A BIBLIOGRAPHIC GUIDE
The neglect of urban history by professional historians confers at least one benefit upon anyone interested in the field: there are no standard texts and classic controversies that must be mastered before one may feel competent to reason from the experience of the past. The reader should define the subject for himself and follow his own bent across time, space, and disciplines. Since cities touch upon so many aspects of human life, there are boundless shelves of books and articles ranging from abstract mathematical models and universal histories to minutely observed case studies and extremely personal fiction. The path through this library, therefore, must be an individual one. What follows are suggestions for further reading collected from notes of my own path. In making this selection, I have sought to include titles that seemed to me to give the best general coverage of a particular subject, and I have added books and articles with abundant references so that they can serve as guides for further exploration themselves. Few, I hope, are so arcane that they would not appear in the normal city public library or cannot be purchased from the U.S. Government Printing Office. The selection is arranged roughly in the order of the chapters and topics of this book.
The Atlantic Perspective
American urbanization is part of a very long-term unfolding of the European world. The best way to gain such a perspective is to read Lewis Mumford's marvelous pioneering work The Culture of Cities , New York, 1938. At last report the book was still in print, and a condensation of it appears as chapters in his comprehensive human history, The City in History , New York, 1961. Both contain excellent bibliographies. Two short works with a geographical focus may help to relate Mumford's inclusive imagination to my own more limited structural approach: Emrys Jones,
Towns and Cities , New York, 1966; and Peter Hall, The Worm Cities , New York, 1966. The Danish architectural historian Steen Eiler Rasmussen has written two books that contain, as no others I know do, a humane sense of the quality of everyday life with a long sweep of the history of the physical elements of the city: London: The Unique City , 1934, Cambridge, 1967; Towns and Buildings Described in Drawings and Words , Cambridge, 1951, 1969.
The New England Town
The first Puritan settlements are a favorite topic of American historians, long used for all manner of disparate purposes. Yet the seventeenth century is so far removed from our present circumstances that one must approach it with care lest its fragments shatter under the weight of myth. For me, the best use of the Puritans to illustrate the present is J. B. Jackson's artful essay describing the successive impacts of urbanization upon American farm life, "The Westward-moving House," in Landscapes, Selected Writings of J. B. Jackson , Ervin H. Zube, ed., Amherst, 1970. To recapture a sense of the English background that determined many of the social and legal conditions of these first towns, one might begin with Peter Laslett, The World We Have Lost , London, 1965, and follow it with Sumner Chilton Powell's transatlantic study, Puritan Village: The Formation of a New England Town . The best single monograph on the early years of these settlements is Philip J. Greven's study of Andover, Massachusetts, Four Generations , Ithaca, 1970. The story of the destruction of folk planning by the market economy and land speculation is nicely handled by Anthony N. B. Garvan, Architecture and Town Planning in Colonial Connecticut , New Haven, 1951; and by Richard L. Bushman, From Puritan to Yankee , Cambridge, 1967.
Although land is a subject that cries out for unified treatment in that our traditions of mixed private and public land management cause many of the physical and social problems of today's city, no author has yet ventured a historical synthesis. Instead the reader who wishes to understand the land-management background of the metropolis faces a series of highly compartmentalized literatures of frontier history, law, geography, economics, city and regional planning, and commercial real estate. The following suggestions may at least sensitize the curious to the range of controversial issues concealed beneath the drab rubric of real-estate history.
The master of the occupation of frontier land is Paul W. Gates, and his History of Public Land Law Development , Washington, 1968, should be read in conjunction with a series of essays describing the mechanisms and consequences of past land allocations: Vernon Carstensen, ed., The Public Lands ,
Madison, 1963. The links between these rural precedents and the design of towns and cities stand forth clearly in Norman J. W. Thrower's modest geography Original Survey and Land Subdivision , Chicago, 1966; and in the collection of past town plans in John W. Reps' The Making of Urban America , Princeton, 1965. Charles M. Haar, ed., Law and Land: Anglo-American Planning Practice , Cambridge, 1964, tells the legal plight our traditions have led us to, while Shirley S. Passow's article "Land Resources and Teamwork in Planning Stockholm," Journal of the American Institute of Planners , 36 (May 1970), 179-88, casts the strong light of the alternative course of active municipal land trading upon our impasse.
