 288 n. 98. For Goodman's defense of Menken, see Fatout, Mark Twain in Virginia City , 163-64. [BACK]

68. Menken was attacked especially by the Virginia City Union; see Watson, Silver Theatre , 259, and Fatout, Mark Twain in Virginia City , 157, 163. [BACK]

69. Fatout, Mark Twain in Virginia City , 162-63. [BACK]

70. "The Menken—Written Especially for Gentlemen," in Mark Twain of the "Enterprise," 78-79. [BACK]

71. The San Francisco burlesques of Menken and Mazeppa are noted in Gagey, The San Francisco Stage , 91, and Rella, A History of Burlesque , 62-63, 213. For the Virginia City burlesques, see Watson, Silver Theatre , 251, 258-59, 311. Also see Twain's review of another Mazeppa , starring Emily Jordan, in Clemens of the "Call," 94-95. And see Early Tales and Sketches, Volume 2 , 521. [BACK]

72. The Washoe Giant in San Francisco , 102-3. [BACK]

73. Mary Russo, "Female Grotesques: Carnival and Theory," in Feminist Studies/Critical Studies , ed. Teresa de Lauretis (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), 222. [BACK]

74. Mark Twain's Travels with Mr. Brown , 84. [BACK]

75. Peter Stallybrass and Allon White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 188, 200. [BACK]