1. The problem of the history of the 'Nkhamanga Empire' is discussed in L. Vail, 'Suggestions towards a reinterpreted Tumbuka history', in B. Pachai, ed., The Early History of Malawi (London, 1972), pp. 148-67.

2. For discussions of this process, see L. Vail, The making of the "Dead North": a study of Ngoni rule in northern Malawi, c. 1855-1907', in J. Peires, ed., Before and After Shaka: Papers in Nguni History (Grahamstown, 1981), pp. 230-67; and L. Vail, 'Ethnicity, language and national unity: the case of Malawi', in P. Bonner, ed., Working Papers in Southern African Studies, Vol. 2 (Johannesburg, 1981), pp. 121-63; as well as the essay by Vail and White in this volume.

3. In this context, it is worth noting that, although I canvassed African academics widely for papers for this conference, not a single one would undertake the writing of a paper which might be seen as 'subversive' to the goal of political 'nation-building'. break

1. As I was preparing to write this Introduction, I was fortunate to have made available to me a preliminary version of Crawford Young's magisterial summing up of the literature on 'Class, ethnicity, and nationalism', which has influenced my approach considerably. Young's stimulating and valuable essay was written for the Social Science Research Council, and it will be published in a future issue of Cahier d'études africaines . Two other studies which influenced my writing markedly are Anthony Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of Historical Marxism (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981), and Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1985). The literature on ethnicity is immense and I have decided to eschew any attempt to produce a bibliographical essay. 1 shall attempt to write an interpretative overview.

2. This situation is reflected in the fact that many political leaders felt the need to fabricate a 'philosophy' of government in an attempt to compensate for the intellectual banality of the nationalist movements after independence. These 'philosophies' generally had far greater appeal for well-intentioned non-nationals than for those dwelling within the particular countries for which they were composed.

3. Most notably, A. L. Epstein, Politics in an Urban African Community (Manchester, 1958), and J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance (Manchester, 1958).

4. For example, I. Wallerstein, 'Ethnicity and national integration', Cahiers d'études africaines, 1 (1960), pp.129-39.

5. As in R. Palmer and N. Parsons, eds., The Roots of Rural Poverty in South and Central Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977), passim .

6. This point was developed at an early point of study in J.S. Coleman, Nigeria: Background to Nationalism (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1958) and in R. Lemarchand, Political Awakening in the Congo (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1964). Interest in it has been stimulated more recently by the publication of such influential books as M. Hechter, Internal Colonialism (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1975) and T. Nairn, The Break-up of Britain: Crisis and Neo-Nationalism (London, 1977).

7. As, for example, in Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, passim, and A. Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1985), passim, but especially pp.212-221. See also J.F. Stack, Jr., ed., The Primordial Challenge: Ethnicity in the Contemporary World (Westport, CT, 1986). break

8. J. Iliffe's A Modern History of Tanganyika (Cambridge, 1979) contains much relevant material regarding the history of ethnicity in Tanganyika. For the Afrikaners of South Africa, one should see D. Moodie, The Rise of Afrikanerdom: Power, Apartheid and the Afrikaner Civil Religion (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1975); H. Adam and H. Giliomee, Ethnic Power Mobilized (New Haven, 1979); and D. O'Meara, Volkskapitalisme: Class, Capital and Ideology in the Development of Afrikaner Nationalism, 1934-1948 (Cambridge, 1983). This point has been made often for European nationalism, in such important studies as Barrington Moore's Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth, 1967).

9. For an interesting, although not wholly convincing, assessment of the central role of language in the building of nationalism, see B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983).

10. It should be noted that intellectuals discussed in the chapters of this volume are all literate intellectuals. The nature of the evidence makes it difficult to ascertain the nature of the thought and work of non-literate intellectuals, yet it should be kept in mind that such non-literate intellectuals have indeed worked to further ethnic ideologies through oral genres. This whole topic is the subject of a forthcoming study by L. Vail and L. White.

11. Malawi National Archives, GOA 2/4/12, 'Mohammadanism and Ethiopianism', Circular letter, Lt. Col. French to Gov. Smith, 7 Aug. 1917.

12. M. Chanock, Law, Custom and Social Order: The Colonial Experience in Malawi and Zambia (Cambridge, 1985), is an important study that goes far in exploring the role of the perceived need to control women in the development of concepts of law during the colonial period.

13. The relevance of the language of kinship ties to the development of ethnic identity is explored, within a basically primordialist interpretation, in Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, pp.55-92.

14. In a recent survey the author conducted among women dwelling in the squatter locations around Lusaka, Zambia, not a single woman interviewed admitted a preference for the urban environment, and all said they looked forward to returning 'home' in the future because of the lower cost of living and greater tranquillity there.

15. This point is developed in Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, pp.563-580, in a rather interesting and realistic fashion. break

1. I would like to thank the Jan Smuts Memorial Trust Fund of the University of Cambridge and the Research Committee of the University of Cape Town for financial assistance towards research on this chapter.

2. D. Welsh, "The political economy of Afrikaner nationalism', in A. Leftwich, ed., South Africa: Economic Growth and Political Change (London, 1974), pp. 249-86; H. Giliomee, "The Afrikaner economic advance', in H. Adam and H. Giliomee, Ethnic Power Mobilized: Can South Africa Change? (New Haven, 1979); D. O'Meara, Volkskapitalisme: Class, Capital and Ideology in the Development of Afrikaner Nationalism, 1934-1948 (Cambridge, 1983).

3. F.A. van Jaarsveld, The Awakening of Afrikaner Nationalism, 1868-1881 (Cape Town, 1961). See especially pp.214-15.

4. E. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford, 1983), pp.47-8. break

5. M. Bloch, 'The idol of origins', cited by C. Vann Woodward, Thinking Back: The Perils of Writing History (Baton Rouge, LA, 1986), pp.60-61.

6. Van Jaarsveld, The Awakening, p. 215; T.R.H. Davenport, The Afrikaner Bond: The History of a South African Political Party, 1880-1911 (Cape Town, 1966).

7. A. du Toit and H. Giliomee, Afrikaner Political Thought: Analysis and Documents: Volume 1: 1780-1850 (Cape Town, 1983), pp. 4-27, 132-4, 195-204, 230-46.

8. A.B. du Toit, 'No chosen people: the myth of the Calvinist origins of Afrikaner nationalism and racial ideology', American Historical Review, Vol. 88, No. 4 (1983), pp.920-52.

9. This term is used to indicate that the concept of 'Afrikaner' had not become crystallized by the second half of the nineteenth century.

10. J.C. Visagie, 'Willem Frederik Hertzog, 1793-1847', Archives Year Book of South African History, Vol. 37 (1974), pp.55-72.

11. J.H. Hofmeyr, The Life of Jan Hendrik Hofmeyr (Onze Jan) (Cape Town, 1913), p.42.

12. Cape Times, May 1877, editorial.

13. E. van Heyningen, 'Social evil in the Cape Colony, 1868-1902: prostitution and the Contagious Diseases Act', Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2 (1984), p. 182.

14. See the comments of Olive Schreiner, Thoughts on South Africa (London, 1923), p. l7.

15. A. Atmore and S. Marks, 'The imperial factor in South Africa in the nineteenth century: towards a reassessment'. Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, Vol. III, No. 1 (1974), pp.120-25.

16. M. A. Basson, 'Die Britse invloed in die Transvaalse onderwys, 1837-1907', Archives Year Book of South African History, Vol. 2 (1956), pp.63-75.

17. S.F. Malan, Politieke Strominge onder die Afrikaners van die Vrystaatse Republiek (Durban, 1982), pp. 54-5.

18. For an analysis of rural Transvaal society, see S. Trapido, 'Landlord and tenant in a colonial economy: the Transvaal, 1880-1910', Journal of Southern African Studies, No. 5 (1978), pp.27-58, and his 'Aspects of the transition from slavery to serfdom, 1842-1902', Societies of Southern Africa, No. 6 (1976), pp.24-31. On the role of the field-cornet, see F.A. van Jaarsveld, 'Die veldkornet en sy aandeel in die opbou van die Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek tot 1870', Archives Year Book of South Africa, Vol. 2 (1952), pp. l87-352.

19. De Tijd, 25 March 1868, letter from 'Vrystater'; De Tijd, 15 April 1868, letter from 'Een Eigenaar . . . en een Afrikaander'.

20. A.M. Grundlingh, Die Hendsoppers en 'Joiners': Die Rasionaal en Verskynsel van Verraad (Pretoria, 1979), pp.232-6.

21. Van Jaarsveld, 'Die veldkornet', p.332.

22. C.W. de Kiewiet, The Imperial Factor in South Africa (Cambridge:, 1937), p.95.

23. J.E.H. Grobler, 'Jan Viljoen, 1912-1893: 'n Transvaalse Wesgrenspioneer', unpublished M.A. dissertation, University of Pretoria, 1976, pp.83-99.

24. C.J. Uys, In the Era of Shepstone (Lovedale, 1933), p. 283.

25. Ibid ., pp. 421-2.

24. C.J. Uys, In the Era of Shepstone (Lovedale, 1933), p. 283.

25. Ibid ., pp. 421-2.

26. Grobler, 'Jan Viljoen', pp. 67-82, 147-8.

27. Malan, Politieke Strominge, pp. 25-6.

28. A. Smith, The Ethnic Revival (Cambridge, 1981), pp. 77-8.

29. Malan, Politieke Strominge, pp. 24-30, 37-42, 56-7.

30. Van Jaarsveld, The Awakening, pp. 79-80.

31. T.E. Kirk, 'Self-government and self-defence in South Africa: the interplay between British and Cape politics, 1846-54', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University, 1972, pp.490-508.

32. J.L. McCracken, The Cape Parliament, 1854-1910 (Cape Town, 1967), pp.36-7, 52; Hofmeyr, Hofmeyr, p.42. break

33. A.J. Purkiss, 'Politics, capital and railway building in the Cape Colony, 1870-1885', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University, 1978, pp.32, 55.

34. Zuid-Afrikaan, 21 May 1857, editorial.

35. T. N. Hanekom, Die Liberale Rigting in Suid-Afrika: 'n Kerkhistoriese Studie (Stellenbosch, 1957). For a full account of one minister's campaign against the liberal tendencies, see M.C. Kitshoff, Gottlieb Wilhelm Antony van der Lingen: Kaapse Predikant uit die Negentiende Eeu (Amsterdam, 1972).

36. R. Robinson, 'Non-European foundations of European imperialism: a sketch for a theory of collaboration', in R. Owen and B. Sutcliffe, eds., Studies in the Theory of Imperialism (London, 1972), p. 124.

37. J. du P. Scholtz, Die Afrikaner en sy Taal (Cape Town, 1965).

38. Smith, Ethnic Revival, pp.97-8.

39. See Kitshoff, Van der Lingen, chapters 6-10.

40. H.J. Hofstede, Geschiedenis van den Oranje-Vrijstaat (The Hague, 1876).

41. F.A. van Jaarsveld, The Afrikaner's Interpretation of South African History (Cape Town, 1964), p.36.

42. De Tijd, 8 July 1868, letter from 'Opmerker'; J.A. Henry, Die Eerste Honderd Jaar van die Standard Bank (Cape Town, 1963), pp. 10-13, 28, 47; Standard Bank Archives (SBA), Henry's précis of general managers' letters to London, letter of 12 March 1882.

43. Cited by Van Jaarsveld, The Awakening, p. 123.

44. De Graaff-Reinet Courant, 7 April 1876, editorial.

45. Uys, In the Era of Shepstone, pp.421-2; De Kiewiet, Imperial Factor, pp.105-6.

46. 'Onze Wyn', Het Zuid-Afrikaansche Tijdschrift, February 1878, pp.26-39.

47. 'Onze Wyn', Het Zuid-Afrikaansche Tijdschrift, February 1878, p.32.

48. G.T. Amphlett, The History of the Standard Bank of South Africa Limited 1862-1913 (Glasgow, 1914), pp. 202-3.

49. Purkiss, 'Politics, capital and railway building', p.28.

50. Zuid-Afrikaan, 6 Oct. 1853, 3 May 1866; Andre du Toit, 'Constitutional politics: franchise and race', unpublished paper.

51. A. Mabin, 'Class as a local phenomenon: conflict between Cape Town and Port Elizabeth in the nineteenth century', unpublished paper presented at the University of the Witwatersrand, 1984.

52. S. Trapido, ' "The friends of the natives": merchants, peasants and the political and ideological structure of liberalism in the Cape', in S. Marks and A. Atmore, eds., Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa (London, 1980), pp. 247-74.

53. A.R. Zolberg, 'Political conflict in the new states of tropical Africa', American Political Science Review, No. 68 (1968), p.4.

54. Wilmot, Sir Richard Southey, pp. 202-3.

55. For a discussion, see S. Dubow, Land, Labour and Merchant Capital: The Experience of Graaff Reinet District in the Pre-Industrial Rural Economy of the Cape, 1852-1872 (Cape Town, 1982), p.59; C. Bundy, 'Vagabond Hollanders and runaway Englishmen: white poverty in the Cape before Poor Whiteism', Societies of Southern Africa (London, 1983), pp.1-10; K.W. Smith, From Frontier to Midlands: A History of Graaff Reinet District. 1786-1910 (Grahamstown, 1976), pp.389-92; for an analysis of conditions of the poor in Cape Town, see E. Bradlow, 'Cape Town's labouring poor a century ago', South African Historical Journal, No. 9 (1977).

56. 'Our agricultural population'. The Cape Monthly Magazine, Vol. 6, No. 33 (March 1873), p.130.

57. Zuid-Afrikaan, 12 April 1873, 'Die Bijbel in Afrikaans'. The foregoing two paragraphs draw on an excellent student essay by Jean du Plessis, 'Notes on political consciousness on the periphery: with specific reference to the issue of language in the South Western Cape during the 1870s', unpublished paper, University of Stellenbosch, 1983. break

58. Zuid-Afrikaan, 8, 15, and 22 July 1874, articles by 'A True Afrikaner'.

59. Het Volksblad, 19 Aug. 1875, editorial.

60. Genootskap van Regte Afrikaners, Die Afrikaanse Patriot, 1876 (facsimile reproduction of the first year of the newspaper, 1974), pp. 35, 41, 82, 113-14. See also G.D. Scholtz, Die Ontwikkeling van die Politieke Denke van die Afrikaners, IV: 1881-1899 (Johannesburg, 1977), pp. 169-71, 298-300.

61. Davenport, The Afrikaner Bond, pp. 35-6.

62. De Kiewiet, Imperial Factor, p. 95.

63. J. G. Kotze, Biographical Memories and Reminiscences (Cape Town, n.d.). Vol. 1, pp.501.

64. Van Jaarsveld, The Afrikaner's Interpretation, pp. 40-42.

65. For these and similar statements, see Van Jaarsveld, The Awakening, pp.150-213; Malan, Politieke Strominge, pp.70-92. For the Hofmeyr quotation, see Hofmeyr, p. 164.

66. P. van Breda, 'Die geskiedenis van de Zuid-Afrikaansche Boerenbeschermingsvereeniging in die Kaapkolonie, 1878-1883', unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Stellenbosch, 1981, pp.178-84.

67. Hofmeyr, Hofmeyr, p.164.

68. G.J. Schutte, 'Nederland het stamland van de apartheid?', unpublished essay, p.5.

69. Malan, Politieke Strominge, pp. 53-5, 117-18.

70. L. Chisholm, 'Themes in the construction of free compulsory education for the white working class on the Witwatersrand, 1886-1907', unpublished paper delivered to the University of the Witwatersrand History Workshop, 1984.

71. Zuid-Afrikaan, 23 April 1879.

72. Malan, Politieke Strominge, p.92.

73. Zuid-Afrikaan, 21 Sept. 1878.

74. Purkiss, 'Politics, capital and railway building', pp.1-84, 137-46, 451; for an in-depth analysis of the collaborating relationship, see D.M. Schreuder, The Scramble for Southern Africa, 1877-1895 (Cambridge, 1980).

75. P. Lewsen, John X. Merriman; Paradoxical South African Statesman (New Haven, 1982), p.95.

76. Hofmeyr, Hofmeyr, pp.330-31.

77. Davenport, Afrikaner Bond, pp. 129-30.

78. Hofmeyr, Hofmeyr, p.406.

79. Ibid ., p.488.

78. Hofmeyr, Hofmeyr, p.406.

79. Ibid ., p.488.

80. Zuid-Afrikaan, 14 April 1885, editorial; Hofmeyr, Hofmeyr, pp.42-3.

81. James Rose Innes, Autobiography (Cape Town, 1949), p.3.

82. Lewsen, Merriman, p.139.

83. E.T.Cook, Edmund Garrett (London, 1909), p.109.

84. C.T. Gordon, The Growth of Boer Opposition to Kruger, 1890-1895 (Cape Town, 1970), p.10.

85. Van Breda,'Die geskiedenis van de ZABBV, pp.26,29.

86. Bun Booyens, 'Ek Heb Gezeg': Die Verhaal van Ons Jongeliede en Debatsverenigings (Cape Town, 1983); Malan, Politieke Strominge, pp.186-206.

87. G.J. Hupkes, 'Die Stellenbosche Distriksbank', unpublished M. Com. dissertation, University of Stellenbosch, 1956, p.99.

88. A. Mabin, 'The making of colonial capitalism: intensification and expansion in economic geography of the Cape Colony, South Africa, 1854-1899', unpublished Ph. D dissertation, Simon Fraser University, 1984, pp. 222-3.

89. The paragraphs on the Standard Bank and local financial institutions are based on primary research in the Standard Bank archives, and draw particularly on the inspection reports for Stellenbosch and Paarl between 1880 and 1930. Specific references are given in my paper, 'Farmers and polities', presented to the conference of the Economic History Society, University of Natal, July 1984. break

90. S. W. Pienaar, ed., Glo in U Volk: Dr. D.F. Malan as Redenaar (Cape Town, 1964), p.175.

91. G.J. Pretorius, Man van die Daad (Cape Town, 1959), pp.62-3.

92. A leaguer is a large cask originally used to transport liquids in ships.

93. Hupkes, Die Stellenbosch Distriksbank ; Adam and Giliomee, Ethnic Power Mobilized, Chapter 6.

94. Malan, Politieke Strominge, pp. 238-9.

95. Ibid ., pp.199-206.

96. Ibid ., p. 262.

94. Malan, Politieke Strominge, pp. 238-9.

95. Ibid ., pp.199-206.

96. Ibid ., p. 262.

94. Malan, Politieke Strominge, pp. 238-9.

95. Ibid ., pp.199-206.

96. Ibid ., p. 262.

97. See particularly A.N. Pelzer, 'Die De Wildt-toesprach van General Hertzog', in P.J. Nienaber, ed., Gedenkboek Generaal J.B.M. Hertzog (Johannesburg, 1965), pp.259-60.

98. Gordon, The Growth of Boer Opposition to Kruger, pp. 184-204,

99. See the succinct analysis by D. Denoon, A Grand Illusion: The Failure of Imperial Policy in the Transvaal Colony During the Period of Reconstruction, 1900-1905 (London, 1973), pp.59-95.

100. Cited by N.G. Garson, ' "Het Volk": the Botha-Smuts party in the Transvaal, 1904-1911', The Historical Journal, Vol. 9, No. 1 (1966), p.128.