Before venturing into the history of attempts to regulate real estate, the reader should familiarize himself with the workings of the private market and the patterns of urban land use with- which regulations seek to cope. Maurice H. Yates and Barry J. Garner's The North American City , New York, 1971, is a convenient collection of the basic themes of urban economics and geography. Joseph D. McGoldrick, Seymour Graubard, and Raymond J. Horowitz, Building Regulation in New York City , New York, 1944, gives both the history of that city's reforms and offers references to the major past works. The story can be carried down to the present with National Commission on Urban Problems, Legal Remedies for Housing Code Violations, Research Report No. 14 , Frank P. Grad, ed., Washington, 1968; and this in turn should be considered in the light of George Sternlieb's perceptive Newark study of what happens to the law when the private market for land and housing collapses: Tenement Landlord , New Brunswick, 1966. The history of zoning has been well reviewed by Seymour I. Toll, The Zoned American , New York, 1969.
Mel Scott has written an official history of city planning that thoroughly covers the profession, but its encyclopedic quality makes it most useful as a reference work: American City Planning Since 1890 , Berkeley, 1969. A better place to begin might be John L. Hancock's brief account of what planners were really doing, "Planners in the Changing American City, 1900-1940," Journal of the American Institute of Planners , 33 (September 1967), 290-304. Then one might open up the issues of urban and regional planning by consulting a number of very different and contradictory books. There are two books on conventional policy and practice by very wise and experienced men, the first by the housing authority Charles Abrams, The City Is the Frontier , New York, 1965; the second by the planner Hans Blumenfeld, The Modern Metropolis: Its Origins, Growth, Characteristics and Planning , Paul D. Spreiregen, ed., Cambridge, 1967. The man who laid out the Appalachian Trail offered a modern-sounding ecological ideology for regional planning: Benton MacKaye, The New Exploration , 1928, Urbana, 1962. The reader should test MacKaye's call against his own politics by looking at the case study of America's one re-
gional planning effort in Philip Selznick, T.V.A. and the Grass Roots: A Study of the Sociology of Formal Organization , 1949, New York, 1966. Finally, Lloyd Rodwin has written an excellent review of recent national urban planning: Nations and Cities: A Comparison of Strategies for Urban Growth , Boston, 1970.
Roads and highways are members of a family of workaday subjects, like electric power, sewers, and land management, that have been largely ignored by professional historians although they determine the bounds of many of our urban social patterns. A collection of essays by members of the American Association of State Highway Officials, A Story of the Beginning, Purpose, Growth, Activities, and Achievements of AASHO , Washington, 1964, tells the outline of twentieth-century American highway building. The research of the thirties and its design consequences have been summarized in a little book put out by the U.S. Public Roads Administration, Highway Practice in the United States of America , Washington, 1949; and the consequences of this thinking for today's metropolis are recorded in the designer's handbook, AASHO, Committee on Planning and Design Policies, A Policy on Arterial Highways in Urban Areas , Washington, 1957.
A very interesting literature that promises more systematic and more sensitive design practices for the future was begun by Kevin Lynch in The Image of the City , Cambridge, 1960; and he and his associates have followed on with highway studies: Donald Appleyard, Kevin Lynch, and John R. Myer, The View from the Road , Cambridge, 1964. A review of the current state of behavioral studies of the effect of physical form on city dwellers is given in William Michaelson, Man and His Urban Environment: A Sociological Approach , Reading, 1970.
National Network of Cities
In recent years scholars have began to write the economic history of the United States in terms of the interrelationships between the changing structure of the economy and contemporary alterations in the national network of cities. The outstanding work so far is Beverly Duncan and Stanley Lieberson, Metropolis and Region in Transition , Beverly Hills, 1970. Eric E. Lampard has written a fine overview of American urbanization that can be read as a summary of the current approach: "The Evolving System of Cities in the U.S.: Urbanization and Economic Development," in Harvey S. Perloff and Loudon Wingo, Jr., eds., Issues in Urban Economics , Baltimore, 1968, pp. 81-139. I have also found a technical pamphlet by Brian J. L. Berry, Peter Goheen, and Harold Goldstein extremely useful for understanding the issues that underlie any attempt to relate the changing struc-
ture of cities to economic growth: "Metropolitan Area Definition: A Re-Evaluation of Concept and Statistical Practice," Working Paper No. 28 , Bureau of the Census, Washington, June, 1968. The pamphlet also includes a fine bibliography of the literature of metropolitanization.
