1. This account draws largely but not exclusively on the following sources. Recent general accounts of public assistance include: Henry J. Aaron, Politics and the Professors: The Great Society in Perspective (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1978); Jerry R. Cates, Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935-54 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983); Anthony Champagne and Edward J. Harpham, eds., The Attack on the Welfare State (Prospect Heights, Ill.: Waveland, 1984); Tom Joe and Cheryl Rogers, By the Few, For the Few: The Reagan Welfare Legacy (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1985); Lawrence M. Mead, Beyond Entitlement: The Social Obligations of Citizenship (New York: Free Press, 1986); and Lester M. Salamon, Welfare: The Elusive Consensus—Where We Are, How We Got There, and What's Ahead (New York: Praeger, 1978). break

Recent and more specific accounts include: Henry J. Aaron, On Social Welfare (Cambridge, Mass.: Abt Books, 1980); Winifred Bell and Dennis M. Bushe, Neglecting the Many, Helping the Few: The Impact of the 1967 AFDC Work Incentives (New York: Center for Studies in Income Maintenance Policy, New York University School of Social Work, 1975); Joseph A. Califano, Jr., Governing America: An Insider's Report from the Cabinet and the White House (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1981); Colin Campbell, ed., Income Redistribution (Washington, D.C.: American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, 1977); Martha Derthick, Uncontrollable Spending for Social Service Grants (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1975); Irwin Garfinkel, ed., Income-Tested Transfer Programs: The Case For and Against (New York: Academic Press, 1982); G. John Ikenberry and Theda Skocpol, "Expanding Social Benefits: The Role of Social Security," Political Science Quarterly 102 (Fall 1987):389-416; Theda Skocpol and G. John Ikenberry, "The Political Formation of the American Welfare State in Historical and Comparative Perspective," Comparative Social Research 6 (Greenwhich, Conn.: JAI Press, 1983), pp. 86-148; and the series of articles on the urban underclass edited by William Julius Wilson in Society 21 (November-December 1983):34-86.

Older but still useful general accounts include: Henry J. Aaron, Why Is Welfare So Hard to Reform? (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1973); Vincent J. Burke and Vee Burke, Nixon's Good Deed: Welfare Reform (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974); Norman Furniss and Timothy Tilton, The Case for the Welfare State: From Social Security to Social Equality (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977), chaps. 7 and 8; Joel F. Handler, Reforming the Poor: Welfare Policy, Federalism and Morality (New York: Basic Books, 1972); Roy Lubove, The Struggle for Social Security, 1900-1935 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1968); and Daniel P. Moynihan, The Politics of a Guaranteed Income: The Nixon Administration and the Family Assistance Plan (New York: Random House, 1973).

Works on relations between public social provision and the labor market include: Leonard Beeghley, Living Poorly in America (New York: Praeger, 1983); Eli Ginsberg, ed., Employing the Unemployed (New York: Basic Books, 1980); Helen Ginsburg, Full Employment and Public Policy: The United States and Sweden (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1983); Sar A. Levitan and Richard S. Belous, More Than Subsistence: Minimum Wages for the Working Poor (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979); Sar A. Levitan, Martin Rein, and David Marwick, Work and Welfare Go Together (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972); Stanley Masters and Irwin Garfinkel, Estimating the Labor Supply Effects of Income-Maintenance Alternatives (New York: Aca- soft

demic Press, 1977); Philip K. Robins et al., eds., A Guaranteed Annual Income: Evidence from a Social Experiment (New York: Academic Press, 1980); and Harold L. Wilensky, "Nothing Fails Like Success: The Evaluation-Research Industry and Labor Market Policy," reprint no. 464, Institute of Industrial Relations, University of California, Berkeley, 1985. [BACK]

2. Ikenberry and Skocpol, "Patronage Democracy"; Salamon, Welfare, p. 79. [BACK]

3. Since 1972 (implemented in 1974) public assistance for the elderly, blind, and disabled has been centralized through a national program, Supplementary Security Income (SSI). [BACK]

4. See Salamon, Welfare, pp. 23 and 83; Levitan, Rein, and Marwick, Work and Welfare, pp. 8-18. [BACK]

5. See Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, p. 22; and James T. Patterson, America's Struggle Against Poverty, 1900-1980 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981). [BACK]