101. A. R. Coloquhoun, The Africander Land (London, 1906), pp.xii-xiv.

102. On the state-capital symbiosis, see D. Yudelman, The Emergence of modern South Africa: State, Capital and the Incorporation of Organized Labour on the South African Gold Fields, 1902-1939 (Cape Town, 1984), pp.3-12, 52-123.

103. Cited by E.C. Pienaar, Die Triomf van Afrikaans (Cape Town, 1973), p. 274.

104. Isabel Hofmeyr, 'Building a nation from words: Afrikaans language, literature and "ethnic identity", 1902-1924', in S. Marks and Stanley Trapido, eds., The Politics of Race, Class and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (New York, 1987), pp. 95-123.

105. I. Hexham, The Irony of Apartheid: The Struggle for National Independence of Afrikaner Calvinism against British Imperialism (New York, 1981).

106. Hofmeyr, 'Building a nation from words', p.106.

107. C. van Onselen, Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand, 1886-1914, Vol. 2: New Nineveh (London, 1982), pp.111-170.

108. Hofmeyr, 'Building a nation from words', p. 101.

109. For an illuminating case study see R. Morell, 'A community in conflict: the poor whites of Middleburg, 1900-1930', paper presented to the University of the Witwatersrand History Workshop, 1984.

110. Bun Booyens, Die Lewe van D. F. Malan: Die Eerste Veertig Jaar (Cape Town, 1969), pp.273-95.

111. J. du Plessis, The Life of Andrew Murray of South Africa (London, 1919), pp.431-33.

112. Lewsen, Merriman, p.369.

113. J.H.H. de Waal, Die Lewe van David Christiaan de Waal (Cape Town, 1928), pp. 303-08. break

1. P. Lewsen, ed., Selections from the Correspondence of J. X. Merriman—1899-1905 (Cape Town, 1966), p. 222, Merriman to Godwin Smith, 1 July 1900.

2. E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York, 1963), p.9.

3. A. Cohen, The Politics of Elite Culture (Berkeley, 1981), p.5.

4. S. Patterson, The Last Trek (London, 1957), p.75. Patterson means 'uninterested'.

5. This essay uses 'race' to refer to the groups legally defined by the South African state—black (African), white, coloured (mixed race) and Asian; and 'ethnic group' for divisions within those 'races'. Thus Afrikaners are minimally defined as white and Afrikaans-speaking, and the overwhelming proportion of them (over 90 per cent) are nominally members of the Dutch Reformed Churches in South Africa or their descendants.

6. Local celebratory literature on anniversaries of the building of churches, e.g. H.C. Hopkins, Die N. G. Kerk Cradock 1818-1968 (Cradock(?), n.d. (1969?)) and brochures of organizations such as one written for the 75th year of the Afrikaans Christelike Vroue Vereeniging (Afrikaans Christian Women's Association) (Cape Town, 1977) are obvious sources. All translations from Afrikaans in this paper are by the author.

7. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, p.9.

8. Ibid .

7. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, p.9.

8. Ibid .

9. J.F.W. Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment and rural exodus'. Economic Report of the Carnegie Commission, Part I, The Poor White Problem in South Africa (Stellenbosch, 1932), pp. 6, 10, 111, 186.

10. See F. Wilson on 'Social dislocation, 1899-1924' in M. Wilson and L. Thompson, eds., The Oxford History of South Africa, Vol. II (Oxford, 1971), pp.126-36.

11. A. Sedgwick, The Third French Republic, 1870-1914 (New York, 1966), pp.100-103.

12. S.B. Spies, Methods of Barbarism? (Cape Town, 1977), pp.303-305.

13. C. van Onselen, 'The Main Reef Road into the working class'. Studies in the Social History of the Witwatersrand 1886-1914, Vol. II, New Nineveh, (London, 1982), pp.111-170.

14. Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', pp.66-72, 185-8. By 1929, 42 per cent of Afrikaners in urban areas were in the mining towns, ports, and the major administrative centres of Pretoria, Bloemfontein and Pietermaritzburg.

15. D. O'Meara, Volkskapitalisme: Class, Capital and Ideology in the Development of Afrikaner Nationalism, 1934-1948 (Cambridge, 1983), pp.4-6.

16. Ibid ., pp.234-5, 237-8.

15. D. O'Meara, Volkskapitalisme: Class, Capital and Ideology in the Development of Afrikaner Nationalism, 1934-1948 (Cambridge, 1983), pp.4-6.

16. Ibid ., pp.234-5, 237-8.

17. N. Stultz, Afrikaner Politics in South Africa, 1934-1948 (Berkeley, 1974), pp.144-50; David Welsh made the same point in relation to Natal farmers in the election of 1924: South Africa: Power, Process and Prospect (Cape Town, 1983), p.37.

18. G. P. Cook, in 'Towns of the Cape Midlands and Eastern Karoo', Survey of the Cape Midlands and Karoo Regions, Vol. II (Grahamstown, 1971), p.10, classified Grahamstown as a 'major country town', Cradock and Graaff Reinet as 'country towns'. Dorp is widely used as a term of semi-affectionate contempt, roughly 'Hicksville'.

19. J. Butler, 'Introduction: land and people' to 'A history of Cradock and its district, 1926-1960' (mimeo).

20. Union of South Africa, Department of the Interior, Voters' List, 1925, Electoral Division of Cradock, Polling District No. 322; Census of the European Population 1926—Part VIII—Religions (European), p. 13 (1926 Census). This argument assumes that the proportion of white males registered for the vote was extremely high, over 90 per cent.

21. T.R.H. Davenport, 'Appendix: office bearers', The Afrikaner Bond, 1880-1911 (Cape Town, 1966), p. 397. break

22. W.M. Macmillan, The South African Agrarian Problem and its Historical Development (Grahamstown, 1915), pp.8-10; Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', p.22.

23. Ibid ., pp.4, 20.

22. W.M. Macmillan, The South African Agrarian Problem and its Historical Development (Grahamstown, 1915), pp.8-10; Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', p.22.

23. Ibid ., pp.4, 20.

24. 1926 Census, Part VIII, Table 4.

25. Union of South Africa, Dept. of the Interior, 'List of male voters, 1931: electoral division of Cradock' and ibid ; 'Electoral division of Somerset East'. Two polling districts in the Somerset East constituency were in the fiscal division of Cradock, the basis of the census. By 1931, 'bywoner' was becoming a pejorative term. For 'lowliest occupations', see Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', p.vii.

26. Partnerships and sons must be taken into account. However, the number of putative farmers as a percentage of farms held by each ethnic group is 172 per cent for Afrikaners, 133 per cent for Englishmen. This account assumes that the white poor in Cradock were overwhelmingly Afrikaans-speaking; I have no statistical measure of the English poor, urban or rural.

27. Wilson and Thompson, South Africa, Vol. II, pp.127, 131; Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', pp.82-7.

28. O'Meara, Volkskapitalisme, pp. 36-7. Sales of wool fell from £22.6m in 1920 to £5.4m in 1932, and rose to £8.8m in 1938. Hay (almost entirely lucerne in South Africa) fell from £2m in 1920, to £1.1m in 1932, and rose to £2m in 1938 - Union Statistics for Fifty Years (Pretoria, 1960), Vol. 1, 'Agriculture', pp.24, 26.

29. Macmillan, Agrarian Problem, p.104ff.

30. Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', p.123.

31. Macmillan, Agrarian Problem, p. 53.

32. 1926 Census, Part I, Population Distribution of European Populations, by Sex and Area, p.4.

33. On irrigation works and influx to small towns, see Macmillan, Agrarian Problem, pp.46-8; Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', pp.186-8.

34. History of Cradock: Van Riebeeck Tercentenary 1652-1952 (Cradock, 1952), pp.11-13; D. Smith, ed., Cradock, 1814-1964: 150th Anniversary Brochure (Cradock, 1964), p.135.

35. Ibid .

34. History of Cradock: Van Riebeeck Tercentenary 1652-1952 (Cradock, 1952), pp.11-13; D. Smith, ed., Cradock, 1814-1964: 150th Anniversary Brochure (Cradock, 1964), p.135.

35. Ibid .

36. Cradock School Board, Minute Book of the Poor School Committee: 6 Dec. 1894, 14 Feb. 1898, 9 Dec. 1902, 10 Feb. 1903, 14 Dec. 1911.

37. Die Oosterlig, 16 Jan. 1938 (Port Elizabeth).

38. E.G. Malherbe, Education in South Africa II: 1923-1975 (Cape Town, 1977), pp.49, 155-60.

39. J. Meintjies, The Boer War (Cape Town, 1979), p.174.

40. Photograph: 'Rebels being sentenced in Market Square, Cradock, October, 1901, Colonel Sawyer O.C.', Jeffrey Butler papers.

41. J. Butler, 'Soldiers' Stones' (mimeo), 1982.

42. The two photographs are in the Cradock Museum; that of the women is also published in ACVV, Feesbrosjure 75: ACVV Cradock (ACVV, Cradock), p.10, hereafter 'ACVV 75'.

43. For example, D.W. Krueger, The Age of the Generals (Johannesburg, 1958).

44. H. Cloete, The History of the Great Boer Trek (London, 1899), pp. 178-90; E.A. Walker, A History of Southern Africa (London, 1957), p.222.

45. P. Warwick, ed., The South African War (London, 1980), p.162. 46. Ibid . pp. l61-5.

46. Ibid . pp.161-5

47. Ibid ., p.174. 'Khaki' was usually synonymous with British soldier, but here clearly means 'fighting man'.

45. P. Warwick, ed., The South African War (London, 1980), p.162. 46. Ibid . pp. l61-5.

46. Ibid . pp.161-5

47. Ibid ., p.174. 'Khaki' was usually synonymous with British soldier, but here clearly means 'fighting man'.

45. P. Warwick, ed., The South African War (London, 1980), p.162. 46. Ibid . pp. l61-5.

46. Ibid . pp.161-5

47. Ibid ., p.174. 'Khaki' was usually synonymous with British soldier, but here clearly means 'fighting man'.

48. H. Lamar and L. Thompson, eds., The Frontier in History (New Haven, 1981), p. 314, draw attention to the need for the examination of the role of women on the frontier.

49. 'ACVV 75', pp.8-10; Warwick, ed., South African War, pp. 164-6. break

50. Davenport, Afrikaner Bond, p. 227.

51. Dictionary of South African Biography (DSAB), Vol. I (Pretoria, 1968), pp. 436-8.

52. For example, S. Greenberg, Race and State in Capitalist Development (New Haven, 1980); and H. Adam and H. Giliomee, Ethnic Power Mobilized (New Haven, 1979).

53. H. Giliomee, in a review of George Fredrickson's White Supremacy, argues that by the end of the eighteenth century, white women in South Africa played a major part in controlling choice of marriage partners and inhibiting inter-radal sex. Standpunte, 46, 4 (1983), pp.20-22. This subject has hardly been researched in South Africa. See C. Degler, Neither Black nor White (New York, 1971), pp.237-9, on northern European women in the American colonies.

54. H.C. Lambrechts and E. Theron, Vrouevolksdiens: Die Werk van die Afrikaanse Christelike Vrouevereeniging (Cape Town, n.d. (1960?)), pp.6-10; 'ACVV 75', p. 11.

55. Statement by Mrs van Hoepen, curator of the Cradock Museum, attached to the photograph of the female 'undesirables'. Mrs van Hoepen is the daughter of Emmie Venter.

56. Lambrechts and Theron, Vrouevolksdiens, p. 10; 'ACVV 75', p.12.

57. E. Kedourie, Nationalism in Asia and Africa (New York, 1970), p.36: 'Nationalist doctrine . . . decrees that just as nations exist, so nations by definition must have a past.'

58. 'ACVV 75', pp. 11-12.

59. DSAB, Vol. I, p.436; Interview, Mrs van Hoepen, 25 April 1981.

60. See Giliomee, "The beginnings of Afrikaner ethnic consciousness, 1850-1915' in this volume.

61. S.W. Pienaar and J.J.J. Scholtz, eds., Glo in U Volk: Dr Malan as Redenaar 1908-1954 ('Believe in Your Volk: Dr Malan as Orator 1908-1954') (Cape Town, 1964), p.234. The title of this collection is taken from Malan's speech of 2 May 1937 out of which came the slogan 'Believe in God! Believe in Your Volk! Believe in Yourself!'

62. De Middelandsche Afrikaander, 2 May 1930.

63. 'ACVV 75', pp. 11-12.

64. Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', pp.20-1.

65. W.M. Macmillan, My South African Years (Cape Town, 1975), pp.122-3.

66. Wilson and Thompson, South Africa, Vol. II, p. 205; Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', p.21; Pienaar and Scholtz, Dr Malan, pp.121, 191.

67. Personal reminiscence; interview, Dorothy Murray (neé Butler), 24 Jan. 1981.

68. 'ACVV 75', pp.11-12. This 'grave' was almost certainly the monument erected in 1907, and moved to the Moederkerk in 1976.

69. Ibid ., and interview with Mr Max Michau, 20 April 1981.

68. 'ACVV 75', pp.11-12. This 'grave' was almost certainly the monument erected in 1907, and moved to the Moederkerk in 1976.

69. Ibid ., and interview with Mr Max Michau, 20 April 1981.

70. 'ACVV75', pp. 11-12.

71. Ibid .; Smith, Cradock 1814-64, p. 177; S.W.J. van Rensburg, From the Horse's Mouth (Pretoria, 1983), pp.41, 44-5. Van Rensburg, a noted veterinarian, is Mrs J.J. van Rensburg's son,

70. 'ACVV75', pp. 11-12.

71. Ibid .; Smith, Cradock 1814-64, p. 177; S.W.J. van Rensburg, From the Horse's Mouth (Pretoria, 1983), pp.41, 44-5. Van Rensburg, a noted veterinarian, is Mrs J.J. van Rensburg's son,

72. Cradock Museum.

73. Lambrechts and Theron, Vrouevolksdiens, pp.159-63.

74. Q. Hoare and J. Nowell Smith, Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci (New York, 1971), p.5.

75. Ibid .

74. Q. Hoare and J. Nowell Smith, Selections from the Prison Notebooks of Antonio Gramsci (New York, 1971), p.5.

75. Ibid .

76. The minutes are held by the ACVV Cradock and are on film at Sterling Memorial Library, Yale University, Film No. 824.

77. ACVV Minutes, 4 Sept. 1926: the bestuur decided to share profits of a tea with the Dingaansfees (Dingaan festival, i.e. the Day of the Covenant, 16 December) committee.

78. In 1926, there were 4419 members of the Dutch Reformed Churches, 800 Anglicans and 450 Methodists, the three largest denominations, comprising together 90 per cent continue

of the white population of town and district. 1926 Census, Part VIII, Table 4, 13.

79. Cull also audited the books of the Kerkraad for years without remuneration. See Cradock Dutch Reformed Church, 'Notules van die Kerkraad' (Minutes of the Church Council), 4 May 1935.

80. ACVV minutes; De Kock reported surpluses of £108 on 25 June 1927 and £160 on 25 Nov. 1927.

81. I have found no cases of welfare work by the ACVV among English-speaking poor in Cradock.

82. Wilson and Thompson, South Africa, Vol. II, pp. 126-36.

83. J. Butler, "The failure of closer settlement' (mimeo), pp.7-9.

84. Union of South Africa, House of Assembly Debates, 7 March 1927, col. 1142.

85. Patterson, Last Trek, p.194.

86. De Kiewiet, South Africa, pp.224-5.

87. Grosskopf, 'Rural Impoverishment', pp.82-92.

88. Cape of Good Hope, Provincial Council, Report of the Select Committee on Educational Matters (Cape Town, P.C. Sel. Com. 8 - 1912), p. 108. The report shows 100 European children out of school in the Cradock district in 1912, with about 1000 in school; 100 is a figure of the same order as in neighbouring towns, but far below those in the northwest, e.g., Calvinia 330, Hay 300, Kenhardt 750.

89. Smith, Cradock 1814-64, pp. 53, 55, 57. The average size of farms in the Cradock district was 1935 morgen in 1929, roughly 4000 acres.

90. Dutch Reformed Church, Cradock, Kerkraad Minutes, 13 July 1925, 8 March 1926; Cape Archives, PAW SBB25/7a, Secretary of Cradock School Board to Controller of Educational Finance, 17 March 1928, reporting the ACVV's refusal to give up control of the boys' hostel.

91. ACVV Minutes, 9 Sept. 1927; 3 March 1928; 16 March 1928.

92. De Middelandsche Afrikaander, 25 Feb. 1927.

93. The Midland News, 1 and 3 April 1926, for reports of ACVV Congress in Cradock.

94. Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', p.184.

95. The Midland News, 3 April 1926.

96. Patterson, Last Trek, pp.261-62.

97. Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', pp.184, 215-19.

98. Ibid ., p.84.

97. Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', pp.184, 215-19.

98. Ibid ., p.84.

99. Lambrechts and Theron, Vroue Volksdiens, pp.32, 40-42. Cradock received its first full-time worker in 1949, its second in 1956.

100. Official Year Book of the Union of South Africa, No. 26 (Pretoria, 1953), pp.345, 367; E.G. Malherbe, Education in South Africa II: 1923-1975 (Cape Town, 1977), pp.155, 159.

101. Ibid ., p.226.

100. Official Year Book of the Union of South Africa, No. 26 (Pretoria, 1953), pp.345, 367; E.G. Malherbe, Education in South Africa II: 1923-1975 (Cape Town, 1977), pp.155, 159.

101. Ibid ., p.226.

102. ACVV Minutes, 25 July 1927, 4 Aug. 1928.

103. Ibid ., 14 Dec. 1928. The minutes of the Kerkraad also show a continuing concern about Afrikaner children going to the convent. See 2 March and 13 July 1935.

104. Ibid ., 2 March, 8 April, 3 Aug. 1929.

105. Ibid ., 5 Dec. 1931. At this date 230 children were being fed for £96, but the period was not stated.

106. Ibid ., 6 Aug. 1927, 2 Feb. 1929, 4 June 1932.

102. ACVV Minutes, 25 July 1927, 4 Aug. 1928.

103. Ibid ., 14 Dec. 1928. The minutes of the Kerkraad also show a continuing concern about Afrikaner children going to the convent. See 2 March and 13 July 1935.

104. Ibid ., 2 March, 8 April, 3 Aug. 1929.

105. Ibid ., 5 Dec. 1931. At this date 230 children were being fed for £96, but the period was not stated.

106. Ibid ., 6 Aug. 1927, 2 Feb. 1929, 4 June 1932.

102. ACVV Minutes, 25 July 1927, 4 Aug. 1928.

103. Ibid ., 14 Dec. 1928. The minutes of the Kerkraad also show a continuing concern about Afrikaner children going to the convent. See 2 March and 13 July 1935.

104. Ibid ., 2 March, 8 April, 3 Aug. 1929.

105. Ibid ., 5 Dec. 1931. At this date 230 children were being fed for £96, but the period was not stated.

106. Ibid ., 6 Aug. 1927, 2 Feb. 1929, 4 June 1932.

102. ACVV Minutes, 25 July 1927, 4 Aug. 1928.

103. Ibid ., 14 Dec. 1928. The minutes of the Kerkraad also show a continuing concern about Afrikaner children going to the convent. See 2 March and 13 July 1935.