The history of the urbanizing economy itself can be followed through a sequence of three books: Douglass C. North, The Economic Growth of the United States, 1790-1860 , Englewood Cliffs, 1961; Harvey S. Perloff, et al., Regions' Resources and Economic Growth , Baltimore, 1960; and Jean Gottmann, Megalopolis, The Urbanized Northeastern Seaboard of the United States , Cambridge, 1961.
Fascination with the frontier and years of first growth has brought forth a number of very interesting and readable histories of transportation, but once one's concern advances toward the modern periods the quality of historical imagination declines and one must make one's own history from narrow social science studies. The pre-1870 decades offer the pleasant company of George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 , New York, 1951; Robert G. Albion, The Rise of New York Port: 1815-1860 , New York, 1939; Oscar E. Anderson, Jr., Refrigeration in America , Princeton, 1953; and the very useful Carter Goodrich, ed., Canals and American Economic Development , New York, 1961. For subsequent years a good sense of the logic of successive transportation innovations can be gained from John F. Stover, American Railroads , Chicago, 1961; David M. Potter, "The Historical Development of Eastern-Southern Freight Rate Relationships," Law and Contemporary Problems , 12 (Summer 1947), 416-48; Benjamin Chinitz, Freight and the Metropolis , Cambridge, 1960; Edward L. Ullman, American Commodity Flow , Seattle, 1957; and the transportation chapters in Jean Gottmann's Megalopolis .
A nostalgia for cable cars and open-sided electrics pervades the literature of this field but some studies do suggest the links between intracity transport and urban form. Leon Moses and Harold F. Williamson have written an excellent speculative article in which they propose a history of transportation effects from the earliest years of the nineteenth century to the present: "The Location of Economic Activities in Cities," American Economic Review , 57 (May 1967), 211-22. Successive innovations and their impacts are recorded by George Rogers Taylor, "The Beginning of Mass Transportation in Urban America, Parts I and II," Smithsonian Journal of History , 1 (Summer and Autumn 1966), 35-50 and 31-54; my own Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston 1870-1900 , Cambridge, 1962; Robert M. Fogelson, Fragmented Metropolis, Los Angeles 1850-1930 , Cam-
bridge, 1967; and Reyner Banham, Los Angeles: The Architecture of Four Ecologies , New York, 1972.
There is no special group, except for the social surveyors of the early twentieth century, who concern themselves with the particular effects of industrialization upon the social patterns of cities, but there is a rich literature from which one can select titles with a high density of urban information. A mine of information and a series of studies that has never been excelled is John R. Commons et al., History of Labour in the United States , 4 v., 1918-35, New York, 1966. The first volume on the early unions and working conditions of the first phase of industrialization is especially useful. The technological pace of the years before 1870 has been brilliantly sketched in Dorothy Brady's "Relative Prices in the Nineteenth Century," Journal of Economic History , 26 (June 1964), 145-203. An exciting if eccentric overview of technological change down to our own times is offered by Sigfried Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command , New York, 1948; and his suggestions can be tested against the realities of economic development by consulting the essays in Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, The Reinterpretation of American Economic History , New York, 1971.
The authority on the rise of big business is Alfred D. Chandler, Jr., whose two outstanding contributions are "The Beginnings of 'Big Business' in American Industry," Business History Review , 33 (Spring 1959), 1-31; and Strategy and Structure: Chapters in the History of Industrial Enterprise , Cambridge, 1962. The interactions between large-scale industry and the city can be followed by reading that fascinating old sociological study, "The Pittsburgh Survey," Charities and Commons , 21 (January 1909); or the complete edition, Paul U. Kellogg et al., The Pittsburgh Survey , 6 v., New York, 1909-14. Much of this work is summarized in a modern labor history that may be more accessible: David Brody, Steelworkers in America: The Non-Union Era , Cambridge, 1960.