6. This relationship may be an example of the "ecological fallacy" since we cannot be certain that the households from which the unemployed came were the same ones seeking ADC assistance. See Moynihan, Politics of Guaranteed Income . [BACK]

7. See Derthick, Uncontrollable Spending . [BACK]

9. See Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, pp. 40-42 and 74-78. Federal poverty guidelines are strict. Many Americans would consider themselves impoverished if they had to live within several thousand dollars of these guidelines. So many more than 25 percent of the population face near poverty. Also, Duncan's estimates of poverty, (pp. 38-40) are lower than those of the census, perhaps because his longitudinal panel-study procedure was bound to underrepresent the most unstable households. [BACK]

10. See Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, chaps. 2 and 3. See also two essays in Martha S. Hill, Daniel N. Hill, and James N. Morgan, eds., Five Thousand American Families—Patterns of Economic Progress, Volume 9: Analyses of the First Twelve Years of the Panel Study on Income Dynamics (Ann Arbor: Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, 1981): Richard D. Coe, "A Preliminary continue

Empirical Examination of the Dynamics of Welfare Use," pp. 121-68; and Greg J. Duncan and James N. Morgan, "Persistence and Change in Economic Status and the Role of Changing Family Composition," pp. 1-44. [BACK]

11. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, pp. 74-80. [BACK]

12. See particularly Moynihan, Politics of Guaranteed Income; Burke and Burke, Nixon's Good Deed . [BACK]

13. The working poor may avail themselves of in-kind programs, particularly food stamps, Medicaid, and, in some urban settings, housing. Expenditures for the first two programs grew faster than for AFDC in the 1970s. [BACK]

14. See Califano, Governing America, chap. 8; and Harvey D. Shapiro, "Welfare Reform Revisited—President Jimmy Carter's Program for Better Jobs and Income" in Salamon, Welfare, pp. 173-218. [BACK]

15. Jule M. Sugarman, Gary D. Bass, and Matthew J. Bader, "Human Services in the 1980s—President Reagan's 1983 Proposals, White Paper no. 5: For Citizens and Public Officials" (Washington, D.C.: Human Services Information Center, 1983), p. 76. [BACK]

16. Children of AFDC families sometimes feel stigmatized, but little public censure is directed at them. See Lee Rainwater, "Stigma in Income-Tested Programs," in Garfinkel, Income-Tested Transfer Programs, pp. 19-46; Peggy Thoits and Michael T. Hannan, "Income and Psychological Distress," in Robins, et al., Guaranteed Annual Income, pp. 183-205; Natalie Jaffe, "A Review of Public Opinion Surveys, 1935-76" in Salamon, Welfare, pp. 221-28. [BACK]

17. See Patterson, America's Struggle, pp. 109-10 and 173-75; Martin Anderson, Welfare: The Political Economy of Welfare Reform in the United States (Stanford, Calif.: Hoover Institution, 1978), chap. 3. [BACK]

18. Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, pp. 45-46; Moynihan, Politics of Guaranteed Income, pp. 104-6; Burke and Burke, Nixon's Good Deed, pp. 163 and 205. [BACK]

19. In the 1970s growth in in-kind and service public assistance constituted a greater portion of the "welfare crisis" than did AFDC. Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, pp. 45-46 and 51. [BACK]

20. See Handler, Reforming the Poor, pp. 34 and 130-31. [BACK]

21. Handler, Reforming the Poor, pp. 43 and 51-54; and Joe and Rogers, By the Few . [BACK]

22. See Levitan, Rein, and Marwick, Work and Welfare, pp. 26-35. [BACK]

23. Evidence that AFDC mothers want to work is plentiful; see, for example, Leonard Goodwin, Causes and Cures of Welfare: New Evidence on the Social Psychology of the Poor (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1983), especially pp. 147-48. [BACK]

24. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty, chap. 3; Coe, "Dynamics of Wel- soft

fare Use"; and Duncan and Morgan, "Persistence and Change in Economic Status." [BACK]

25. Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, pp. 8 and 25. [BACK]