104. Ibid ., 2 March, 8 April, 3 Aug. 1929.

105. Ibid ., 5 Dec. 1931. At this date 230 children were being fed for £96, but the period was not stated.

106. Ibid ., 6 Aug. 1927, 2 Feb. 1929, 4 June 1932.

102. ACVV Minutes, 25 July 1927, 4 Aug. 1928.

103. Ibid ., 14 Dec. 1928. The minutes of the Kerkraad also show a continuing concern about Afrikaner children going to the convent. See 2 March and 13 July 1935.

104. Ibid ., 2 March, 8 April, 3 Aug. 1929.

105. Ibid ., 5 Dec. 1931. At this date 230 children were being fed for £96, but the period was not stated.

106. Ibid ., 6 Aug. 1927, 2 Feb. 1929, 4 June 1932.

107. H. F. Stein and R. F. Hill, The Ethnic Imperative (University Park, Pennsylvania, 1977), pp.2, 5.

108. Adam and Giliomee, Ethnic Power Mobilized, pp. 116-27.

109. W. Bell and W. E. Freeman, Ethnicity and Nation Building (Beverley Hills, 1974), p.105.

110. See R. Harris, Prejudice and Tolerance in Ulster (Towota, N.J., 1972), pp.x, 178, for a discussion of the frequent greater intensity of feeling among women on ethnic, in this case mainly religious, issues. break

111. This is a question requiring research. General Kritzinger, a Free Stater, married into a Cradock family and settled there. He claimed that as a soldier who had 'really' fought, he had felt himself bound to join Hertzog and Smuts in 1934, having been a Nationalist. Personal reminiscence.

112. See Note 51 above.

113. See E.S. (Solly) Sachs, Rebel's Daughters (London, 1957).

114. The 1960 census showed that among whites under 15 years of age 18 per cent could speak only English while 42.4 per cent could speak only Afrikaans. Weighting these figures in the proportion, 40 per cent English, 60 Afrikaans speaking in the total white population, suggests that roughly 45 per cent of English-speakers, and 70 per cent of Afrikaans-speakers are unilingual. Malherbe, Education in South Africa, Vol. II, p.139.

115. Language issues were important in the party split in 1969. See T.R.H. Davenport, South Africa: A Modern History (Johannesburg, 1977), p.306.

116. Interview, Xenobia Lutz, 2 Nov. 1977.

117. ACVV Minutes, 27 March 1930, 5 Dec. 1931.

118. On Jews in South Africa, see E.A. Walker, A History of Southern Africa (1957), p.655; Wilson and Thompson, South Africa, Vol. II, pp.108, 389.

119. 1926 Census, Part VIII, Table 4, p.13.

120. ACVV Minutes, 17 Sept. 1927.

121. Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', p.115.

122. Cape Archives, PAS 3/45/P101A, Provincial Secretary to Mrs E.C. van Lingen, Secretary, Nasionale Vroueparty van die Kaap Provinsie to Administrator, 25 Feb. 1929.

123. De Middelandsche Afrikaander, 25 Feb. 1927.

124. ACVV minutes, 12 Oct. 1929, 1 March 1930, 3 May 1930.

125. J. Butler, 'Public health in a small South African town: Cradock, Cape Province, 1924-1937' (mimeo), p.19.

126. Cape Archives Depot, Cape Provincial Administration, L/1/0/75/14, 'Admission of coloured children'.

127. See Note 36 above.

128. Butler, 'Public health', pp.32-44.

129. ACVV minutes, 9 Dec. 1926, 5 Nov. 1927, 16 Nov. 1927.

130. ACVV minutes, 6 Sept. 1930 and 6 Dec. 1930.

131. At this stage of my work, I am not identifying any of my black informants.

132. Grosskopf, 'Rural impoverishment', p.66.

133. 1. Hexham, 'Afrikaner nationalism, 1902-1914' in Warwick, ed., South African War, pp.390-1.

134. See Merriman's comment at the start of the chapter.

135. See, e.g., De Middelandsche Afrikaander, 18 Feb. 1927 at a provincial by-election.

136. See The Midland News, 15 March 1920 on poor local organization as reason for defeat of the SAP candidate.

137. See De Middelandsche Afrikaander, 31 Jan. 1930 on housing for the needy; 7 March 1930 in favour of women's franchise.

138. Interview, Anna Boeseken, 24 Jan. 1978.

139. Stultz, Afrikaner Politics, p.61.

140. T.D. Moodie, The Rise of Afrikanerdom (Berkeley, 1975), Chapter 10.

141. O'Meara, Volkskapitalisme, pp.205, 210-11, 213, 220-1.

142. Stultz, Afrikaner Politics, pp.157-59.

143. Greenberg, Race and State, p.392.

144. Ibid ., p.393.

143. Greenberg, Race and State, p.392.

144. Ibid ., p.393.

145. Cf. Van Onselen, New Nineveh, pp. 111-170, and Gilomee's essay in this volume.

146. Van Onselen, New Nineveh, p.157. break

1. For some excellent work within the modernization paradigm, which sees cultural homogeneity as extending from core to periphery, see E. Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen: the Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914 (London, 1977); G. Eley, 'Nationalism and social history', Social History, Vol. 6, No. 1 (1981); and T. Zeldin, France 1848-1945, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1973 and 1977). I have been particularly influenced by H. Wolpe, 'The theory of internal colonialism: the South African case', in I. Oxaal et al., eds., Beyond the Sociology of Development (London, 1975); J.U. Garang, 'On economics and regional autonomy', in D.M. Wai, ed., The Southern Sudan: The Problem of National Integration (London, 1973); M. Hartwig, 'Capitalism and Aborigines: the theory of internal colonialism and its rivals', in E.K. Wheelwright and K. Buckley, eds., The Political Economy of Australian Capitalism, Vol. 3 (Sydney, continue

1978; M. Hechter, Internal Colonialism (London, 1975); W. Sloan, 'Ethnicity or imperialism?', Comparative Studies in Sociology and History, 1979; and especially by J. Saul, The dialectics of class and tribe', in his State and Revolution in East Africa (New York, 1979). The classic works remain V.I. Lenin, The Development of Capitalism in Russia (Moscow, 1956), pp.172-7, 363ff. and A. Gramsci, "The southern question', in his The Modern Prince and Other Questions (New York, 1957).

2. P. Harries, 'Ethnicity, history and ethnic frontiers: the Ingwavuma district in the 19th century', Journal of Natal and Zululand History (1983) and 'Slavery, social incorporation and surplus extraction: the nature of free and unfree labour in south-east Africa', Journal of African History, Vol. 22 (1981), pp. 309-30.

3. P. Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique to South Africa', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1983, Chapters 7 and 8.

4. H.A. Junod, "The Ba-Thonga of the Transvaal', South African Association for the Advancement of Science, Vol. 3 (1905), pp.229-31, 327; A. Grandjean, La Mission Romande (Lausanne, 1917), p.59.

5. A history of these migrations has yet to be written, but see J.D. Krige, 'Traditional origins and tribal relations of the Sotho of the northern Transvaal', Bantu Studies, Vol. 11 (1937); Junod, 'Ba-Thonga', pp.229-31, 237; idem, Life of a South African Tribe (London, 1927), Vol. I, pp.17, 28; Vol. II, pp.169, 584-6; B.H. Dicke, "The Northern Transvaal Voortrekkers', South African Annual Year Book (henceforth SAAYB ) (1953), pp.138-41; Grandjean, La Mission, pp.59-60, 77; N.J. van Warmelo, A Preliminary Survey of the Bantu Tribes of South Africa (Pretoria, 1935), p.91; A. Nachtigal, 'Beitrage zur Geschichter der Knopneuse', in Tagebuch, band 2, vol. I (University of South Africa Archives), pp.237, 277-84.

6. Archivo Historica Ultramarino, Lisbon. Governors' Correspondence, Pasta 19, GLM to GGM, 13 Aug. 1862, encl. in GGM to MSMU, 14 Oct. 1862; A. Merensky, Erinnerungen aus dem Missionleben (Berlin, 1899), p.90; J.A. Albasini letterbooks, Albasini to GLM, 2 April 1862; Nachtigal, Tagebuch, band 2, I, 280; War Office, Native Tribes of the Transvaal (Pretoria, 1905).

7. J.B. de Vaal, 'Die rol van João Albasini in die geskiedenis van die Transvaal', SAAYB (1953); T.A, SN.1.A., Oscar Dahl, 'Estimate of able-bodied armed men in the Zoutpansberg, 1879'; Interviews with Chiefs Chevane, Nqcapu and Lucas Siweya, and headman Maswanganyi, April 1979; and with Edmund Mabyalane, February 1981.

8. T.A. SS.37.R4298/61, Albasini to President, 2 March 1861; St.V. Erskine, MS of 1869 in Royal Geographic Society, London, p.27; Berliner Missionsberichte (1863), p.7; T.A. SS.1240.R3129/86, encl. in N.C., Spelonken, to Superintendent of Native Affairs, 24 Aug. 1884; T.A. SN.1.A, Dahl, 'Estimate'; T.A. SN.2, Report of [ sic ] the chiefs and population in the northern part of the district of Zoutpansberg; BMSAS, Vol. 6, No. LXIV (1886), pp.13-14, and Vol. 8, No. XIVC (1891), p.192; P. Berthoud, Lettres Missionaires (Lausanne, 1900), pp.246-7.

9. See Immigrants Regulation Act No. 22 of 1913.

10. Swiss Mission Archive, Lausanne, Switzerland (SMA) 10.8.B, Paul Berthoud to Council, 22 Dec. 1877; Zoutpansberg Review, 7 Sept. 1896.

11. N.J. van Warmelo, 'Grouping and ethnic history', in I. Schapera, ed., The Bantu-Speaking Tribes of South Africa (London, 1934), pp.56, 63.

12. St. V. Erskine, MS of 1869 in Royal Geographic Society, London, p.45; A.T. Bryant, Olden Times in Zululand and Natal (London, 1929), pp.286-7; C.M. Doke and B. Vilikazi, Zulu-English Dictionary (Johannesburg, 1972).

13. The Maputo (Mabudu) used the term with reference to the senior (Tembe) branch of their clan. It was also used by the Gaza Nguni in the Lower Zambezi river valley. C. de B. Webb and J. Wright, eds., The James Stuart Archive, Vol. 2 (Durban, 1979), p.143; A. Isaacman, The Tradition of Resistance in Mozambique (London, 1976), p.xxiv, n.2. break

14. Junod, Life, Vol. 1, p.l5; Bryant, Olden Times, p.83.

15. The adoption of this term has been strongly criticized as it represents another soundshift in the terms /ronga/ and /tonga/ ('easterners'). H. Berthoud, 'Quelques remarques sur la famille des langues bantous et sur la langue Tzonga en particulier', in Xe Congrès International des Orientalistes (1894); Junod, Life, Vol. 1, pp.16-17.

16. The word 'mulandi' was used by the people of the Delagoa Bay area to designate all blacks, irrespective of their origins. This term was then adopted by the Portuguese as 'Landim' and was used variously to describe the black peoples in the neighborhood of Lorenco Marques, blacks living south of the Sabi river, displaced Nguni groups, Mozambican soldiers of African extraction serving in the Portuguese army, and blacks in general. C. Montez, 'As racas indigenas de Mocambique', Mocambique, No. 23 (1940), pp. 53-66; Nunes to GGM, 4 Oct. 1830 in F. Santana, Documentacao avulsa Mocambicana (Lisbon, 1967), pp.ii, 222; F.L. Barnard, A Three Year Cruise in the Mozambique Channel (London, 1848); pp.165, 261; E.C. Tabler, ed., The Zambesi Papers of Richard Thornton , Vol. 1 (London, 1963), pp.53-5, 57, 69; H.A. Junod, Grammaire et Manuel de Conversation Ronga (Lausanne, 1896), p.4-5.

17. East Coast traders were also called 'Tcheke' because they had discarded skins for cotton clothing. In the Phalaborwa area eastern hunters were called 'Mabono'. North Sotho-speakers referred to the Gwamba as 'Koapas' because of a sound-shift and sometimes used the term 'Toka', the northern Sotho sound-shifted form of 'Tonga'.

Many Chopi, Shona and Tonga chiefdoms also tattooed their faces. This custom had largely died out by the 1880s and was never practised by the Tsonga-speaking immigrants from the southern Delagoa Bay region. Junod, Life, Vol. 1, pp.178-80; Nachtigal, Tagebuch, band 2, 1, p.281. For the different terms, see P. Berthoud, 'Grammatical note on the Gwamba language in South Africa', Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 16 (1884), pp.45-7.

18. See P. Harries, 'The roots of ethnicity: discourse and the politics of language construction in southeast Africa', African Affairs, No. 346 (1988), pp.25-52.

19. They were particularly influenced by the work of two Sotho evangelists, who had translated prayers and songs into Gwamba before their arrival, and by two assistants known only as Zambiki and Mbizana. M.C. Bill, ed., Tsonga Bibliography, 1883-1983 (Braamfontein, 1983), p.l2.

20. Sipelele si sironga: abécédaire et livre de lecture en dialect Ronga (Lausanne, 1894); Grammaire et Manuel de Conversation Ronga (Lausanne, 1896); Les Chants et les contes des Ba-Ronga (Lausanne, 1897); 'Les Baronga', Bulletin de la Société Neuchâteloise de Géographie, Vol. 10 (1898).

21. For the debate between Junod and Berthoud, see S.M.A. 1255/B, H. Berthoud, 'Rapport sur l'expedition à Magude, 1885', 'Rapport sur l'expedition chez Gungunyana, 1891', and 'Quelques remarques sur la famille des langues Bantou'; 1254/B, H. Junod, 'Étude comparative du shiGouamba et du shiRonga', March 1893; H. Junod, Thonga, Gouamba, Djonga, Ronga', BMSAS, No. 114 (1894); Ilse Hone, "The history of the development of Tsonga orthography', unpublished manuscript, 1981.

22. SMA. 1255/B, 'Rapport sur l'expedition à Magude, 1885'.

23. H-P. Junod, 'Reflexions sur l'origine, la croissance et l'état actuel de la langue et de la nation Tsonga', in W.J.G. Möhlig, F. Rottland and B. Heine, Zur Sprachgeschichte und Ethnohistorie in Afrika (Berlin, 1977), p.91; Bill, Tsonga Bibliography, p.10.

24. 'The Ba-Thonga', p.229.

25. Junod, Life, Vol. 2, p.153.

26. Berthoud, 'Grammatical Note on the Gwamba Language', p-47.

27. Junod, Life, Vol. 1, pp.14-15, 356. For a socio-political analysis of African language construction, see Harries, 'The roots of ethnicity', passim . break

28. H.A. Stayt, The Ba Venda (London, 1931), p.55; War Office, Native Tribes, p.133; W.L. Distant, A Naturalist in the Transvaal (London, 1892), p.101; E. Thomas, 'Le Bokaha', But. Soc. Neuchâteloise de Geogr ., (1894), 164-7; P. Berthoud, Lettres Missionaires (Lausanne, 1900), p.268.

29. Junod, Life, Vol. 2, p.622; War Office, Native Tribes, p.131; see also Manuel Simões Alberto, 'Contribuição para o Estudo Antropologico dos "Tongas do Sul" ', Bol. Soc. Estudos Moc ., Vol. 25, No. 92 (1955); R. Dart, 'Racial origins', in Schapera, ed., Bantu-Speaking Tribes, pp.23-4, 27.

30. Stayt, The Bavenda, pp.188-9; Junod, Life, Vol. 1, pp.71-2, 254, 292; E. Krige, The Realm of the Rainqueen (Oxford, 1943), p.88-94, 121; Thomas, 'Le Bokaha', p.161.

31. Probably the leading, but by no means only, example of this form of 'ethno-history' is to be found in M. Wilson and L. Thompson, eds., Oxford History of South Africa, Vol. 1 (London, 1969).

32. G. Theal, History of South Africa since 1795, Vol. 4 (London, 1908), p.476; E. Walker, A History of South Africa (London, 1928), p.286; B.H. Dicke, The first Voortrekkers', South African Journal of Science, Vol. 2 (1926), p.1012; War Office, Native Tribes, Vol. 2, p.64; H.W. Grimsehl, 'Onluste in Modjadjiland, 1890-1894', SAAYB (1955), pp.204, 211-15, 229; J.A. Moulton, 'General Piet Joubert in die Transvaalse Geskiedenis', SAAYB (1957), pp.152, 156.

33. SMA, 8.10.B, H. Berthoud to Grandjean, 20 Aug. 1886.

34. Ibid., 20 March 1888, 5 Aug. 1888, 16 Nov. 1900; H. A. Junod, Ernest Creux et Paul Berthoud (Lausanne, 1933), p.55.

33. SMA, 8.10.B, H. Berthoud to Grandjean, 20 Aug. 1886.

34. Ibid., 20 March 1888, 5 Aug. 1888, 16 Nov. 1900; H. A. Junod, Ernest Creux et Paul Berthoud (Lausanne, 1933), p.55.

35. Junod, Life, Vol. 1, p.356. One of Junod's informants remarked that 'a clan without a chief has lost its reason; it is dead'. Ibid., p.382. Another missionary stated, 'take away the chief, break the tribe and the individual becomes more conscious of himself. SMA 513/B, A. Grandjean to Leresche, 5 Sept. 1894.

36. Junod, Life, Vol. 1, pp.253, 356-440; Vol. 2, pp.6-7, 338.

37. Ibid., Vol. 1, p.253.

36. Junod, Life, Vol. 1, pp.253, 356-440; Vol. 2, pp.6-7, 338.

37. Ibid., Vol. 1, p.253.

38. SMA 8.11.B, P. Berthoud to Mission Council, 22 Dec. 1877; Northern Division Native Commissioner, Report in Transvaal Commissioner for Native Affairs Department, Annual Report, 1902-03, B18; Transvaal Native Affairs Department, Report, 1905, p.61.

39. Berthoud, Lettres Missionaires, p.376-7; B.H. Dicke, The Bush Speaks (Pietermaritzburg, 1936), pp.38-40; Interview with Ncapu Siweya and Ndengeza Wamunungu, 16 April 1979.

40. P. Rich, 'The origins of apartheid ideology', African Affairs, No. 315 (1980), pp.178-9.

41. Berthoud, Lettres Missionaires, pp.363, 365; Grandjean, La Mission, p.87.

42. SMA 8.11.C, P. Berthoud to Mission Council, 13 Sept. 1873; W. Nelson, letter of 31 Jan. 1878, Africana Notes and News, Vol. 20, No, 6 (1973), p.196.

43. L'Afrique Explorée et Civilizée, Vol. 2 (1880-1881), p.163; TA. C.27.18, 'Report on the Knobnose location'.

44. SMA 8.10.B, H. Berthoud to Ch. Cuenod, 4 May 1888.

45. Zoutpansberg Review, 3 March 1891.

46. In the 1890s, the South African Republic attempted to extract a tax of 12 s 6 d from all Africans. Those living in the reserves paid an extra £2 and 10 s for each additional wife. B.H. Dicke, evidence in the Transvaal Labour Commission (Pretoria, 1904), p.323; E. Brookes, A History of Native Policy in South Africa (Cape Town, 1924), pp.121-2; Petrus Naude, 'Boerdery in die Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek, 1858-1899', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of South Africa, 1954, p.217.