To sample the materials of our own era, a good approach is to blend national with urban studies. I have found the following works the most useful. C. Wright Mills, White Collar: The American Middle Classes , New York, 1951; Jules Henry, Culture Against Man , New York, 1963; Robert Blauner, Alienation and Freedom: The Factory Worker and His Industry , Chicago, 1964; and Warren G. Bennis and Philip E. Slater, The Temporary Society , New York, 1968. These national assessments can then be related to such urban studies as St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Black Metropolis , 1945, 2 v., New York, 1962; Stanley Lebergott, "Tomorrow's Workers: The Prospects for the Urban Labor Force," in my Planning for a Nation of Cities , Cambridge, 1966, pp. 124-40; and John F. Kain, "The Distribution and Movement of Jobs and Industry," in James Q. Wilson, ed., The Metropolitan Enigma , Cambridge, 1968, pp. 1-32.
The mounting professional interest in social history since the thirties has brought forward a complementary historical, geographical, and sociological literature that gives today's reader a firm grasp of the history of changing patterns of residential segregation in America's largest cities. For the years before 1870 the cluster of books would be: Walter Firey, Land Use in Central Boston , Cambridge, 1947, which should be read in conjunction with Oscar Handlin's durable classic, Boston's Immigrants: A Study in Acculturation , 1941, rev. ed., Cambridge, 1959; and Peter R. Knights, The Plain People of Boston, 1830-1860: A Study in City Growth , New York, 1971. There is a similar report for New York by Robert Ernst, Immigrant Life in New York City 1825-1863 , 1949, Port Washington, 1965. Contemporary black patterns are suggested by Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States, 1790-1860 , Chicago, 1961. Philadelphia's history has been dealt with in a more explicitly sociological manner in E. Digby Baltzell's Philadelphia Gentlemen: The Making of a National Upper Class , Glencoe, 1958; and my Private City: Philadelphia in Three Periods of Its Growth , Philadelphia, 1968.
For the years of the rise of the segregated metropolis, the key works are from Chicago and are the products or consequences of the "Chicago School" of sociology. Homer Hoyt's One Hundred Years of Land Values in Chicago: The Relationship of the Growth of Chicago to the Rise in Its Land Values , Chicago, 1933, is the essential book, and it is far better reading than its title suggests. This account of the development of the ring and sector pattern of settlement can be fleshed out with a number of more specialized studies: Graham R. Taylor's old study of Pullman and Gary, Satellite Cities: A Study of Industrial Suburbs , New York, 1915; the essays by the fathers of the Chicago ecological school, Robert E. Park., Ernest W. Burgess, and Roderick D. McKenzie, The City , Chicago, 1925;. Harvey W. Zorbaugh, The Gold Coast and the Slum , Chicago, 1929; Allan H. Spear, Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Ghetto 1890-1920 , Chicago, 1967; Humbert S. Nelli, The Italians of Chicago 1880-1930 , New York, 1970; and a continuation of the Boston sequence in my Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston 1870-1900 , Cambridge, 1962.
This mixture of structural analysis and reporting on particular groups has been continued into descriptions of our own era. The structural analysis can be quickly sampled by consulting Stanley Lieberson, Ethnic Patterns in American Cities , New York, 1963; Karl E. and Alma F. Taeuber, Negroes in Cities: Residential Segregation and Neighborhood Change , Chicago, 1965; and John F. Kain, "The Distribution and Movement of Jobs and Industry," in James Q. Wilson, ed., The Metropolitan Enigma , Cambridge, 1968. For reporting on the conditions within the residential islands, see St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton's marvelous Chicago study, Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City , 1945,
2 v., New York, 1962; Todd Gitlin and Nanci Hollander, Uptown: Poor Whites in Chicago , New York, 1970; Leo Grebler, Joan W. Moore, and Ralph Guzman, The Mexican-American People , New York, 1970; and Herbert J. Gans, The Levittowners: How People Live and Politic in Suburbia , New York, 1967.