26. Aaron, Why Is Welfare So Hard to Reform? [BACK]

27. For a detailed discussion of these problems see Mead, Beyond Entitlement; Aaron, Why Is Welfare So Hard to Reform?; Moynihan, Politics of a Guaranteed Income, pp. 464-81 and 506-8. [BACK]

28. Goodwin, Causes and Cures, pp. 147-48; Levitan, Rein, and Marwick, Work and Welfare, p. 100. [BACK]

29. As Derthick relates, the open-ended commitment of the federal government to pay 75 percent—as opposed to the usual 50 percent of these social services expenses, as well as the vague character of some of the services and their objectives led some states into innovative efforts to use AFDC to fund a variety of state agencies by "purchasing" the services of these agencies with federal funds; see Uncontrollable Spending . See also, Handler, Reforming the Poor, pp. 88-93. [BACK]

30. Homes, some furnishings, and automobiles up to certain maximum values are usually exempt from these restrictions, but these exemptions are largely irrelevant to most AFDC recipients. [BACK]

31. Randall J. Pozdena and Terry R. Johnson, "Demand for Assets," in Robins et al., Guaranteed Annual Income, pp. 281-90. [BACK]

32. See the remarks of Barber S. Conable in "Round Table Discussion on Welfare Reform," in Campbell, Income Redistribution, p. 247; Levitan, Rein, and Marwick, Work and Welfare, p. 17; and Burke and Burke, Nixon's Good Deed, p. 172. [BACK]

33. Winifred Bell, Aid to Dependent Children (New York: Columbia University Press, 1965), pp. 174-75. [BACK]

34. See Bell and Bushe, Neglecting the Many, pp. 45-46 and 51. [BACK]

35. See, for instance, Charles Murray, Losing Ground: American Social Policy, 1950-1980 (New York: Basic Books, 1983), chap. 8. [BACK]

36. On the relation between benefits and family structure, see David T. Ellwood and Mary Jo Bane, "The Impact of AFDC on Family Structure and Living Arrangements," mimeo, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University, March 1984. On the tendencies of AFDC fathers, see Marcia Guttentag and Paul F. Secord, Too Many Women? The Sex Ratio Question (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage, 1983), chap. 8. [BACK]

37. These opposing effects are discussed by Lyle P. Groenveld, Nancy Brandon Tuma, and Michael T. Hannan, "Marital Dissolution and Remarriage," in Robins et al., Guaranteed Annual Income, pp. 163-81. [BACK]

38. See Michael C. Keeley, "Migration," in Robins et al., Guaranteed Annual Income, pp. 241-62. [BACK]

39. Moynihan, Politics of a Guaranteed Income, p. 407; and Handler, Reforming the Poor, pp. 43, 117-18, and 130-31. break [BACK]

40. Derthick, Uncontrollable Spending , chap. 7, suggests that funds for these services increasingly went to pay for budgets of state agencies that provided little in the way of services specifically tailored to the merging needs of AFDC recipients. [BACK]

41. By the mid-1970s AFDC-UP usage had stabilized at slightly less than 10 percent of AFDC households. [BACK]

42. Kathi V. Friedman, Legitimation of Social Rights and the Western Welfare State: A Weberian Perspective (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981). [BACK]

43. Handler, Reforming the Poor , pp. 130-31. [BACK]

44. Handler, Reforming the Poor , p. 3 and chap. 4; Moynihan, Politics of a Guaranteed Income , p. 495. [BACK]

45. Burke and Burke, Nixon's Good Deed , p. 172; on related points see Moynihan, Politics of a Guaranteed Income , pp. 174, 215, 412-14, and 552. [BACK]

46. Cates, Insuring Inequality , particularly chap. 5. [BACK]

47. See, for example, Mickey Kaus, "The Work Ethic State," New Republic , July 7, 1986, pp. 22-33, especially pp. 28-30. [BACK]

48. Duncan et al., Years of Poverty , p. 58. [BACK]

49. For sympathetic views on these problems, see Herbert J. Gans, "The Negro Family: Reflections on the Moynihan Report" in Lee Rainwater and William Yancey, eds., The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1967), pp. 445-57; William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). Far less sympathetic is George Gilder, Wealth and Poverty (New York: Basic Books, 1981). [BACK]

50. See Guttentag and Secord, Too Many Women? chap. 8. [BACK]