47. Zoutpansberg Review, 3 Feb. 1892.

48. Zoutpansberg Review, 14 Jan. 1895, 2 Oct. 1896, 9 Nov. 1896, 14 Dec. 1896; De Boerevriend, 9 Nov. 1895; Evidence of Brandt in Transvaal Indigency Commission continue

1906-7, Report 207. See also Naude, 'Boerdery in die S.A.R.', passim, and J.L. Hattingh, 'Die Trekke uit die Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek en die Oranje-Vrystaat, 1875-1895', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pretoria, 1975, passim .

49. SMA 8.10.B, H. Berthoud to Mission Council, 22 Jan. 1889, 24 June 1890, 17 Feb. 1891; Zoutpansberg Review, 5 March 1892, 27 Jan. 1896, 1 June 1896; BMSAS, No. 124 (1895), p.423; Evidence of Dicke in Transvaal Land Commission; Evidence of Hogge and Munnik to South African Native Affairs Commission, pp.457, 488.

50. TA. C.27.18, G.G. Murray to Native Locations Commission, 16 Aug. 1906.

51. E. Creux, BMSAS (1909), p.153; Transvaal Legislative Assembly, Debates (1908), pp.279, 312; Transvaal Native Affairs Department, Annual Report (1908-09), pp.11, 48; Ibid ., (1909-10), pp.51-2.

52. Transvaal Native Affairs Department, Report (1909-10), passim .

53. Natives' Land Commission, UG 19-16, Appendix IV, pp.7, 126, 230.

54. Evidence to the Natives Economic Commission (NEC), by Kirsten (pp.256, 259, 261, 264) and Daneel (pp.210-221) (TS in Herbst Papers, University of Cape Town Library); H. Rogers, Native Administration in the Union of South Africa (Pretoria, 1949), p.127.

55. Tenants paid rents of £2, plus grazing fees for cattle and sheep, to land companies and £1 for Crown Land. Three months' labour service undertaken by a single male was valued at £4 10s in the late 1920s. Eastern Transvaal Natives' Land Commission (1918), UG 32-1918, 82-3; SC10-27, 117-23.

56. NEC, Evidence of Chief Senthumula, p.64.

57. This is evident from the interviews of the NEC of 1930 by Gilbertson, pp.39, 44, 49, Lyle, pp.115-21, Daneel, pp.190, 195, 213, and Sibasa, p.149. Stevenson Hamilton, The Low-Veld (London, 1929), pp.182, 251.

58. N.J. van Warmelo, A Preliminary Survey of the Bantu Tribes of South Africa (Pretoria, 1935), p.90.

59. Evidence of E. Creux, South Africa Native Affairs Commission (SANAC), 1903-05, pp.612, 614; Transvaal Native Affairs Department, Report (1905), p.60; War Office, Native Tribes, pp. 66-7; Van Warmelo, Ethnographic Survey, p.90; J.D. Krige, 'Traditional origins of the Sotho of the northern Transvaal'; Krige, Realm of the Rain Queen, p.325.

60. Zoutpansberg Review, 8 Aug. 1892, 4 May 1896; Transvaal Indigency Commission, 1906-7, Report, p.63; W. Bleloch, The New South Africa (London, 1902), p.163.

61. SANAC Vol. 4 (1903-05), p.488, evidence of Munnik.

62. S. Bovet, BMSAS (1911), p.82; Natives Land Commission (UG 19-'16) Appendix IV, p.7.

63. Evidence of H.R. Abercrombie, SC 10-'27, 205; Eastern Transvaal Natives' Land Commission, pp.62, 76, 89, 97; Standard Bank (SB), 1/1/366, Louis Trichardt Report for 1937.

64. Evidence of Daneel to NEC, p.227. See also pp.202, 210-11, 221, 228.

65. Evidence of Kirsten in ibid ., pp.257-8. See also pp.256, 259-64.

66. Eastern Transvaal Natives' Land Commission, p.74.

67. Transvaal Indigency Commission, 1906-7, Report; Borlie in BMSAS (1909), p.154; Zoutpansberg Review, 9 Nov. 1896.

68. SB. Louis Trichardt Annual Reports, 1928, 1930, 1932-3, 1933, 1935.

69. Zoutpansberg Review, 28 Jan. and 25 Feb. 1936; SB, 1/1/366, Louis Trichardt Report, 1937.

70. Star, 14 and 22 Feb. 1935; 28 Dec. 1938.

71. Valdizia Bulletin, 4 July 1932.

72. Ibid ., 2 Feb. 1935.

71. Valdizia Bulletin, 4 July 1932.

72. Ibid ., 2 Feb. 1935.

73. Evidence of Munnik to SANAC, pp.481-2; Evidence of Brandt to TLC, p. 206; continue

Rogers, Native Administration, pp.4-9.

74. Evidence of Abel Erasmus et al . to Native Location Commission, 27 Sept. 1905.

75. War Office, Native Tribes, pp.71, 122.

76. P. Harries, 'The anthropologist as historian and liberal: H.-A. Junod and the Thonga', Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 8, No. 1 (1981), pp.37-50.

77. Brookes, Native Policy, pp.156, 205, 333-5, 355.

78. Cf. the Bantu Affairs Act No. 23 of 1920 and, especially, the Native Administration Act of 1927. For the history of this legislation, see S. Dubow, 'Holding "a just balance between black and white": the Native Affairs Department in South Africa, c. 1920', Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 12, No. 2 (1986), pp.217-39. On Tsonga customary law, see T.D. Ramsay, 'Tsonga Law in the Transvaal', African Studies, Vol. 5, No. 3 (1946).

79. Quoted in M. Morris, 'The development of capitalism in South African agriculture: class struggle in the countryside' in H. Wolpe, ed., The Articulation of Modes of Production (London, 1980), p.230; Eastern Transvaal Natives' Land Commission, p.380.

80. Cited in P. Bonner, "The black mineworkers' strike: a preliminary account', in B. Bozzoli, ed., Labour, Townships and Protest (Johannesburg, 1979), pp.287-8.

81. E. Brookes, The Colour Problem in South Africa (Lovedale, 1934), pp.137-40.

82. E. Krige, 'The place of the north-eastern Transvaal Sotho in the southern Bantu complex', Africa, Vol. 9, No. 3 (1938), p.292.

83. Junod, Life, Vol. 2, pp.479-504; J.C. Kotze, 'Aanpassing en kompensasie in politieke ontwikkeling', in South African Journal of Ethnology, Vol. 2, No. 1 (1979), pp.38-9.

84. Evidence of Takilane, one of (the Venda) chief Sibasa's headmen, before Natives' Lands Commission (UG 22-1916), p.70. For similar views, see Headman Piet Boi, UG 19-'16, p.381.

85. Valdezia Bulletin, Aug. 1934.

86. C.E. Davel, 'Die Werk van die WNLA, 1900-1910', unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Pretoria, 1969, p.73; J.K. McNamara, 'Development of the recruitment infrastructure: labour migration routes to the Witwatersrand gold mines and compound accommodation, 1889-1917', South African Labour Bulletin (1979).

87. Chamber of Mines, Annual Report (CMAR) (1894), p.34; CMAR (1895); TA SSA 329 R1959, Sec., Robinson Mines to SS, 7 Feb. 1896, encl. in R9607, pp.33, 37, 43, 44; Annual Report of the Association of Mines (1896), p.61; CMAR (1898), p.57.

88. S. Moroney, 'Industrial conflict in a labour repressive economy: black labour on the Transvaal gold mines, 1901-1912', unpublished B.A. Honours thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, 1976, pp.44-5; C.R. Diamond, 'African labour problems on South African gold mines with special reference to the strike of 1946', unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Cape Town, 1968, pp.152, 201-2; J.K. McNamara, 'Social life, ethnicity and conflict in a gold mine hostel', unpublished M.A. thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, 1978, pp.31, 37, 39, 107-09, 120-21; P. Pearson, "The social structure of a South African gold mine hostel', unpublished B.A. Honours thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, 1975, pp.10, 13-15; T. Dunbar Moodie, 'The rules are there to protect those in power only', unpublished essay presented at the Witwatersrand History Workshop, 1978.

89. Editorial, The Mining Survey, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1954), pp.l4-20.

90. Native Grievances Enquiry (1913-14) (UG 37), Report, p.64; D. Horner and A. Kooy, 'Conflict on South African mines, 1972-1979', SALDRU Working Papers No. 29, University of Cape Town, 1980, p.17.

91. N. Jaques, BMSAS (1910), p.190; Relatório do Curador, 1912-13 (Lourenço Marques, 1913), pp.92, 97; ibid . (1913-14), pp.165-6; Moroney, 'Industrial conflict', pp.107-8; Homer and Kooy, 'Conflict on South African mines', p.112; McNamara, 'Social life', pp.50-51, 60, 72, 76, 81, 93; Pearson, 'Social structure', p.46. break

92. TA. GNLB 125. 2201/13. 'Competitive dances among the Portuguese natives in mine compounds', September 1920.

93. Chamber of Mines, 'The native worker on the Witwatersrand goldmines', Public Relations Department series, No. 7 (1947), p.8.

94. H. Tracey, Chopi Musicians (London, 1948), p.30, cited in L. Vail and L. White, 'Forms of resistance: songs and perceptions of power in colonial Mozambique', American Historical Review, Vol. 88, No. 4 (1983), p.915. The skins referred to in the song are those of the costumes worn by Chopi dancers in the migodo, and the implication is that the Sotho and Xhosa have been busy grabbing food for themselves while the Mozambique workers have been heedlessly enjoying themselves by dancing.

95. Moroney, 'Industrial conflict', p.110; P.Bonner, 'The 1920 black mineworkers' strike', pp.283-5.

96. E.G. Jansen, Native Policy in the Union of South Africa (Pretoria, 1950), pp.4-8. See also T. Dunbar Moodie, The Rise of Afrikanerdom (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1975), Chapter 13.

97. Noord Transvaaler, 24 March and 19 Sept. 1950.

98. SMA Valdezia Mission Station, receipt for 1957. See also ibid ., 1956.

99. Surplus Peoples Project, Vol. 5 (Cape Town); P. Harries, 'A forgotten corner of the Transvaal: reconstructing the history of a relocated community through oral testimony and song', in B. Bozzolli, ed., Class, Community and Conflict: South African Perspectives (Johannesburg, 1987).

100. Ibid .; South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR), Handbook, 1959-60 (Johannesburg) p.48; J.C.M. Mbata, The Operation of the Bantu Authorities System in the Northern Transvaal (SAIRR, Johannesburg, 1960), pp.4-5; Interview with Chief Mhinga, Dec. 1983.

99. Surplus Peoples Project, Vol. 5 (Cape Town); P. Harries, 'A forgotten corner of the Transvaal: reconstructing the history of a relocated community through oral testimony and song', in B. Bozzolli, ed., Class, Community and Conflict: South African Perspectives (Johannesburg, 1987).

100. Ibid .; South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR), Handbook, 1959-60 (Johannesburg) p.48; J.C.M. Mbata, The Operation of the Bantu Authorities System in the Northern Transvaal (SAIRR, Johannesburg, 1960), pp.4-5; Interview with Chief Mhinga, Dec. 1983.

101. In 1960 it was estimated that the northern Transvaal reserves carried 5 times too many people and 4 times too many cattle. Noord Transvaaler, 12 Dec. 1960.

102. The material upon which the following section is based has been drawn largely from the private records of the people concerned. See also C. Desmond, The Discarded People (Johannesburg, 1969), pp.147-8.

103. D. Baloyi to M.D.C. de Wet Nel, Sept. 1964 (private letter).

104. "The case against the proposed incorporation of the farm Ongedacht and the consequent removal of the Shangaan residents' (n.d. May 1984?), privately circulated.

105. Hansard, Vol. 20, 1970, cols. 1782-83.

106. Gazankulu Legislative Assembly, Debates (GLA), 1st session, 1972: pp.23, 34, 40-41, statements of Chief Mnisi.

107. GLA, Vol. 27, 1982, pp.586-93; A. Zwi, 'Piecing together health in the homelands', Carnegie Conference, University of Cape Town, April 1984, paper No. 187, pp.17-19.

108. GLA, Vol. 29, May-June 1982, pp.87, 148, 183; Surplus Peoples Project, Vol. 5, pp.158, 174-5; GLA, Vol. 29, 1982, p.122.

109. Cf. Rand Daily Mail, 27-8 Feb. and 1 March 1985; private correspondence.

110. Mhalamhala (Giyani newspaper), 7 and 9 May 1984.

111. South African Institute of Race Relations (SAIRR), Annual Survey, 1984, pp.501-02; J.J. Kritzinger, 'Die onvoltooide sendingtaak in Gazankulu', mimeo, Dutch Reformed Church, n.p., 1982, p.43. See particularly Institute of Development Studies, Rand Afrikaans University, A Development Framework for Gazankulu (Johannesburg, 1983).

112. On poverty in Gazankulu see the Carnegie Conference papers (1984) by Catherine Schneider, 'Microstudies in Gazankulu: study of 8 villages in two districts of Gazankulu', paper No. 66, and P. Harries, 'Aspects of poverty in Gazankulu: three case studies', paper No. 67. break

113. See the 'Draft constitution of the national, cultural, liberation movement for the development and direction of the people of Gazankulu and to be known as the Ximoko xa Rixaka', mimeo.

114. M. Horrell, The African Homelands of South Africa (Johannesburg, 1961), pp.60-61; BENBO, Gazankulu—Economic Review (Pretoria, 1976), p.16.

115. Gazankulu Government Gazette, Vol. 13, No. 41 (1986).

116. SAIRR, Annual Survey (1985), pp.266-68. This marks a decrease from 71 per cent in 1982/3. GLA, Vol. 25, 1982, p.35.

117. Ibid ., first session, 11-17 April 1972, pp.8-9, 34, 40; Vol. 7, 1973, pp.25, 57.

118. Ibid ., 1st session, 11-17 April 1972, p.l8.

119. Ibid ., 8th session, Vol. 13, 1978, 21—'Descendants of Gwambe and Dzavana', the founding ancestors of the Djonga according to Junod, Life, Vol. 1, p.21; Vol.2, p.349.

116. SAIRR, Annual Survey (1985), pp.266-68. This marks a decrease from 71 per cent in 1982/3. GLA, Vol. 25, 1982, p.35.

117. Ibid ., first session, 11-17 April 1972, pp.8-9, 34, 40; Vol. 7, 1973, pp.25, 57.

118. Ibid ., 1st session, 11-17 April 1972, p.l8.

119. Ibid ., 8th session, Vol. 13, 1978, 21—'Descendants of Gwambe and Dzavana', the founding ancestors of the Djonga according to Junod, Life, Vol. 1, p.21; Vol.2, p.349.

116. SAIRR, Annual Survey (1985), pp.266-68. This marks a decrease from 71 per cent in 1982/3. GLA, Vol. 25, 1982, p.35.

117. Ibid ., first session, 11-17 April 1972, pp.8-9, 34, 40; Vol. 7, 1973, pp.25, 57.

118. Ibid ., 1st session, 11-17 April 1972, p.l8.

119. Ibid ., 8th session, Vol. 13, 1978, 21—'Descendants of Gwambe and Dzavana', the founding ancestors of the Djonga according to Junod, Life, Vol. 1, p.21; Vol.2, p.349.

116. SAIRR, Annual Survey (1985), pp.266-68. This marks a decrease from 71 per cent in 1982/3. GLA, Vol. 25, 1982, p.35.

117. Ibid ., first session, 11-17 April 1972, pp.8-9, 34, 40; Vol. 7, 1973, pp.25, 57.

118. Ibid ., 1st session, 11-17 April 1972, p.l8.

119. Ibid ., 8th session, Vol. 13, 1978, 21—'Descendants of Gwambe and Dzavana', the founding ancestors of the Djonga according to Junod, Life, Vol. 1, p.21; Vol.2, p.349.

120. University of South Africa Archives, AC 23c, Potgieter Collection on Tsonga Cultural Academy; D, Dison, 'Opposition parties in Vendaland and Gazankulu', Conference on the History of Opposition in South Africa, mimeo, Johannesburg, 1978, p.280.

121. Based on songs collected in July 1984.

122. Cf. N. Alexander, 'Nation and ethnicity', Work in Progress, No. 28 (Johannesburg, August 1983), and 'Race, ethnicity and nationalism in social science in Southern Africa', paper delivered at the Association of Sociology in Southern Africa, University of the Witwatersrand, July 1984.

123. Freedom (Kliptown) Charter, p.6. break

1. Republic of Zambia, Report of the Special International Commission on the Assassination of Herbert Wiltshire Chitepo (Lusaka, 1976).

2. Ndabaningi Sithole, 'Open letter', 10 May 1976.

3. Sithole's announcement of 20 March 1977 is cited and heavily criticized in "The scourge of divisions and splits in the Liberation Movement', Zimbabwe Star, 3 July 1977.

4. M. Sithole, Zimbabwe. Struggles within the Struggle (Salisbury, 1979), pp.70-71.

5. C. Palley, Zimbabwe-Rhodesia. Should the Present Government be Recognised? (London, 1979).

6. C. Hitchins, 'Inequalities in Zimbabwe', Minority Rights Group Report No. 8, Dec. 1979, p.5.

7. C. Hamilton and J. Wright, "The making of the Lala: ethnicity, ideology and class-formation in a precolonial context', unpublished paper given at the University of the Witwatersrand History Workshop, January and February 1984, pp.1-2.

8. D. Beach, The Sbona and Zimbabwe, 900-1830 (London, 1980).

9. H. Holleman, 'Some "Shona" tribes of Southern Rhodesia', in E. Colson and M. Gluckman, eds., Seven Tribes of British Central Africa (Manchester, 1951), p.354.

10. H.H.K. Bhila, Trade and Politics in a Shona Kingdom: The Manyika and their Portuguese and African Neighbours, 1575-1902 (London, 1982).

11. Ibid ., pp.xiv, xvi, 4, 5.

12. Ibid., p.237.

10. H.H.K. Bhila, Trade and Politics in a Shona Kingdom: The Manyika and their Portuguese and African Neighbours, 1575-1902 (London, 1982).

11. Ibid ., pp.xiv, xvi, 4, 5.

12. Ibid., p.237.

10. H.H.K. Bhila, Trade and Politics in a Shona Kingdom: The Manyika and their Portuguese and African Neighbours, 1575-1902 (London, 1982).

11. Ibid ., pp.xiv, xvi, 4, 5.

12. Ibid., p.237.

13. National Archives of Zimbabwe (NAZ), Harare. NUA 2/1/5, Native Commissioner, Umtali, 'History of Umtassa's people', 18 Jan. 1904.

14. NAZ NUA 3/2/1, Native Commissioner, Inyanga, to Superintendent of Natives, Umtali, 2 April 1910.

15. NAZ NUA 3/2/1, Superintendent of Natives, Umtali to Chief Native Commissioner, 8 April 1910; minute by Chief Native Commissioner. break

16. NAZ NUA 3/2/2, Memorandum, 'Mayinini', 20 Dec. 1915.

17. F.W.T. Posselt, A Survey of the Native Tribes of Southern Rhodesia (Salisbury, 1927), pp.9-10.

18. These citations are taken from the original early chapter of Maurice Nyagumbo's draft autobiography, now in my possession. The material was omitted from the text published in M. Nyagumbo, With the People (London, 1980).