One conventional way to write about American urban culture is to see the city as isolating the individual in an anonymous mass of people. The other popular approach is to focus upon a neighborhood and its particularities, thereby implying that the city is a mosaic of local customs and ethnic survivals washed over by the messages and demands of metropolitan media and institutions. The former is a psychological approach that by its very premise cannot explore the uniformities of behavior that differentiate groups of city dwellers, while the latter proceeds without awareness of the large-scale demographic events and economic forces that alter the composition of urban locales, determine their survival or growth, and set many of the terms for the interaction of their residents.
The recent metropolitan survey approach to the content of urban culture suggests that the uniformities of individual experience and the clustering of groups can be managed simultaneously by asking a sample of the metropolitan population about its institutional relationships to schools, churches, and workplaces, as well as examining its residential behavior of choice of homesite, neighborhood, and family expectations. See, for example, Gerhard Lenski, The Religious Factor: The Sociological Study of Religious Impact on Politics, Economics, and Family Life , New York, 1961; and Edward O. Laumann, "The Social Structure of Religious and Ethno-religious Groups in a Metropolitan Community: A Smallest Space Analysis," American Sociological Review , 34 (April 1969), 182-97.
The basic class and socioreligious matrix used by Laumann is especially suggestive to urban historians, since these categories are directly linked to two dominant characteristics of American history. The class dimensions reflect the stable and long-standing differential distribution of personal income that has prevailed since colonial times. The socioreligious affiliations touch upon the ceaseless waves of migration of the population. Two sociologists have written histories of the nation's culture from this point of view, and I find their beginnings persuasive: Seymour Martin Lipset, The First New Nation , New York, 1963; and Milton Gordon, Assimilation in American Life , New York, 1964.
These outline histories are susceptible to further development and to systematic testing of hypotheses. The weddings, baptisms, church memberships, and changes in church locations can stand as proxies for changes in the behavior of vast numbers of urban Americans. Further, the links between education, membership in voluntary associations, class, and residential segregation that these studies report are also capable of approximate
historical measurement, since they are either institutional or property behaviors for which records survive. Given such data resources and the work already begun by the historians of social mobility, we can expect that further research will both refine this cultural outline and in time enable historians to write very much more inclusive accounts of the cultural changes in our cities. Already useful are Stephan A. Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress: Social Mobility in a Nineteenth Century City , Cambridge, 1964; and Stephan A. Thernstrom and Richard Sennett, eds., Nineteenth Century Cities: Essays in the New Urban History , New Haven, 1969. Any reader with a research interest in such studies should consult a beginning work in this field, Ralph Janis, "The Churches of Detroit 1880-1940," Ph.D. thesis, University of Michigan, 1972.
For the time being, the class and socioreligious cultural hypothesis offers the general reader a way of comprehending his present metropolis in terms of a number of major events in American history—its population history of immigration and ceaseless internal migration, its differences among rich and poor, its pervasive residential segregation, and its habits of tagging people as blacks or whites, Protestant, Catholic, or Jew. The succeeding references are suggestions for reading history in such terms. They should be considered in conjunction with the ethnic reports and systematic analyses listed under the previous heading "Residential Segregation."
General works on migration and demographic change can be consulted in rising order of statistical content. Maldwyn A. Jones, American Immigration , Chicago, 1960, offers a brief survey of the entire story, and Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan's Beyond the Melting Pot , Cambridge, 1963, deals with the persistence of ethnic differences in the New York City core of that metropolitan region. The native American hostility to immigrants has been surveyed by John Higham in his Strangers in the Land: Patterns of Nativism 1860-1925 , New Brunswick, 1955. The quantitative changes in the population are conveniently gathered together in two useful census monographs; Conrad and Irene B. Taeuber, The Changing Population of the United States , New York, 1958; and E. P. Hutchinson, Immigrants and Their Children 1850-1950 , New York, 1965. Brinley Thomas proposed an Atlantic system for the demographic history of the United States in his Migration and Economic Growth , Cambridge, England, 1954. The key monograph and reference work on internal migration is Everett S. Lee, Ann R. Miller, et al., Population Redistribution and Economic Growth, United States 1870-1950 , 3 v., Philadelphia, 1957-64.
The literature of American Protestantism is overpowering. I have taken as my guides the essays of Sidney E. Mead, The Lively Experiment: The Shaping of Christianity in America , New York, 1963, and the sociological analysis of Nicholas J. B. Demerath, Social Class in American Protestantism , Chicago, 1965. An entrance into the history of white Protestantism can be found by consulting Timothy L. Smith, Revivalism and Social Reform in Mid-Nineteenth Century America , New York, 1957; Ray A. Billington, The Protestant Crusade 1800-1860 , New York, 1938;
Henry F. May, Protestant Churches in Industrial America , New York, 1949; and Gibson Winter, The Suburban Captivity of the Churches , Garden City, 1961.
For the study of American Catholicism, I found Thomas T. McAvoy's A History of the Catholic Church in the United States , Notre Dame, 1969, most helpful, John Tracy Ellis's little book American Catholicism , rev. ed., Chicago, 1969, is also handy; and Ellis's Life of James Cardinal Gibbons, Archbishop of Baltimore , 2 v., Milwaukee, 1952, gives a wonderful picture of the problems confronting the nineteenth-century church. James Hennesey has written a very suggestive article on the peculiarities of the American church, relating its experience here to the general theme of "salutary neglect" employed by colonial political historians: "Papacy and Episcopacy in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century America," Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia , 77 (September 1966), 175-84. The history of parochial education appears in Harold A. Buetow, Of Singular Benefit: The Story of Catholic Education in the United States , New York, 1970; Vincent P. Lannie, Public Money and Parochial Education , Cleveland, 1968; and Andrew M. Greeley and Peter H. Rossi, The Education of Catholic Americans , Chicago, 1966.
For access to the abundant literature on the urbanization of American Judaism, I have relied upon Nathan Glazer, American Judaism , Chicago, 1957; and Moses Rischin, The Promised City: New York's Jews 1870-1914 , Cambridge, 1962. For a sense of the transition years, the long-time editor of the Jewish Daily Forward , Abraham Cahan, wrote a wonderful novel, The Rise of David Levinsky , 1917, New York, 1960.
My basic insights into the urbanization of black Protestantism have been derived from the extraordinary Chicago study by St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Black Metropolis: A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City , 1945, 2 v., New York, 1962. From this beginning one can enter the history of the black church by consulting Leon F. Litwack, North of Slavery: The Negro in the Free States 1790-1860 , Chicago, 1961; E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Church in America , New York, 1964; Gilbert Osofsky, Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto , New York, 1963; and Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power , New York, 1965. The basic texts of the Harlem Renaissance are James Weldon Johnson, Black Manhattan , 1930, New York, 1968; and Harold Cruse, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual from Its Origins to the Present , New York, 1967.
The history of ordinary housing in America lies buried in the records of county buildings and in the files of architects, contractors, and building inspectors; but insofar as housing has been a topic for reformist concern, formal histories have been written. The problem for the general reader is to familiarize himself with architectural history without being drowned in it, because architectural history is only a small fraction of what he needs
to know if he is to understand the building patterns of cities. Unfortunately, historians of architecture generally deal with the homes of the rich to the neglect of ordinary urban structures.
A brief excursion through the architectural literature might begin with Sigfried Giedion's exciting compendium, Space, Time, and Architecture , Cambridge, 1941; and Reyner Banham's short book on the modern mechanical revolution, The Architecture of the Well-Tempered Environment , Chicago, 1969. Christopher Tunnard, in The City of Man , New York, 1953, writes informatively about nineteenth-century suburbs of the wealthy, and Vincent J. Scully, Jr., in American Architecture and Urbanism , New York, 1969, has attempted a new synthesis of formal architectural history with the vernacular. One can locate one's perceptions from these design histories by looking at the pictures in two fine collections of urban prints and photographs: John A. Kouwenhoven, The Columbia Historical Portrait of New York , Garden City, 1953; and Harold M. Mayer and Richard C. Wade, Chicago: Growth of a Metropolis , Chicago, 1969. Those interested in the contrasts between high style and mass translation might like to examine the pictures of suburban homes in my Streetcar Suburbs: The Process of Growth in Boston 1870-1900 , Cambridge, 1962, after reading Vincent J. Scully, Jr., The Shingle Style: Architectural Theory and Design from Richardson to the Origins of Wright , New Haven, 1955.