19. Letter from Archdeacon J. H. Upcher, Rusape, 10 Dec. 1902, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 43, Feb. 1903, p.6.

20. 'Diary from the Memorial College and Industrial Native Mission', Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 27, Feb. 1899, p.17.

21. I. Hofmeyr, 'Building a nation from words: Afrikaans language, literature and "ethnic identity", 1902-1924', in S. Marks and S. Trapido, eds., The Politics of Race, Class and Nationalism in Twentieth Century South Africa (London and New York, 1987), pp.95-123.

22. For example, J. Fabian, 'Missions and the colonization of African languages: developments in the former Belgian Congo', Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 17, No. 2 (1983).

23. Helen Springer's report, Official Record: AMEC Missionary Conference (henceforth Official Record ), 1905, p.27.

24. J.R. Gates's report. Official Record, 1911, p.15.

25. H.I. James's report, Official Record, 1917, p.28; J.R. Gates's report, Official Record, 1919, p.33.

26. 'Gospelizing the greatest continent' and 'And He said unto me write', African Advance, 2 April-June, 1918, No. 1.

27. E.H. Greeley's report, Minutes of the first session of the East Central Missionary Conference, 1901, p.48.

28. Testimony of Mark Kanogoiwa, Official Record, 1909, p.60.

29. E.H. Greeley's report. Official Record, 1910, pp.63-4.

30. E.H. Greeley's report, Minutes, 1924, pp.34-6.

31. C.M. Doke, Report on the Unification of the Shona Dialects (Hertford, 1931), pp.3-4.

32. E.H. Greeley's report, Official Record, 1909.

33. E.H. Greeley's report. Official Record, 1910, p.63.

34. E.H. Greeley's report, Official Record, 1916, p.29; E.H. Greeley's report, Minutes, 1925, p.43.

35. W.C. Gardiner's report, Official Journal, 1924, p.43.

36. H.N. Howard's report, Official Record, 1910, p.55.

37. 'The policy of the Rhodesia Conference of the Methodist in regard to facilities for the training of teachers', October 1953, Capital Box File, 'Education', Old Umtali Archives.

38. T.O. Ranger, 'Poverty and prophetism: religious movements in the Makoni district, Zimbabwe, 1929 to 1940', Henderson Seminar, University of Zimbabwe, April 1981.

39. T.O. Ranger, 'Religions and rural protests: Makoni district, Zimbabwe, 1900 to 1980', in J. Bak and G. Benecke, eds., Religion and Rural Revolt (Manchester, 1984). For Anglicanism in Makoni in particular, see T.O. Ranger, 'Literature and political economy: Arthur Shearly Cripps and the Makoni labour crisis of 1911', Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol. 9, No. 1 (1982), and T.O. Ranger, 'Medical science and Pentecost: the dilemma of Anglicanism in Africa', in T.O. Ranger and W. Shiels, eds., The Church and Healing (Oxford, 1982).

40. J.H. Upcher's letter, 25 Aug. 1893, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 7, January 1894, p.l5.

41. NAZ PE 3/1/1, Douglas Pelly to his parents, 14 July 1892.

42. Ibid ., Douglas Pelly to his parents, 19 May 1893. break

41. NAZ PE 3/1/1, Douglas Pelly to his parents, 14 July 1892.

42. Ibid ., Douglas Pelly to his parents, 19 May 1893. break

43. "The Bishop's letter', 9 Jan. 1894, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 8, April 1894, pp.5-6.

44. 'The Bishop's letter', 26 Nov. 1895, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 15, February 1896, p.4.

45. NAZ PE 3/1/1, Douglas Pelly to his parents, 6 Dec. 1895.

46. NAZ PE 3/1/3, Douglas Pelly to Frank Ziqubu, 4 March 1897.

47. H.M. M'tobi's letter, 17 Aug. 1896, Letters for the Children, No 4, November 1896, pp.2-3.

48. Bishop Gaul's letter, 1 March 1897, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 20, May 1897, p.4.

49. Ronald Alexander's letter, 15 Dec. 1898, Letters for the Children, No. 13, February 1899, p.3.

50. Ronald Alexander's journal, Letters for the Children, No. 19, August 1900, p.2.

51. A.S. Gibson's letter, 31 July 1904, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 50, November 1904, pp.14-16.

52. W.J. Roxburgh's letter, 17 Sept. 1904, Mashonland Quarterly, No. 51, February 1905, p.10.

53. Edgar Lloyd, 'Mission of the Epiphany, Rusape', Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 52, August 1905, p.19.

54. Edgar Lloyd, 'Mission of the Epiphany, Rusape', Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 54, November 1905, p.21.

55. 'Letter from Canon Hallward', St Augustine's, 17 March 1914, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 88, May 1914, p.9.

56. Ibid .

55. 'Letter from Canon Hallward', St Augustine's, 17 March 1914, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 88, May 1914, p.9.

56. Ibid .

57. C. M. Doke, 'Report on the unification of the Shona dialects', Map 11. Doke wrote: 'Practically every large Mission in the country has extended its work outside the dialectical area in which it began, and in so doing has employed the medium of the first dialect for preaching, instruction and the use of books. . . . Perhaps the most convincing example of this is to be found in the spread of Manyika. Map 11 appended to this report shows convincingly how Manyika books, issued by the Church of England Mission from St Augustine's and Rusape, and by the Methodist Episcopal Mission from Old Umtali, are being used not only in the Manyika area but in practically every other Shona area as well.'

58. E.H. Etheridge's letter, 21 Sept. 1909, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 70, November 1909, p.13.

59. Ibid .

58. E.H. Etheridge's letter, 21 Sept. 1909, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 70, November 1909, p.13.

59. Ibid .

60. S.J. Christelow's letter, 3 Dec. 1914, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 91, Feb. 1915, pp.10-11.

61. H.V. Oldfield's letter, Selukwe, 23 June 1914, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 89, August 1914, p.18.

62. E.H. Etheridge's letter, 7 April 1916, Selukwe, Southern Rhodesia Quarterly, No. 96, May 1916, p.11.

63. 'Letter to the children', Selukwe, Southern Rhodesia Quarterly, No. 114, November 1920, p.10.

64. G. Broderick's letter, Bulawayo, 21 March 1917, Southern Rhodesia Quarterly, No. 100, May 1917, p.9.

65. B.H. Barnes, 'The progress of the new Shona orthography', Native Affairs Department Annual, No. 12 (1934), p.31.

66. Brother Aegidius, 'History of Triashill', n.d., Box 195, Jesuit Archives, Mount Pleasant, Harare, Zimbabwe.

67. Notes by Fr. W. Withnell, n.d., Box 195, Jesuit Archives.

68. Abbot Wolpert to Msgr. Sykes, 22 Aug. 1911, and Fr. M.A. Fleischer to Msgr. Sykes, 1 Oct. 1911, Box 260, File 5, Jesuit Archives.

69. Fr. C. Bert to Msgr. Sykes, 1 Oct. 1911, Box 260, File 5, Jesuit Archives. break

70. Fr. Withnell to Fr. Johanny, 30 Jan. 1932, Box 260, File 2; Withnell to Johanny, 19 May 1931, Box 260, File 3, Jesuit Archives.

71. Triashill teachers to Fr. C. Bert, 26 Feb. 1923, Box 260, File 1, Jesuit Archives.

72. Fr. Richartz to Pro-Prefect, 15 July 1922, Box 260, File 1, Jesuit Archives.

73. Fr. Withnell to Fr. Johanny, 16 June 1930, Box 260, File 3, Jesuit Archives.

74. Msgr. R.B. Brown's circular letter, 25 Aug. 1923, Box 13, Jesuit Archives.

75. Msgr. Brown to Fr. Johanny, 23 Sept. 1924, Box 195; entry for 4 Oct. 1924, Chronicle of Triashill; Fr. Ignatius Arnoz to Msgr. Brown, 4 and 12 Oct. 1914, Box 260, File 1, Jesuit Archives.

76. Msgr. Brown to 'Your Excellency', 8 Aug. 1927, Box 139, File, Jesuit Archives.

77. The fullest evidence of this imbroglio is to be found in Box 139, Jesuit Archives, which contains a useful summary by Fr. Rea, 'The Mariannhill dispute'.

78. Fr. O'Hea to Msgr. Brown, 20 March 1930, Box 195, Jesuit Archives.

79. Fr. O'Hea to Msgr. Brown, 11 Sept. 1930, Box 195, Jesuit Archives.

80. Ibid .

79. Fr. O'Hea to Msgr. Brown, 11 Sept. 1930, Box 195, Jesuit Archives.

80. Ibid .

81. Admin. Apost. to Deleg. Apost., 18 March 1931, Box 195, Jesuit Archives.

82. Ibid .

81. Admin. Apost. to Deleg. Apost., 18 March 1931, Box 195, Jesuit Archives.

82. Ibid .

83. O'Hea to Brown, 11 Sept. 1930, Box 195, Jesuit Archives.

84. Ibid .

83. O'Hea to Brown, 11 Sept. 1930, Box 195, Jesuit Archives.

84. Ibid .

85. H. Buck's letter, St Augustine's, Sept. 1914, Mashonaland Quarterly, No. 90, November 1914, p. l8.

86. T.A. O'Farrell's report. Official Journal, 1935, p.252.

87. R.C. Gates's report, Official Journal, 1935, p.247.

88. K. Hendricks, The Bend in the Road (Cape Town, n.d.), pp.12; 14; 93.

89. Annual Report, Inyanga, 1929.

90. C. Bullock, The Mashona and the Matabele (Cape Town, 1950), p.25.

91. For a vivid account of how a young Makoni migrant activated these networks, see M. Nyagumbo, With the People, passim.

92. Interview with Chief Tandi and elders, Tandi, 27 Feb. 1981.

93. NAZ S.1542.C6, N-Z, 1935-1938. Native Commissioner, Inyanga, to Chief Native Commissioner, 10 Aug. 1936.

94. NAZ NUA 3/2/1, Manyika workers to Native Commissioner, Umtali, 19 Sept., 1913.

95. NAZ S.1542.S12, 1936-1939. Roger Howman, 'An intensive survey of the history and social background of boxing among the natives of Salisbury', 29 June 1931.

96. NAZ S.138.22, 1930-1931. Native Commissioner, Inyanga, to Chief Native Commissioner, 20 Nov. 1930.

97. NAZ S.1542.S12, Superintendent of Natives, Bulawayo, to Chief Native Commissioner, 12 Aug. 1935.

98. NAZ S.138.22, 1930-1931, Superintendent of Natives, Bulawayo, to Chief Native Commissioner, 12 Dec. 1930.

99. Ibid., Native Commissioner, Inyati, to Superintendent of Natives, Bulawayo, 17 Dec. 1930; Native Commissioner, The Range, to Acting Chief Native Commissioner, 12 Dec. 1930.

98. NAZ S.138.22, 1930-1931, Superintendent of Natives, Bulawayo, to Chief Native Commissioner, 12 Dec. 1930.

99. Ibid., Native Commissioner, Inyati, to Superintendent of Natives, Bulawayo, 17 Dec. 1930; Native Commissioner, The Range, to Acting Chief Native Commissioner, 12 Dec. 1930.

100. Interview with Augustine Kwesha, St Xavier's, Manyika, 28 Feb. 1981.

101. Red notebook, 'Written by Patrick Kwesha. 1943. Johannesburg', in possession of Augustine Kwesha.

102. Chief Native Commissioner, Annual Report, 1925.

103. B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983), pp.46-7.

104. R.H. Baker, St Augustine's, 28 Oct. 1931. Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, Annual Reports, 1931, USPG Archives, Westminster.

105. J. Peires, "The Lovedale Press: literature for the bantu revisited', History in Africa, Vol. 6 (1979), pp.160-1. break

106. NAZANG 16/11/1. Circular letter, Olive Lloyd, 19 March 1934.

107. B. Reitz to Miss N. Johnson, 19 Oct. 1947, Green File, 'Scripture Gift Mission', Old Umtali Archives.

108. Tribalism running down the Muzorewa's group', Zimbabwe Star, 6 Dec. 1975.

109. Ranger, 'Religions and rural protest'.

110. T.O. Ranger, Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe: A Comparative Study (London, 1984).

111. J. MacManus, 'The bullies in the bush' The Guardian, 8 Feb. 1980.

112. T.O. Ranger, 'The Church and war: holy men and rural communities in Zimbabwe, 1970-1980', in B. Shiels, ed., The Church and War (London, 1983).

113. 'Angola and Zimbabwe: the parallels', Zimbabwe Star, 17 Jan. 1976. break

1. This essay is based on research carried out in the Public Record Office, London (P.R.O.); the National Library of Scotland, Edinburgh (N.L.S.); and the Malawi National Archives, Zomba. In addition, we have used field data from research carried out in Malawi between 1967 and 1971, in Zambia in 1974, and again in Malawi in 1982 and 1985. We have also drawn on material collected by various researchers of the University of Malawi's Zomba History Project and, in particular, that of Drs Kings Phiri and Megan Vaughn. Citations for field interviews indicate the names of the informant(s), village (vge.), district, and date of interview. Unless otherwise specified, all references are to files in the Malawi National Archives. We acknowledge with thanks financial support from the University of Malawi and from the Leverhulme Trust. Earlier versions of this essay have benefited from many critics, but we would especially like to thank Swanzie, the Dowager Lady Agnew of Lochnau, for her most useful suggestions.

2. 'The President Ngwazi H. Kamuzu Banda speaks to the Women's League at State House in Blantyre on January 1st, 1970', cyclostyled speech issued by the Malawi Government's Department of Information (Blantyre, 1970).

3. 'Installation of Paramount Chief Lundu at Chikwawa, by His Excellency the President, Dr. Kamuzu Banda on July 5, 1969', cyclostyled speech issued by the Malawi Government's Department of Information (Blantyre, 1969), p.4.

4. For a discussion of the decline in the real income of the peasantry during the years of independence, see J. Kydd and R. Christiansen, 'Structural change in Malawi since independence: consequences of a development strategy based on large scale agriculture', World Development, 10, 5 (1982), pp.335-75.

5. The most notable of the studies that concentrate upon the growth of nationalism as the key to an understanding of Malawi's modern history are G. Shepperson and T. Price, continue

Independent African: John Chilembwe and the Origins, Setting and Significance of the Nyasaland Native Rising of 1915 (Edinburgh, 1958); R.I. Rotburg, The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa: The Making of Malawi and Zambia (Cambridge, Mass., 1964); B. Pachai, Malawi: The History of the Nation (London, 1973); and many articles, including J. van Velsen, 'Some early pressure groups in Malawi', in E. Stokes and R. Brown, eds., The Zambesian Past: Studies in Central African History (Manchester, 1966), pp.376-412; R.K. Tangri, 'Inter-War "Native Associations" and the formation of the Nyasaland African Congress', Transafrican Journal of History, 1, 1 (1971), pp.84-102; idem, 'Colonial and settler pressures and the African move to the politics of representation and union in Nyasaland', Journal of African History, 13, 2 (1972), pp.291-304; and idem, 'From the politics of union to mass nationalism: the Nyasaland African Congress, 1944-59', in R.J. Macdonald, ed., From Nyasaland to Malawi: Studies in Colonial History (Nairobi, 1975), pp.235-81, among others.

6. See J.D. Omer-Cooper, The Zulu Aftermath (London, 1966), pp.64-85, for an outline of Ngoni history.

7. For a discussion of earlier Tumbuka history, see H.L. Vail, 'Suggestions towards a reinterpreted Tumbuka history', in B. Pachai, ed., The Early History of Malawi (London, 1971), pp.150-54.

8. Free Church of Scotland—Livingstonia Mission, 'Report on a journey of exploration, September to December, 1879' (n.p., n.d), 2; also N.L. S. MS 7878, Laws to Mission Board, n.d. [1894].

9. Interviews with Zakeyo Soko, Embangweni vge., Mzimba dist., 1 Aug. 1970; with Nelson Nkhata, Thombololo vge., Mzimba dist., 17 Sept. 1970; and with Eliyah Mphangula, Kapela vge., Mzimba dist., 3 Aug. 1970; Group Interview with Chief Mabilawo and councillors, Emgeni vge., Mzimba dist., 30 July 1970; Vulakayina Ngwenya, Edingeni vge., Mzimba dist., 19 Sept. 1971; Zachariyah Mwandila, Nemon Manda, et al., Chimemu vge., Lundazi dist., Zambia, 27 March 1974. See also D. Fraser, Winning a Primitive People: Sixteen Years' Work among the Warlike Ngoni and the Senga and Tumbuka Peoples of Central Africa (London, 1914), pp.121-3.

10. L. Vail, 'The making of the "Dead North": a study of the Ngoni rule in northern Malawi, c. 1855-1907', in J. Peires, ed., Before and After Shaka: Papers in Nguni History (Grahamstown, 1981), pp.143-5.

11. Interviews with Mayibale Munthali, Kaporo vge., Karonga dist., 10 Aug. 1971; and with Nelson Kapila, Katumbi vge., Karonga dist., 11 Aug. 1971.

12. N.L.S. MS 7896, Elmslie to Laws, 22 Oct. 1892.

13. N.L.S. MS 7879, Minutes of the Mission Council at Livingstonia, 12 Nov. 1896; Colonial Office, The Handbook of Nyasaland (London, 1910), p. 106; J.W. Jack, Daybreak in Livingstonia: The Story of the Livingstonia Mission, British Central Africa (London, 1901), pp.328-30.

14. Colonial Office, Handbook of Nyasaland, p.120; J.W. Jack, Daybreak in Livingstonia, p.342.

15. Much of the material in this section of the essay was covered in an earlier working paper published as L. Vail, 'Ethnicity, language and national unity: the case of Malawi', in P. Bonner, ed., Working Papers in Southern African Studies, Vol. 2 (Johannesburg, 1981), pp. 121-63.

16. See, for example, L.M. Fotheringham, Adventures in Nyasaland (London, 1891), pp.21-5; D. Kerr-Cross, 'Reminiscences of Karonga', The Central African Times [CAT], 26 Aug. 1899.

17. J. McCracken, Politics and Christianity in Malawi, 1875-1940: The Impact of the Livingstonia Mission in the Northern Province (Cambridge, 1977), p. 106, quoting a mission report of 1899-1900.

18. Livingstonia Mission Report, 1911, p.38, quoted in McCracken, Politics and continue

Christianity in Malawi, p.106; also NNK 2/4/1, 'Monthly Reports, North Nyasa, 1901/1910', Report for Sept. 1910. In 1929 the Henga—'intelligent and progressive'—were still being contrasted with the 'slack and lethargic' Ngonde. Sl/1631/629, 'District Administration, North Nyasa, 1929', O'Brien to Chief Secretary, 30 Oct. 1929.

19. J. McCracken, 'Religion and politics in northern Ngoniland, 1848-1904', in B. Pachai, ed., The Early History of Malawi (London, 1972), p.225.

20. Interviews with David Sibande, Emoneni vge., Mzimba dist., 14 Sept. 1971; and with Mopho Jere, Ekwalkweni vge., Mzimba dist., 22 Sept. 1971. Also, N. L.S., MS 7879, Walter Elmslie, 'Report for Ngoniland of the Livingstonia Mission, 1895'.