Reform in the years before the New Deal can be surveyed by reading John Coolidge, Mill and Mansion: A Study of Architecture and Society in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1820-1865 , 1942, New York, 1967; Stanley Buder, Pullman: An Experiment in Industrial Order and Community Planning 1880-1930 , New York, 1967; S. B. Sutton, ed., Civilizing American Cities: A Selection of Frederick Law Olmsted's Writings on City Landscapes , Cambridge, 1971; Robert W. DeForest and Lawrence Veiller, eds., The Tenement House Problem , 2 v., New York, 1903; Edith Abbott and Sophonisba Breckinridge, The Tenements of Chicago 1908-1935 , Chicago, 1936; James Ford, Slums and Housing , 2 v., Cambridge, 1936; Miles L. Colean, Housing for Defense , New York, 1940, on World War I public housing; and looking over the plans and descriptions of model housing and subdivisions in U.S. National Resources Committee, Urban Planning and Land Policies (Supplementary Report of the Urbanism Committee , II), Washington, 1939.
Two excellent monographs capture the experience of this century by holding up the contrast between reform effort and the realities of the private housing market: Roy Lubove, The Progressives and the Slums: Tenement House Reform in New York City 1890-1917 , Pittsburgh, 1962; and Lloyd Rodwin, Housing and Economic Progress: A Study of the Experience of Boston's Middle-Income Families , Cambridge, 1961.
For the New Deal public housing effort, Robert Moore Fisher, Twenty Years of Public Housing, Economic Aspects of the Federal Program , New York, 1959, is perhaps the best source, but there is a much more interesting and perceptive work, unpublished but available on microfilm: William L. C. Wheaton, "The Evolution of Federal Housing Programs," Ph.D. Thesis,
University of Chicago, 1953. Martin Meyerson and Edward C. Banfield, Planning and the Public Interest: The Case of Public Housing in Chicago , New York, 1955, have documented a case in which the New Deal racial segregation policies were challenged in a postwar city. The story of the New Deal experiments with planned settlements has been told in Paul K. Conkin, Tomorrow a New World: The New Deal Community Program , Ithaca, 1959; Clarence S. Stein, Toward New Towns for America , New York, 1957; and Joseph L. Arnold, The New Deal in the Suburbs: A History of the Greenbelt Town Program 1935-1954 , Columbus, 1971.
The final report of the National Commission on Urban Problems, Building the American City, House Document No. 19-34 (91st Congress, 1st Session), Washington, 1969, is readily available and offers with its supplementary Research Reports the best source for understanding current federal housing and urban-renewal programs. This official material can then be assessed by sampling some of the current criticism and studies of urban housing problems. My favorites are Charles Abrams, The City Is the Frontier , New York, 1965; Anthony Downs, Urban Problems and Prospects , Chicago, 1970; Bernard J. Frieden, The Future of Old Neighborhoods , Cambridge, 1964; Lawrence M. Friedman, Government and Slum Housing: A Century of Frustration , Chicago, 1968; Martin Pawley, Architecture versus Housing , New York, 1971; George Sternlieb, The Tenement Landlord , New Brunswick, 1966; and Lloyd Rodwin, Nations and Cities: A Comparison of Strategies for Urban Growth , Boston, 1970.
If modern urban history is to present the background to the environment of today's cities, it must produce inclusive studies of the many elements that determine the health and survival of city dwellers. Such histories would treat cities of varying sizes and economic structures as particular ecologies within which changing interventions by health institutions, medical science, sanitary engineering, and regulatory policies are assessed in terms of changes in the health and well-being of their populations. I know of no urban history that undertakes this task for a modern period, although John Duffy's full narrative of New York City, A History of Public Health in New York City 1625-1866 , New York, 1968, goes far in meeting such a goal. The suggestions that follow are, therefore, a patchwork of titles which offer the reader a sense of the history of health intervention in cities, falling far short of the desirable full ecological approach.