21. McCracken, Politics and Christianity in Malawi, pp.118-19.

22. W.P. Livingstone, Laws of Livingstonia: A Narrative of Missionary Adventure and Achievement (London, n.d.), p.341.

23. Ibid ., p.ll8.

22. W.P. Livingstone, Laws of Livingstonia: A Narrative of Missionary Adventure and Achievement (London, n.d.), p.341.

23. Ibid ., p.ll8.

24. Fraser, Winning a Primitive People, p.195; McCracken, Politics and Christianity in Malawi, p.277.

25. Interviews with Group Village Headman Mucinanguwo, Mwazisi vge., Rumphi dist., 3 Aug 1971; and with Chitamo Gondwe, Mwenilondo vge., Karonga dist., 13 Aug. 1971; T. C. Young, Notes on the History of the Tumbuka-Kamanga Peoples in the Northern Province of Nyasaland, 2nd ed. (London, 1970), p.124.

26. Interview with Chitamo Gondwe, Mwenilondo vge., Karonga dist., 13 Aug. 1971; North Nyasa District Book, III, 92, loose typescript enclosure covering backgrounds of various chiefs of the area.

27. Interview with Group Village Headman Mucinanguwo, Mwazisi vge., Rumphi dist., 3 Aug. 1971.

28. Ibid .; Interview with Chitamo Gondwe, Mwenilondo vge., Karonga dist., 13 Aug. 1971.

29. Ibid .

27. Interview with Group Village Headman Mucinanguwo, Mwazisi vge., Rumphi dist., 3 Aug. 1971.

28. Ibid .; Interview with Chitamo Gondwe, Mwenilondo vge., Karonga dist., 13 Aug. 1971.

29. Ibid .

27. Interview with Group Village Headman Mucinanguwo, Mwazisi vge., Rumphi dist., 3 Aug. 1971.

28. Ibid .; Interview with Chitamo Gondwe, Mwenilondo vge., Karonga dist., 13 Aug. 1971.

29. Ibid .

30. Interview with S.P.K. Nyasulu, Mwenilondo vge., Karonga dist., 12 Aug. 1971; Malawi Society Library, Blantyre, Rangeley Papers, File 1/2/1, T.C. Young to Rangeley, 30 Aug. 1950; Saulos Nyirenda, 'History of the Tumbuka-Henga people', trans. and ed. by T.C. Young, Bantu Studies, 5, 1 (1930), pp. 1-75.

31. Interview with Chitamo Gondwe, Mwenilondo vge., Karonga dist., 13 Aug. 1971. For Nkhonjera's account, see 'History of the Kamanga tribe of Lake Nyasa: a native account', African Affairs, 10, 39 (1911), pp.331-41, and 11, 42 (1912), pp.421-4. Martin Chanock has discussed the northern petty bourgeoisie's enthusiastic embrace of ideas of political hierarchy in his 'Ambiguities in the Malawian political tradition', African Affairs, 84, 296 (1975), pp.327-30.

32. Young's most important works were his Notes on the Speech and History of the Tuumbuka-Henga Peoples (Livingstonia, 1923), Notes on the Speech of the Tumbuka-Kamanga People in the Northern Province of Nyasaland (London, 1932), and Notes on the History of the Tumbuka-Kamanga Peoples in the Northern Province of Nyasaland (London, 1932).

33. Young, History of the Tumbuka-Kamanga, passim, but especially pp. 54-5, 84-6. It is worth noting that at the very time when Young was preparing his history, he was teaching John Gondwe, the son of Chief Chikulamayembe, and was hence in direct contact with the font of 'official' history.

34. In fact, the Tumbuka were divided into many highly localized regional groupings that were frequently almost coterminous with ancient clan boundaries.

35. His interpretation surfaced again in the most recent popular account of Malawi's history, which unaccountably ignores the latest professional historical writing. Pachai, Malawi, pp.10-12.

36. For most of this information about the life of Edward Manda, we are indebted to Dr T.J. Thompson, letter dated 10 March 1977. break

37. S1/2065/19, 'West Nyasa Native Association', Chief Secretary to Laws, 5 Dec. 1919. For a discussion of Nyasaland's 'Native Associations', see Van Velsen, 'Some early pressure groups', passim, and Tangri, 'Inter-war "Native Associations"', passim .

38. NN 1/21/27, 'Native Affairs, North Nyasa', O'Brien to Provincial Commissioner, 1 March 1932.

39. Manda saw himself explicitly as the representative 'for all the educated Henga people, both [in Nkhamanga] and at Karonga'. NN 1/7/4, 'Chiefs and Headmen, 1930-32', Encl. A in Burden to Provincial Commissioner, 28 Aug. 1931.

40. NN 2/1/1, 'Annual Report, North Nyasa, 1930'.

41. For a general discussion of this change, see L. Vail, 'The political economy of East Central Africa', in D. Birmingham and P.M. Martin, eds., History of Central Africa, Vol. 2 (New York, 1983), pp.200-211.

42. See, for example, E.P. Makambe, 'The Nyasaland African labour "ulendos" to Southern Rhodesia and the problem of African "highwaymen", 1903-1923: a study in the limitations of early independent labour migration', African Affairs, 317 (1980), pp.548-66.

43. GOA 5/3//3, 'Major Pearce's confidential notes on Nyasaland (August 1913)'.

44. Interviews with Mopho Jere, Ekwalwani vge., Mzimba dist., Malawi, 22 Sept. 1971; and with Timoti Zimba et al., Mjulu vge., Lundazi dist., Zambia, 11 May 1974; S1/1008/19, 'Annual Report, Mombera, 1918'; S1/1347/19, 'Nyasaland Civil Servants Asscn: petition to Secretary of State for improved conditions of service'; P.R.O. CO 525/97, Smith to Churchill, 29 Aug. 1921, and enclosures.

45. The literature on this aspect of labour migrancy is already substantial. Although written about contemporary Lesotho, Colin Murray's admirable study, Families Divided: The Impact of Migrant Labour in Lesotho (Cambridge, 1981), has much relevance to the general pattern of changes in family life in migrant labour areas in the inter-war period.

46. Nyasaland Protectorate. Orders in Council, Ordinances, Proclamations, Rules & Orders, etc., Promulgated in the Nyasaland Protectorate 1912 (Zomba, n. d.), Ordinance No. 13 of 1912, District Administration (Native) Ordinance—1912.

47. Nyasaland Protectorate. Ordinances of the Nyasaland Protectorate for the Year Ended 31/12/1924 (Zomba, n.d.), The District Administration (Native) Ordinance—1924.

48. This insight is perhaps best brought out in Martin Chanock's seminal study, Law, Custom and Social Order: The Colonial Experience in Malawi and Zambia (Cambridge, 1985), passim, but especially pp.192-216.

49. NN 1/21/17, 'Native Affairs, North Nyasa', O'Brien to Provincial Commissioner, 1 March 1932; NNM 1/15/9, 'Native Authority Chikulamayembe', Memorandum of District Commissioner reporting meeting of 9 July 1931, dated 15 July 1931; NN 1/7/4, Encl. A, in Burden to Provincial Commissioner, 28 Aug. 1931. Interview with S.P.T. Nyasulu, Mwenilondo vge., Karonga dist., 12 Aug. 1971.

50. NN 1/7/4, Encls. A and C in Burden to Provincial Commissioner, 28 Aug. 1931.

51. Ibid., reporting comments of Councillor Juanini.

50. NN 1/7/4, Encls. A and C in Burden to Provincial Commissioner, 28 Aug. 1931.

51. Ibid., reporting comments of Councillor Juanini.

52. SEC 1/67F/37, 'Annual Report, Mzimba District, 1936'.

53. For an example of Manda's mixing of Christianity with African institutions, see NN 1/21/27, 'Native Affairs—North Nyasa', 'Vows of Chieftainship', which Manda drew up for the installation of the chief, but which the British disallowed on the grounds that they would establish Christianity as the official religion of the chieftainship.

54. NN 1/20/4, 'District Councils, North Nyasa', Report of a meeting on 1 May 1932, and minute of District Commissioner.

55. S1/112/34, 'Annual Report, Northern Province, 1933'; NN 1/20/5, 'Native Affairs, North Nyasa', Report of a meeting of Nkhamanga chiefs on 18 April 1933. break

56. S1/89F/35, 'Annual Report, Mzimba District, 1934'.

57. Quoted in McCracken, Politics and Christianity in Malawi, p.289.

58. See, for example, NNM 1/14/6, 'Administration, 1936-37', undated memorandum by G.M. Kayima Mwachanda, encl. in Jennings to Provincial Commissioner, Northern Province, 26 June 1937. Despite the fact that Tumbuka ethnic particularism later became largely subsumed in northern regionalism, these claims have kept alive amongst some Tumbuka a degree of anti-Ngoni animus down to the present. Interview with Chief Mphamba and James Dokowe, Mphamba vge., Lundazi dist., Zambia, 1 May 1974.

59. Nyasaland Protectorate, Report on the Census of 1931 (Zomba, 1932), p.21.

60. For the work of Read, who had been hired by the government to study the effects of labour migrancy on northern Nyasaland, see Vail, 'The making of the "Dead North'", pp.231-3.

61. This process in discussed in some detail in Vail, 'The making of the "Dead North"', pp.238-43.

62. J. Henderson, 'Northern Nyasaland', The Scottish Geographical Magazine, 16 (1900), p.86.

63. Interviews with Chief Mzukuzuku and councillors, Embangweni vge., Mzimba dist., 16 Sept. 1971; and with Paramount Chief Mbelwa III and councillors, Edingeni vge., Mzimba dist., 19 Sept. 1971; P.R.O. C.O. 525/66, Smith to Bonar Law, 17 Jan. 1916. The Mombera District Book, I (1904-07), p.183, has the actual terms of the agreement between Alfred Sharpe and the Ngoni chiefs.

64. Interview with Councillors of Chief Mzukuzuku, Embangweni vge., Mzimba dist., 16 Sept. 1971.

65. GOA 5/3/3, 'Major Pearce's confidential notes on Nyasaland (August 1913)'.

66. P.R.O. C.O. 525/66, Smith to Bonar Law, 17 Jan. 1916, encls. 1 and 4.

67. Interview with Chief Mzukuzuku and councillors, Embangweni vge., Mzimba dist., 16 Aug. 1971.

68. Personal communication from Ching'anya Mkandawire, 10 Dec. 1977.

69. Interview with Levy Mbalo Mtonga, Euthini vge., Mzimba dist., 15 Sept. 1971.

70. Malawi National Archives, Zomba. Charles Chinula Papers, Mombera Native Association Minute Book, Entry for 26/27 Sept. 1921; S1/1182/24, 'Famine relief in Mombera', Provincial Commissioner, Northern Province, to Chief Secretary, 29 Nov. 1924.

71. Obituary of Charles Chinula, The Times (of Blantyre), 19 Nov. 1970.

72. S1/210/20, 'Minutes of Mombera Native Association', meeting of 1-2 Sept. 1920.

73. For an opposing view, see Tangri, 'Inter-war "Native Associations'", p.87, and 'Colonial and settler pressures', p.291, where Tangri describes the associations as 'non-tribal in purpose and outlook.'

74. Personal communication, Dr J. Thompson, 11 May 1978. This book was later translated as My Ngoni of Nyasaland (London, n.d.). When the British anthropologist Margaret Read came to study the Ngoni, her guide was the Rev. Chibambo, who influenced her perceptions so as to produce a favourable view of Ngoni history and institutions in publications.

Evidence of Ngoni decline is present in great abundance in archival files of the 1930s, e.g., S1/18/38, 'Annual Reports, 1937', passim ; Zambian National Archives, Lusaka, ZA 7/1/16/4, 'Annual Report—East Luangwa, 1933: Lundazi District', among others in both the Malawi and Zambian Archives. See also L. Vail, "The state and the creation of colonial Malawi's agricultural economy', in R.I. Rotburg, ed., Imperialism, Colonialism and Hunger: East and Central Africa (Lexington, Ma., 1983), pp.53-65.

75. NC 1/3/5, 'Native Associations', Minute by Brackenbury, 30 Aug. 1930.

76. S1/1365/24, 'Mombera Native Association, 1924-29', Minutes of 12 June 1924 and 1 July 1929. break

77. NN 1/7/1, 'Chiefs and Headmen, 1926-30', Fairfax-Franklin to Provincial Commissioner, 11 Feb. 1927; Provincial Commissioner to Chief Secretary, 17 Feb. 1927.

78. Mombera District Notebook, I, p. 7.

79. B. Pachai, 'African initiatives in the local administration in colonial Malawi: the case of the M'Mbelwa African Administrative Council of Mzimba District', in Macdonald, ed., From Nyasaland to Malawi, p. 196; NN 1/4/1, 'Mombera, North Nyasa and Angoni Highlands Native Associations, 1930-31', Minutes of meeting of the Mombera Native Association, 1 July 1930.

80. S1/112/34, 'Annual Report, Northern Province, 1933'; S1/89F/35, 'Annual Report, Mzimba District, 1934'. See also Zambian National Archives, ZA 7/1/17/1, 'Annual Report, Eastern Province: Lundazi District, 1934', Interview with Chief Magodi and councillors, Egichekeni vge., Lundazi dist., Zambia, 29 April 1974.

81. Pachai, 'African initiatives in local administration', p. 209.

82. Zambia National Archives, Lusaka. SEC/NAT/36, 'Tour Reports, Ft. Jameson, 1938/39', Vol. 3, Tour Report No. 12 of 1938.

83. S1/1008/19, 'Annual Report, Mombera District, 1918', Gov. Smith to Chief Secretary, 7 May 1919.

84. S1/449/32, 'Nyanja as a school language', Minutes of the 4th Session of the Legislative Council.

85. P. R. O. C. O. 525/153, Young to Cunliffe-Lister, 9 Feb. 1934, reporting Thomas's earlier arguments.

86. Quoted in ibid .

87. Ibid .

85. P. R. O. C. O. 525/153, Young to Cunliffe-Lister, 9 Feb. 1934, reporting Thomas's earlier arguments.

86. Quoted in ibid .

87. Ibid .

85. P. R. O. C. O. 525/153, Young to Cunliffe-Lister, 9 Feb. 1934, reporting Thomas's earlier arguments.

86. Quoted in ibid .

87. Ibid .

88. Minute of Livingstonia Mission Council, 15 July 1933, end. in P.R.O. C.O. 525/150.

89. LB 15/1/1, 'Chinjanja as a lingua franca' . Memorandum of W.P. Young, July 1933.

90. NNM 1/16/4, 'Mombera District Council, 1931/39', Meeting of 16 Sept. 1933.

91. NN 1/2005,'Native Administration, Mzimba, 1932-34', Minutes of barazas.

92. S1/449/32, Minute of 19 Oct. 1933.

93. S1/339/32, Chief Kyungu to District Commissioner, 9 Nov. 1932. See also S1/54/33. 'Annual Report, Karonga District, 1932'.

94. P.R.O. C.O. 525/153, Young to Cunliffe-Lister, 9 Feb. 1934.

95. P.R.O. C.O. 525/158, Turner to Vischer, 29 April 1935.

96. Ibid., Minute of Lee, 13 May 1935.

97. Ibid., Bottomley to Kittermaster, 7 June 1935.

95. P.R.O. C.O. 525/158, Turner to Vischer, 29 April 1935.

96. Ibid., Minute of Lee, 13 May 1935.

97. Ibid., Bottomley to Kittermaster, 7 June 1935.

95. P.R.O. C.O. 525/158, Turner to Vischer, 29 April 1935.

96. Ibid., Minute of Lee, 13 May 1935.

97. Ibid., Bottomley to Kittermaster, 7 June 1935.

98. S1/449/32, Minutes of a meeting on 22 June 1936.

99. File 14, 143, 'Vernacular language policy'. Acting Chief Secretary to Provincial Commissioner, Northern Province, 8 July 1947.

100. Mlanje, Blantyre, and Zomba District Books, Vol. 1; Centra] African Planter, 12 May 1897; Chikowi Historical Texts, collected by Kings Phiri, with C. Chidzero and G. Maluza, nos. 1, 3, 6, 7, etc. (deposited in the University of Malawi Library, Zomba, Malawi). For a full account, see Megan Vaughan, 'Social and economic change in southern Malawi: a study of rural communities in the Shire Highlands from the mid-nineteenth century to 1915', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1981.

101. Nyasaland Protectorate. Ordinances, Rules, Proclamations and Notices Promulgated in the British Central African Protectorate (Zomba, 1905), pp. 10-11; COM 6/2/1/1, 'Chilembwe rising—oral evidence', Evidence of A.L. Bruce.

102. P.R.O. C.O. 525/44, Manning to C.O., 2 Nov. 1912, with minute of Parkinson and W. C. S., 23 Dec. 1912.

103. BCAG, 1 June 1895; Chikowi Historical Texts, nos. 4, 17, 20, etc. Group interviews in Chiradzulo district in Mpawa vge., 9 Feb. 1982; Komiha vge., 19 July continue

1982; Bowadi vge., 22 July 1982; and Mpotola vge., 5 Aug. 1982. Mianje, Blantyre, and Zomba District Books, Vol. 1; interviews by Megan Vaughan in Zomba district at Kabango vge., 2 Feb. 1978; Kapichi vge., 19 May 1979; and Chikanda vge., 9 May 1979.

104. Central African Planter, 12 May 1897; BCGA, 29 Nov. 1897.

105. The classic study of the Rising remains Shepperson and Price, Independent African .

106. See ibid., pp.323-59, passim .

105. The classic study of the Rising remains Shepperson and Price, Independent African .

106. See ibid., pp.323-59, passim .

107. See L. White, "Tribes" and the aftermath of the Chilembwe Rising', African Affairs, 84 (1984), pp.511-41, for a discussion of this process.

108. The British were aware that there were Nyanja people in the area, but these were largely disregarded as but a remnant of an inferior people displaced by the superior Yao in the mid-nineteenth century.

109. COM 6/3/1. 'Chilembwe Rising: Judge's records', No. 29; COM 6/3/4/1, 'Magistrate's Court', passim .

110. Ibid., nos. 156-275; COM 6/3/2/3 'Chilembwe Rising: war roll'; S10/1/2, 'Chilembwe Rising: statement of Aida Chilembwe'.

109. COM 6/3/1. 'Chilembwe Rising: Judge's records', No. 29; COM 6/3/4/1, 'Magistrate's Court', passim .

110. Ibid., nos. 156-275; COM 6/3/2/3 'Chilembwe Rising: war roll'; S10/1/2, 'Chilembwe Rising: statement of Aida Chilembwe'.

111. COM 6/2/1/1. 'Chilembwe Rising: oral evidence', evidence of Moggridge. NSB 7/3/2, Chiradzulu. Monthly Reports, reports for February and March 1915, including letters of Milthorpe to Moggridge, 27 Jan. 1915, 28 Jan. 1915, 2 Feb. 1915 and 4 Feb. 1915.

112. S.S. Murray, A Handbook of Nyasaland (Zomba, 1922), pp.45-7; 55-7; 95.

113. NSB 7/3/2, Report for Aug. 1915 and Wade to Moggridge, 17 Aug. 1915; 11 Oct. 1915; 4 Dec. 1915; NSB 7/3/3, Reports for Feb. and March 1916 and Wade to Moggridge, 11 March 1916, 8 July 1916; NSB 2/1/1, Moggridge to Wade, 12 Oct. 1915.

114. NSB 7/3/3, Reports for April 1916 and March and April 1919; District Book for Chiradzulu.

115. Y. Abdallah, The Yaos (Zomba, 1919), preface.

116. NSD 2/1/1, Annual Report for Chiradzulu, 1936.

117. GOB/G, 'A.L. Bruce Estates, Ltd.', Phillips to Ellis, 16 Dec. 1939 and file, passim .

118. Nyasaland Times, 13 July 1942 and 6 Aug. 1942.

119. This sketch of Bandawe's life is taken from L.E. White, Magomero: Portrait of an African Village (Cambridge, 1987), pp.193-4.

120. Nyasaland Times, 30 July 1942; see also L. Bandawe, Memoirs of a Malawian, ed. B. Pachai (Blantyre, 1971), pp.128-9.

121. The literature touching nyau is substantial, but perhaps the most useful in this context is Page, 'The Great War and Chewa society', pp.171-82.

122. Cf. NC 1/3/2, 'Central Province Native Association, 1923-29', Meeting of 19 Nov. 1927; S1/556/29, 'Annual Report, Central Province-1928'.

123. See, for example, J.L. Pretorious, 'An introduction to the history of the Dutch Reformed Church in Malawi, 1889-1914', in Pachai, ed., The Early History, pp.372-5; Linden, Catholics, Peasants and Chewa Resistance, pp.143-4.

124. Ibid ., p.l20.

123. See, for example, J.L. Pretorious, 'An introduction to the history of the Dutch Reformed Church in Malawi, 1889-1914', in Pachai, ed., The Early History, pp.372-5; Linden, Catholics, Peasants and Chewa Resistance, pp.143-4.

124. Ibid ., p.l20.

125. NC 1/2/9, 'Tobacco', Provincial Commissioner, Central Province, to Chief Secretary, 23 June 1924.

126. S2/23/25, 'Native labour, 1925-27', Rankine to Amery, 6 Oct. 1926. For a discussion of the elaboration of this ideological position, see Vail, 'The state and Malawi's agricultural economy', pp.62-3.

127. For a full discussion, see J. McCracken, 'Planters, peasants and the colonial state: the impact of the Native Tobacco Board in the Central Province of Malawi', Journal of Southern African Studies, 9,: (1983), pp.172-92.

128. Ibid., passim .

127. For a full discussion, see J. McCracken, 'Planters, peasants and the colonial state: the impact of the Native Tobacco Board in the Central Province of Malawi', Journal of Southern African Studies, 9,: (1983), pp.172-92.

128. Ibid., passim .

129. Nyasaland Protectorate, Report on the Native Tobacco Industry (Zomba, 1931), p.4; P.R.O.C.O. 525/135, Thomas to Passfield, 6 Dec. 1930.

130. NC 1/2/9, Tobacco, 1923-1930', Memorandum of Murray, 25 June 1930. break

131. S1/3263/23, 'Blantyre Native Association, 1923-1937', Association to Chief Secretary, 25 Feb. 1936.

132. S1/89A-E/35, 'Annual Reports, 1934', Reports for Dedza and Lilongwe districts.

133. H. Rangeley, 'A brief history of the tobacco industry in Nyasaland, Part II', Nyasaland Journal, 11, pp.40-41.

134. G.S. Mwase, Strike a Blow and Die, ed. by R.I. Rotburg (London, 1975).

135. McCracken, 'Peasants, planters, and the colonial state', p.184.

136. For a brief discussion of the roots of this crisis, see Vail, 'The state and the creation of colonial Malawi's agricultural economy', pp.67-72.

137. Nyasaland Protectorate, Reports on the Census of 1945 (Zomba, 1946), passim .

138. Chiradzulu District Notebook; see also W. Allen, The African Husbandman (Edinburgh, 1965), passim .

139. Personal communication, J. Killick, Aug. 1983.

140. NSD 2/1/1-4, 'Annual Reports for Chiradzulu District, 1930-41', passim .

141. G. Coleman, 'Regional and district origins of migrant labour from Malawi to 1946', Journal of Social Science, 6 (1977), p.47.

142. Colonial Office, Report of the Commission Appointed to Enquire into the Financial Position and Further Development of Nyasaland (London, 1938), p.l3.

143. Coleman, 'Regional and district origins', p.55.

144. See Vaughan, 'The 1949 Famine', paper presented at the Malawi Social Science Conference, July 1982.

145. For a discussion of this famine, see M. Vaughan, 'Poverty and famine: 1949 in Nyasaland', Journal of Social Sciences, 11 (1984), pp.46-72.

146. Nyasaland Protectorate, Annual Report of the Department of Agriculture for the year 1954 (Zomba, 1955), p.3; Annual Report of the Department of Agriculture for the Year Ended 31st December 1957, I (Zomba, 1958), p.4.

147. Vaughan, 'Poverty and famine', pp.59-63.

148. For a discussion of the institutional development of this movement, see Rotburg, Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa, pp.179-99.

149. C. Dunn, Central African Witness (London, 1959), pp.107-8; T.D. Williams, Malawi: The Politics of Despair (Cornell, 1978), pp.126-8.

150. See M. W. Kanyame Chiume, Kwacha: An Autobiography (Nairobi, 1975), p.211, for a discussion of post-independence reductions in civil service salaries and benefits.

151. Rotburg, Rise of Nationalism, p.318.

152. Cited in Andrew Ross, 'The crisis in Malawi, 1964-1965', unpublished essay, 1984.

153. C. McMasters, Malawi: Foreign Policy and Development (London, 1974), p.65.

154. Chiradzulu District Notebook.

155. The existence of the Lomwe/Chewa alliance is well known in Malawi, but little concrete information is available as to what the Lomwe leaders have obtained from it. It is generally believed, however, that the majority of the Malawian army is Lomwe in origin as are many of the police. For years MCP officials, including the President himself, could not appear publicly in predominantly Yao areas, such as Mangoche and Mulanje districts.

156. 'Installation of Paramount Chief Lundu', p.6.

157. Personal communication, Lady Swanzie Agnew, 14 June 1978. Banda's deep concern for a paper majority for the so-called 'Chewa' was demonstrated when he ordered the University of Malawi to use no longer the services of the University of London's distinguished linguist, Professor Wilfred Whiteley, after he observed in a report prepared for the University that the number of Chewa-speakers was clearly exaggerated in official estimates.

158. COM 6/2/1/1, 'Chilembwe Rising—oral evidence'. Evidence of R.S. Hynde.

159. See Vail, 'The state and the creation of colonial Malawi's agricultural economy', pp.72-8.

160. For a discussion of this process, see Kydd and Christiansen, 'Structural changes in continue

Malawi since independence', passim, and Clement H.S. Ng'ong'ola, 'Statutory law and agrarian change in Malawi', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1983, pp.411-24.

161. Graham H.R. Chipande, 'Smallholder agriculture as a rural development strategy: the case of Malawi', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Glasgow, 1983, p.75.

162. John E. Hooper, 'The politics of patronage: an assessment of the political economy of Malawi since independence', unpublished M.A. thesis, University of York, 1984, pp.37-8.

163. S. Thomas, 'Economic developments in Malawi since independence', Journal of Southern African Studies, II, 1 (1975), p.49.

164. Unattributable interview; Thomas, 'Economic developments', p.49.

165. M.H. Watkins, A Grammar of ChiChewa (Philadelphia, 1937), p.7.

166. Short, Banda, p.93.

167. Many of these themes may be found, for example, in speeches made by President Banda on the nature of the Chewa language at the University of Malawi, Limbe, 4 February 1966, and on the nature of Chewa history at the University of Malawi, Bunda, in 1968. See also Chiume, Kwacha, pp.166-76, for a discussion of Banda's earlier imperial desires.

168. Personal observations, Chikwawa town, Chikwawa district, 10 June 1968.

169. Chiume, Kwacha, p.225.

170. M. Schoffeleers, 'The meaning and use of the name Malawi in oral tradition and pre-colonial documents', in Pachai, ed., Early History, pp.91-103; 'Myths and legends of creation'. Vision of Malawi (December 1972); 'Towards the identification of proto-Chewa culture: a preliminary contribution'. Journal of Social Science, 2 (1973), pp.47-60; M. Schoffeleers and I. Linden, 'The resistance of the nyau societies to the Roman Catholic missions in colonial Malawi', in T.O. Ranger and I.N. Kimambo, eds., The Historical Study of African Religion (London, 1972), pp.252-73; Linden, Chewa Resistance, passim, among other works by the two scholars.

171. For example, J.B. Webster, 'From Yao Hill to Mulanje Mountain: ivory and slaves and the southwestern expansion of the Yao', unpublished seminar paper, University of Malawi, 30 Nov. 1977.

172. Roderick J. Macdonald, 'A history of African education in Nyasaland, 1875-1945', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. University of Edinburgh, 1969, pp.542-3.

173. Personal communication, Mr C. Baker, former Under Secretary to the Malawi Government, 30 Jan. 1978.

174. Short, Banda, p. 274.

175. See Vail, 'Ethnicity, language and national unity', pp.121, 148.

176. Unattributable interviews, August 1982 and September 1985. break

1. Jean Maes and Olga Boone, in their 'Les peuplades du Congo belge', show 'Holoholo' on both sides of the Lukuga river, 'Ruwa' on one of their maps and 'Luba' on another in the same place west of the 'Holoholo', and 'Tabwa' south of these to the 'Bemba', who appear in lands some distance north of the Belgian Congo/Northern Rhodesia border. In the most recent reckoning of ethnic identity in the area, Olga Boone's 'Carte ethnique du Congo, quart sud-est' (Musée Royal de l'Afrique Centrale (MRAC), Sciences Humaines, 1961), 'Tumbwe' appears where in 1935 she had 'Holoholo' or where on earlier maps were found 'Rua', 'Gua' or something similar; 'Bwile' where thirty years before there had been 'Ruwa' or 'Luba'; and 'Tabwa' down to the Zambian border, cut off there in such a way as to indicate their further extension southward. To the west of these apparently well-defined, large groups is an area on either side of the Luvua showing a veritable salad of colours with names like 'Kunda', 'Boyo', 'Lumbu', 'Hemba' affixed; hyphenated combinations of these shown with different-coloured stripes; and a few 'Yeke' for good measure.

2. E. Verhulpen, Baluba et Balubaïses du Katanga (Anvers, 1936), p. 64.

3. Boone, 'Carte', pp. 42-50.

4. S. Kaoze, 'Les mikowa chez les Batabwa', unpublished manuscript, 8 Sept. 1947. Quotation marks around names underscore their arbitrary or uncertain use to designate a 'tribe'. Four years of predoctoral anthropological fieldwork among the Tabwa at Lubanda were funded by the National Institute of Mental Health, the Committee on African Studies and the Edson-Keith Fund of the University of Chicago, and the Society of Sigma Xi. A Summer Stipend from the National Endowment for the Humanities provided support for the final phases of writing this chapter. Helpful comments were offered by Johannes Fabian, Bogumil Jewsiewicki, Richard Sigwalt and Leroy Vail, some of which I have incorporated here. Nevertheless, all responsibility for this paper remains my own. In memory of Luvunzo wa Munsongo, and in celebration of the one hundredth anniversary of the birth of Stefano Kaoze.

5. Boone, 'Carte', pp. 82-91.

6. The monograph, written after several weeks' research at Kalemie, is A. Coupez, 'Esquisse de la langue Holoholo', MRAC, Linguistique 12 (Tervuren, 1955).

7. Boone, 'Carte', p. 156.

8. Ibid . Ethnic identity poses problems for African art history. For a discussion of Tabwa art and material culture as a factor of the social processes of identity formation and definition, see A. Roberts, 'Social and historical contexts of Tabwa art', in A. Roberts and E. Maurer, eds., The Rising of a New Moon: A Century of Tabwa Art (Ann Arbor, 1986), pp. 1-48.

7. Boone, 'Carte', p. 156.

8. Ibid . Ethnic identity poses problems for African art history. For a discussion of Tabwa art and material culture as a factor of the social processes of identity formation and definition, see A. Roberts, 'Social and historical contexts of Tabwa art', in A. Roberts and E. Maurer, eds., The Rising of a New Moon: A Century of Tabwa Art (Ann Arbor, 1986), pp. 1-48.

9. C. Mitchell, 'Tribe and social change in South Central Africa: a situational approach', Journal of Asian and African Studies, 5, 1-2 (1970), pp. 83, 85.

10. The use of this term in such a context was suggested by linguistic anthropologist Hoyt Alverson. break

11. C. Geertz, ' "From the Native's point of view": on the nature of anthropological understanding', in C. Geertz, Local Knowledge (New York, 1983), pp. 66-8.

12. I. Cunnison, The Luapula Peoples of Northern Rhodesia (London, 1967).

13. I. Cunnison, 'History on the Luapula', Rhodes-Livingstone Papers, 21 (1951, repr. 1969).

14. Ibid, pp. 1-6.

13. I. Cunnison, 'History on the Luapula', Rhodes-Livingstone Papers, 21 (1951, repr. 1969).

14. Ibid, pp. 1-6.

15. Mwine in Tabwa or mwenye in Swahili connotes identity with something; kyalo is a named land. The phrase is often mistranslated as 'owner of the land'. There is a debate amongst the Tabwa as to how precisely defined these lands were in the past, and this, in turn, is an important aspect of contention over the legitimacy of chiefs' claims to authority.

16. Cunnison, 'History', p. 14.

17. For an elaboration of such an approach, see A. Roberts, 'Aardvarks and covered baskets: social change as reflected in Tabwa origin myths', in preparation as a chapter of a forthcoming book on Tabwa social change and identity.

18. Cunnison, 'History', p. 5.

19. C. Davis-Roberts, 'Magic and the missed reality', in preparation. See also, 'Through the bamboo thicket: the social process of Tabwa ritual performance'. The Drama Review, forthcoming, 1988.

20. (Kinshasa, 1982). My thanks to Dr Genevieve Nagant, an anthropologist who has worked for many years among 'Tumbwe' around Kalemie, for making this book and copies of Kaoze's manuscripts available to me. She has reproduced passages from several of Kaoze's writings in her two theses, 'Une société de l'Est du Zaire, les Tusanga dépeints par eux-mêmes', Memoire de licence, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris, 1972; and 'Famille, histoire, religion chez les Tumbwe du Zaire', Thèse du 3e cycle, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris, 1976.

21. See A. Roberts, ' "Comets importing change of times and states": ephemerae and process among the Tabwa of Zaire', American Ethnologist, 9, 4 (1982), pp. 712-29; and idem,' "Fishers of men": religion and political economy among colonized Tabwa', Africa, 54, 2 (1984).

22. N. Bennett, 'Captain Storms in Tanganyika, 1882-1885', Tanganyika Notes and Records, 54 (1960), pp. 51-63.

23. H. Wack, The Story of the Congo Free State (New York, 1905), pp. 37-8.

24. Archives of the Royal Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren, Fonds-Storms (FS-A.M.R.A.C.), Storms to Strauch, from Mpala, March 1884, B-II/22/F-V; idem, 'Journal de la Station de Mpala', 1 Dec. 1884.

25. FS-A. M.R.A.C., B-II/F-VI, E. Storms, untitled pages. Leopold's agents established 450 concessions of plots, 'protectorates', or other treaties of varying nature. Once the Congo Free State was recognized by world powers, these were used to divest traditional rulers of their rights to land they had 'sold'. See the polemicist E.D. Morel, The Black Man's Burden (New York, 1920, repr. 1969), p. 115.

26. FS-A. M.R.A.C., B-II/ 14/F-IV, E. Storms, random pages partially destroyed by fire.

27. FS-A. M.R.A.C., B-II/22/F-VI, E. Storms to unidentified person, 1883; B-I/6/F-III, Anonymous, 'Notice sur Storms'; F. Renault, Lavigerie, I'esclavage africaine et l"Europe (Paris, 1971), p. 270; Storms, 'Journal', 1 Dec. 1884.

28. Renault, Lavigerie, p. 272; R. Heremans, 'Lés etablissements de 1'Association Internationale Africaine au lac Tanganika et les Pères Blancs, Mpala et Karema, 1877-1885', Annales, MRAC, Sciences Historiques, 3 (1966), p. 109.

29. FS-A. M.R.A.C., B-II/21/F-V, E. Storms, untitled pages dated September 1884; idem, 'Journal', 12 April 1885; Mouvement Géographique, 9 Aug. 1885, p. 65; ibid., 23 Aug. 1885, p. 65.

30. Archives of the Kalemie-Moba Diocese, Kalemie, Zaire (A.K.M.D.), White Fathers, 'Journal de Poste de Mission de Kapakwe', 26 Dec. 1884, typescript.

31. FS-A. M.R.A.C., B-1I/38/F-X, Moinet to Storms, from Mpala, 26 Aug. 1885; continue

B-II/38/F-X, Moinet to Storms, from Mpala, 10 Feb. 1886.

32. See Renault, Lavigerie, p. 364. Among the many works devoted to Cardinal Lavigerie's life and times, his personal intellectual development leading to his stance on proselytism, abolition of slavery and establishment of a Christian Kingdom in Africa is best traced in X. DeMontclos, Lavigerie, le Saint-Siège et I'Eglise, de l'avènement de Pie IX à l'avènement de Léon XIII, 1846-1878 (Paris, 1965).

33. White Fathers' Central Archives, Rome (W. F.), c-19-295, I. Moinet to Eminence (Cardinal Lavigerie), from Mpala, 2 Aug. 1885.

34. I. Linden, Church and Revolution in Rwanda (New York, 1977), p.30.

35. London Missionary Society staff established a post at Mtoa on the west-central shore of Lake Tanganyika in 1879; see J. Wolf, ed., Missionary to Tanganyika, 1877-1888: the writings of Edward Coode Hore, Master Mariner (London, 1971). Protestant and Catholic missionaries cooperated with each other, but in a manner only thinly veiling their mutual disdain and competition; see, for example, W. F., c-19-243, Moinet to T. R. P., from Kapakwe, 25 March 1885.

36. N. Gapangwa, 'La première evangelisation du Masanze et du Bubwari: (1880-1893) ', Mémoire de licence, Faculty of Ecclesiastical History, Gregorian Pontifical University, Rome, 1980, p.57; idem, 'Les origines de la Mission du Tanganyika (1878-1914): les méthodes pastorales'. Thèse du doctorat, 3e cycle. Faculty of Ecclesiastical History, Gregorian Pontifical University, Rome, 1983, pp. 59-74.

37. Cardinal Lavigerie, cited in Gapangwa, 'Evangélisation', p. 61. Gapangwa draws upon a number of the cardinal's more obscure writings, but see Lavigerie's 'Mémoire secret sur l'Association Internationale Africaine et Bruxelles et l'Evangélisation de l'Afrique Equatoriale', in M. Stonne, 'Rapports du Pere Planque, de Mgr. Lavigerie et de Mgr. Comboni sur l'Association Internationale Africaine', Académic Royale des Sciences Coloniales, Mémoires, NS, 9, 2, pp.75-138.