The specialty of medical economics, begun in the late twenties with the surveys of the health of the nation, has such an inclusive assessment as its central focus, and therefore the works of scholars in this field make the most informative reading. Unfortunately, most of their work appears in narrowly focused technical journals and in dreary government health surveys. One of the group, however, Odin W. Anderson, has written a brief history of the changing structure of medicine since 1875 that is particularly
rich in insight because he links his observations on the history of medicine to a well-balanced view of general changes in American society: The Uneasy Equilibrium: Private and Public Financing of Health Services in the United States 1875-1965 , New Haven, 1968. This survey can easily be connected to contemporary urban conditions by consulting his description of Chicago: Odin W. Anderson and Joanna Kravits, Health Services in the Chicago Area—A Framework for Use Data , Center for Health Administration Studies, Research Series No. 26 , Chicago, 1968.
To gain a sense of the developments prior to our own era, one might begin with an overview of the whole subject of medical care and environmental health given by the essays in Mazyck P. Ravenel, ed., A Half Century of Public Health , New York, 1921; and then proceed through a New York sequence of John H. Griscom, The Sanitary Conditions of the Laboring Population of New York , New York, 1845; Citizens' Association of New York, Report of the Council of Hygiene and Public Health upon the Sanitary Condition of the City , New York, 1865; Nelson M. Blake, Water for the Cities , Syracuse, 1956; Gordon Atkins, Health, Housing, and Poverty in New York City 1856-1898 , Ann Arbor, 1947; and Stephen Smith, The City That Was , New York, 1911.
The creation of the institutions of modern scientific medicine in the early twentieth century drove the ecological concerns of the old sanitarians from view until our own time, so that the reader must bridge a chronological gap in the literature from 1920 to 1950 somewhat in the same way that medical thought itself did. That is, he must see urban ecology behind the histories of medical institutions. The best place to begin is with a thoughtful integration of the national health surveys, Bernhard J. Stern's American Medical Practice , New York, 1945. Then one might look at Richard H. Shryock, The Development of Modern Medicine , New York, 1936; Edward H. L. Corwin, The American Hospital , New York, 1946, and his "The Dispensary Situation in New York City," Medical Record , 97 (January 31, 1920), 181-85; Committee on the Costs of Medical Care, Medical Care for the American People, Publication No. 28 , Chicago, 1932; Roy Lubove, The Struggle for Social Security, 1900-1935 , Cambridge, 1968; and Milton I. Roemer, "Government's Role in American Medicine," Bulletin of the History of Medicine , 18 (July 1945), 146-68. The twentieth-century health statistics that record the results of the changes in the ecology and medical service are published in Monroe Lerner and Odin W. Anderson, Health Progress in the United States , Chicago, 1963.
Since World War II, federal research funds and foundation activity have spawned a gigantic literature of conferences, studies, and reports. A good way to keep the detail in focus is to follow the major issues concerning the delivery of health services. I would begin by consulting three studies that attack the major failings of the present system: the inner city, Pierre devise, et al., Slum Medicine: Chicago's Apartheid Health System , University of Chicago Interuniversity Social Research Committee, Report No. 6 , Chicago, 1969; the old, Jules Henry, "Human Obsolescence," in his
excellent Culture Against Man , New York, 1963; and the management of poverty, Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, Regulating the Poor: The Functions of Public Welfare , New York, 1971. A sample of materials revealing the nature of the current health system might consist of the following: Herman M. and Anne R. Somers, Doctors, Patients, and Health Insurance: The Organization and Financing of Medical Care , Washington, 1961; Milton I. Roemer, Donald M. DuBois, and Shirley W. Rich, Health Insurance Plans: Studies in Organizational Diversity , University of California, School of Public Health, Los Angeles, 1970; Report of the Staff to the Committee on Finance, United States Senate, Medicare and Medicaid, Problems, Issues, and Alternatives (91st Congress, 1st Session), Committee Print, Washington, February 1970; U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Characteristics of State Medical Assistance Programs under Title XIX of the Social Security Act , Washington, 1970; Albert Einstein College of Medicine, The Student Health Project of Greater New York, Summer 1968 , U.S. Public Health Service, Washington, 1969; and City of Philadelphia, Report of the Mayor's Committee on Hospital Services , Philadelphia, 1970.