38. Cited in Heremans, 'Etablissements', p. 96.

39. L.-L. Joubert to M. le Vicaire, from Algiers, 15 Feb. 1880, photocopy in the Fonds Joubert du Musée National du Zaïre, Lubumbashi (FJ-A.M.N.Z.). While many authors have discussed these incidents (e. g., S. Karugire, A Political History of Uganda (London, 1980), pp.62-5), none consulted mentions the White Fathers' explicit desire to found a Christian Kingdom with the Ganda court as its centre.

40. Heremans, 'Etablissements', p.86.

41. Cited in Heremans, 'Etablissements', p.97.

42. T. Houdebine and M. Boumier, Le capitaine Joubert (Namur, n.d.), p.87; White Fathers, 'Diaire de la Mission de Mpala' (1889-1935), 16 Sept. 1890, typescript at A.K.M.D. A photocopy of the typescript of the first notebook (1885-1889), unavailable at Kalemie, was obtained through the kindness of Fr. Lamey at the White Fathers' Central Archives, Rome.

43. J. Erian, Le capitaine Joubert, chevalier et apôtre, 1842-1927 (Anvers, 1934), front cover. Several other ex-Zouaves served with Lavigerie's missionaries in Africa, but none so long nor in so celebrated a fashion as Joubert.

44. L. Griendl, 'Notes sur les sources des missionaires d'Afrique (Pères Blancs) pour l'Est du Zaire', Etudes d'Histoire Africaine, 7 (1975), p. 190. Heremans, for instance, avoided the issue by assuming that Lavigerie only ever meant to 'foster the birth of a Christian state' led by Africans, rather than 'constituting a sort of ecclesiastical principality in the region of the African Great Lakes' ('Etablissements', p.97). In a later thesis he corrected this, citing the complaint of an administrator in 1904 of the 'State within a State' of the White Fathers southwest of Lake Tanganyika, See Heremans, 'Missions et écoles: l'education dans les missions des Pères Blancs en Afrique Centrale avant 1914. Objectifs et realisations', unpublished Ph. D. dissertation. Catholic University of Louvain, 1978, I, p.113 and passim .

45. R. Rotberg, 'Missionaries as chiefs and entrepreneurs: Northern Rhodesia, 1882-1924', Boston University Papers in African History, I (1964), p.199. break

46. A. Des Forges, 'Kings without crowns: the White Fathers in Ruanda', Boston University Papers on Africa, 3 (1969), pp. 176-207.

47. D. Crawford, Thinking Black (London, 1914), pp. 324-5.

48. R. Rotberg, Christian Missionaries and the Creation of Northern Rhodesia, 1880-1924 (Princeton, 1965), p.55; idem, 'Missionaries', p.199.

49. See M. Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization (New York, 1969), p. 156 and passim ; G. Balandier, Political Anthropology (New York, 1970), reviews the literature.

50. W. F., c-19-222, Moncet to Révérend Venere Père, from Mpala, 26 July 1888. This same phrasing was used for many years. See White Fathers, 'Diaire de la Mission de Baudouinville' (1892-1947), 30 June 1903, typescript at A.K.M.D.

51. V. Roelens, Notre Vieux Congo, 1891-1917: Souvenirs du premier Evêque du Congo Belge (Namur, 1948), p.36.

52. White Fathers, 'Mpala', 8 Sept. 1890; L.-L. Joubert, 'Diaire' (1884-1927), 24 Aug. 1887, incomplete photocopy in FJ-AMNZ.

53. The territory of Mpala was called a 'colony' in the older missionary literature, as in F. Klein, Le Cardinal Lavigerie et ses oeuvres (Paris, 1890), p. 196. Given communication difficulties—Joubert received no mail for three years—and the personalities of Joubert and the early Fathers, a case can be made for their virtual independence from all higher authority during stressful years of contention with slavers.

54. These skirmishes are briefly outlined (or merely listed) in Joubert's diaries. Some of the consequences of Storms's, Moinet's and Joubert's systems of reward and punishment are discussed in A. Roberts, ' "Fishers" ' and idem, 'Insidious conquests: war-time politics along the southwestern shore of Lake Tanganyika', in M. Page, ed., Africa and the First World War (New York, 1987).

55. Joubert, 'Diaire', 4 April 1894, 26 Dec. 1895, 23 Jan. 1896.

56. These events are detailed in the various mission diaries of the White Fathers. See A. Roberts,' "Like a Roaring Lion": Tabwa terrorism in the late nineteenth century', in D. Crummey, ed., Banditry, Rebellion and Social Protest in Africa (London and Portsmouth, N.H., 1986), pp. 65-86.

57. W.F., 'Baudouinville', 20 and 28 Nov.; 8, 22, 27 Dec. 1902. The mission scribe makes the priests' intentions very clear (20 Nov.):

We are doubly pleased by this news. Our people will find a great outlet, in the Moliro market, for their produce; and then the presence at Moliro of a large contingent of troops can only be favourable to us. Corvées and requisitions will rain down upon the natives outside of our jurisdiction, and will make our people appreciate the more life within the shadow of the Cross.

58. Ibid., 12 Feb. 1907, 21 July 1908, 4 Feb. 1910.

59. Ibid., Sept. 1908.

60. Ibid., Jan. 1909.

61. Ibid., July 1911, 8 Oct. 1908, May 1909, 16 July 1910. The tax-collector's brash act is mentioned but not explained in the diary.

62. Ibid., 10 March, 17 June 1913. The political economy of the Tabwa area is discussed in A, Roberts, ' "The ransom of ill-starred Zaire": plunder, poverty and politics in the OTRAG Concession', in G. Gran, ed., The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (New York, 1979), pp. 211-36. Material here is also from interviews with Father Joseph Kimembe, Sept. 1977, at Kalemie.

57. W.F., 'Baudouinville', 20 and 28 Nov.; 8, 22, 27 Dec. 1902. The mission scribe makes the priests' intentions very clear (20 Nov.):

We are doubly pleased by this news. Our people will find a great outlet, in the Moliro market, for their produce; and then the presence at Moliro of a large contingent of troops can only be favourable to us. Corvées and requisitions will rain down upon the natives outside of our jurisdiction, and will make our people appreciate the more life within the shadow of the Cross.

58. Ibid., 12 Feb. 1907, 21 July 1908, 4 Feb. 1910.

59. Ibid., Sept. 1908.

60. Ibid., Jan. 1909.

61. Ibid., July 1911, 8 Oct. 1908, May 1909, 16 July 1910. The tax-collector's brash act is mentioned but not explained in the diary.

62. Ibid., 10 March, 17 June 1913. The political economy of the Tabwa area is discussed in A, Roberts, ' "The ransom of ill-starred Zaire": plunder, poverty and politics in the OTRAG Concession', in G. Gran, ed., The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (New York, 1979), pp. 211-36. Material here is also from interviews with Father Joseph Kimembe, Sept. 1977, at Kalemie.

57. W.F., 'Baudouinville', 20 and 28 Nov.; 8, 22, 27 Dec. 1902. The mission scribe makes the priests' intentions very clear (20 Nov.):

We are doubly pleased by this news. Our people will find a great outlet, in the Moliro market, for their produce; and then the presence at Moliro of a large contingent of troops can only be favourable to us. Corvées and requisitions will rain down upon the natives outside of our jurisdiction, and will make our people appreciate the more life within the shadow of the Cross.

58. Ibid., 12 Feb. 1907, 21 July 1908, 4 Feb. 1910.

59. Ibid., Sept. 1908.

60. Ibid., Jan. 1909.

61. Ibid., July 1911, 8 Oct. 1908, May 1909, 16 July 1910. The tax-collector's brash act is mentioned but not explained in the diary.

62. Ibid., 10 March, 17 June 1913. The political economy of the Tabwa area is discussed in A, Roberts, ' "The ransom of ill-starred Zaire": plunder, poverty and politics in the OTRAG Concession', in G. Gran, ed., The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (New York, 1979), pp. 211-36. Material here is also from interviews with Father Joseph Kimembe, Sept. 1977, at Kalemie.

57. W.F., 'Baudouinville', 20 and 28 Nov.; 8, 22, 27 Dec. 1902. The mission scribe makes the priests' intentions very clear (20 Nov.):

We are doubly pleased by this news. Our people will find a great outlet, in the Moliro market, for their produce; and then the presence at Moliro of a large contingent of troops can only be favourable to us. Corvées and requisitions will rain down upon the natives outside of our jurisdiction, and will make our people appreciate the more life within the shadow of the Cross.

58. Ibid., 12 Feb. 1907, 21 July 1908, 4 Feb. 1910.

59. Ibid., Sept. 1908.

60. Ibid., Jan. 1909.

61. Ibid., July 1911, 8 Oct. 1908, May 1909, 16 July 1910. The tax-collector's brash act is mentioned but not explained in the diary.

62. Ibid., 10 March, 17 June 1913. The political economy of the Tabwa area is discussed in A, Roberts, ' "The ransom of ill-starred Zaire": plunder, poverty and politics in the OTRAG Concession', in G. Gran, ed., The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (New York, 1979), pp. 211-36. Material here is also from interviews with Father Joseph Kimembe, Sept. 1977, at Kalemie.

57. W.F., 'Baudouinville', 20 and 28 Nov.; 8, 22, 27 Dec. 1902. The mission scribe makes the priests' intentions very clear (20 Nov.):

We are doubly pleased by this news. Our people will find a great outlet, in the Moliro market, for their produce; and then the presence at Moliro of a large contingent of troops can only be favourable to us. Corvées and requisitions will rain down upon the natives outside of our jurisdiction, and will make our people appreciate the more life within the shadow of the Cross.

58. Ibid., 12 Feb. 1907, 21 July 1908, 4 Feb. 1910.

59. Ibid., Sept. 1908.

60. Ibid., Jan. 1909.

61. Ibid., July 1911, 8 Oct. 1908, May 1909, 16 July 1910. The tax-collector's brash act is mentioned but not explained in the diary.

62. Ibid., 10 March, 17 June 1913. The political economy of the Tabwa area is discussed in A, Roberts, ' "The ransom of ill-starred Zaire": plunder, poverty and politics in the OTRAG Concession', in G. Gran, ed., The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (New York, 1979), pp. 211-36. Material here is also from interviews with Father Joseph Kimembe, Sept. 1977, at Kalemie.

57. W.F., 'Baudouinville', 20 and 28 Nov.; 8, 22, 27 Dec. 1902. The mission scribe makes the priests' intentions very clear (20 Nov.):

We are doubly pleased by this news. Our people will find a great outlet, in the Moliro market, for their produce; and then the presence at Moliro of a large contingent of troops can only be favourable to us. Corvées and requisitions will rain down upon the natives outside of our jurisdiction, and will make our people appreciate the more life within the shadow of the Cross.

58. Ibid., 12 Feb. 1907, 21 July 1908, 4 Feb. 1910.

59. Ibid., Sept. 1908.

60. Ibid., Jan. 1909.

61. Ibid., July 1911, 8 Oct. 1908, May 1909, 16 July 1910. The tax-collector's brash act is mentioned but not explained in the diary.

62. Ibid., 10 March, 17 June 1913. The political economy of the Tabwa area is discussed in A, Roberts, ' "The ransom of ill-starred Zaire": plunder, poverty and politics in the OTRAG Concession', in G. Gran, ed., The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (New York, 1979), pp. 211-36. Material here is also from interviews with Father Joseph Kimembe, Sept. 1977, at Kalemie.

63. A. DeRoover, Victor Roelens, de Vlaamse Lavigerie (Antwerp, 1952).

64. W.F., c-19-407, G. Debeerst to Monsignor, from Kibanga, 15 Oct. 1892.

65. W.F., c-19-430, Roelens to Livinhac, from Karema, 12 Feb. 1892; c-19-431, Roelens to Livinhac, from St Louis de Mrumbi, 16 Sept. 1892.

66. Heremans, 'Missions et écoles', I, p. 183.

67. Ibid., I, pp. 184-5.

66. Heremans, 'Missions et écoles', I, p. 183.

67. Ibid., I, pp. 184-5.

68. Anonymous, 'La grande aventure de Stephano Kaoze, premier prètre congolais', Caravane, 13 (1960), pp. 1-2. break

69. Kimpinde, Kaoze, p.39; Anon., 'Stephano Kaoze, premier prètre congolais', pp. 1-2.

70. Anonymous, 'L'histoire d'un Seminariste Noir', Missions d'Afrique des Pères Blancs (1905), pp. 289-92, 321-9, 353-9.

71. Kimpinde, Kaoze, pp. 39-40.

72. Ibid., pp.50-3. The relationship between the mother's brother and sister's son (i.e. a man and his heir) is problematic for people like the Tabwa who observe matrilineal descent. Many Tabwa myths portray this, as people seek through story-telling to understand complicated human relations. The stories of Kaoze's 'mother's brother' should be seen in this idiom, a bit like the 'stepmother' of Western myths such as 'Cinderella'.

71. Kimpinde, Kaoze, pp. 39-40.

72. Ibid., pp.50-3. The relationship between the mother's brother and sister's son (i.e. a man and his heir) is problematic for people like the Tabwa who observe matrilineal descent. Many Tabwa myths portray this, as people seek through story-telling to understand complicated human relations. The stories of Kaoze's 'mother's brother' should be seen in this idiom, a bit like the 'stepmother' of Western myths such as 'Cinderella'.

73. Heremans, 'Missions', I, pp. 116, 187.

74. Ibid., p. 122. On chapelles-écoles in Tabwa lands, see B. Schmitz, 'Chapelles écoles Namuroises'. Missons d'Afrique des Pères Blancs (1903); and Gapangwa,'Origines'. On the same organizational form at other Congolese missions, see M. Markowitz, Cross and Sword: The Political Role of Christian Missions in the Belgian Congo, 1908-1960 (Stanford, 1973), pp.14-15 and passim ; and elsewhere in Africa, R. Strayer, The Making of Mission Communities in East Africa (New York, 1978), pp.52-66.

73. Heremans, 'Missions', I, pp. 116, 187.

74. Ibid., p. 122. On chapelles-écoles in Tabwa lands, see B. Schmitz, 'Chapelles écoles Namuroises'. Missons d'Afrique des Pères Blancs (1903); and Gapangwa,'Origines'. On the same organizational form at other Congolese missions, see M. Markowitz, Cross and Sword: The Political Role of Christian Missions in the Belgian Congo, 1908-1960 (Stanford, 1973), pp.14-15 and passim ; and elsewhere in Africa, R. Strayer, The Making of Mission Communities in East Africa (New York, 1978), pp.52-66.

75. Victor Roelens, cited in Heremans, 'Missions', I, pp.188-9.

76. Kaoze's schooling is detailed in Kimpinde, Kaoze, pp. 50-78.

77. Revue Congolaise (1910), pp. 406-37, (1911), pp. 55-63. Kaoze's article is introduced by A. Vermeersch in 'Les sentiments supérieurs chez les Congolais', pp. 401-6, in which we are told that 'Stephano Kaoze (the author of the memoir) is not an ordinary nigger' (p.402), lest the reader think the contrary.

78. Kimpinde, Kaoze, p.78.

79. Roelens, Notre Vieux Congo, pp. 199-214. See also his 'La formation du clergé indigène au Grand Seminaire de Baudouinville', Grands Lacs, 51, 11-12 (1935), pp. 562-95; and his 'Esquisse psychologique de nos noirs', Grands Lacs, 51, 7 (1935), pp. 279-86, 8 (1935), pp. 341-5, and 9 (1935), pp. 415-23.

80. Roelens, Nofre Vieux Congo, pp. 199-200, 209, 204.

81. Archives de la Sous-Région du Tanganika, Kalemie. Van den Boorgaerde, 'Rapport annuel 1917: participation du District (du Tanganika-Moero) aux operations militaires en A.O.A.', Kongolo, 18 March 1918. See also Roberts, ' "Insidious" ', where these events are discussed in greater detail.

82. A. Hoornaert, 'M. 1' Abbé Stephano Kaoze, premier prètre noir du Congo, est mort le jour de Pacques', Revue Coloniale (1951), pp. 33, 35. The Lake Tanganyika Campaign of joint Anglo-Belgian forces ended with the fall of Tabora in September 1916. See G. Moulaert, La Campagne du Tanganika (Brussels, 1934).

83. Kimpinde, Kaoze, pp. 91-5.

84. That missions at Lubanda and Kirungu were built as fortresses against possible attack by hostile slavers in the 1880s and 1890s has meant that White Fathers have been both physically and symbolically enclosed, separated from the communities they serve.

85. This last is a poor translation of Kaoze's 'les Europeens font aussi du tribalisme entre eux', since in Kaoze's French there is a sense of action, literally, 'the Européans also make tribalism between themselves.' Kimpinde, Kaoze, pp. 95-6, 193-4.

86. Ibid., pp. 97-100.

85. This last is a poor translation of Kaoze's 'les Europeens font aussi du tribalisme entre eux', since in Kaoze's French there is a sense of action, literally, 'the Européans also make tribalism between themselves.' Kimpinde, Kaoze, pp. 95-6, 193-4.

86. Ibid., pp. 97-100.

87. E. Colson, 'Contemporary tribes and the development of nationalism', in J. Helm, ed., Essays on the Problem of Tribe (Seattle, 1968), pp. 201-6.

88. The phrase is from A. Mazrui, 'Francophone nations and English-speaking states: imperial ethnicity and African political formations', in D. Rothchild and V. Olorunsola, eds., State Versus Ethnic Claims: African Political Dilemmas (Boulder, 1983), pp. 25-43.

89. G. Debeerst, 'Essai de grammaire tabwa', Zeitschrift för Afrikanische und Oceanische Sprachen, I-II (1894); A. Van Acker, 'Dictionaire kitabwa-français, français-kitabwa continue

(EIC), Annales du Musée du Congo, Ethnographie—serie V—Linguistique, 1907; White Fathers, Vocabulaire français-kitabwa et kitabwa-français (Algiers, 1907); Anonymous, Manuel kitabwa à I'usage des missionnaires (Algiers, 1909). Debeerst translated several gospels as well. His 'Enjili Viandikilwe na Yohane Uzukile mu Kitabwa' (John, 1-21), of 1899, was completed in 1973 by P. Msonsya and mimeographed by Max Tertrais for distribution in the Kirungyu/Kala area.

90. Moinet complained in 1885 about the lack of a reliable interpreter, since 'language' changed every sixty miles; these languages had much in common, he added, but whereas local people could master them in several months, the priests had great difficulty with them. W. F., c-19-243, Moinet to T.R.P., from Kapakwe, 25 March 1885. Language learning was such a preoccupation that the Fathers temporarily suspended evangelization. W.F., c-19-219, Moncet to Lavigerie, from Mpala, 1 Jan. 1887. Missionary policy through which 'literary instruments' became important are discussed by J. Fabian, 'Missions and the colonization of African languages: developments of the former Belgian Congo', Canadian Journal of African Studies, 17, 2 (1983), pp. 165-87, and T. O. Ranger in his essay in this volume. For an apposite West African case, see P. Alexandre and J. Binet, La groupe dit Pahouin (Fang, Boulou, Beti; Paris, 1958).

91. Archives du Bureau des Affaires Culturelles, Division Régionale des Affaires Politiques, Lubumbashi (BACDRAP), D. C. Adj. Gilson, 'Affair Manda/Bulani', note of 26 Nov. 1916, as discussed in Roberts,' "Insidious" '. My thanks to Professor Jan Vansina for suggesting the connection between Gilsons in the Congo and in Belgium. Personal communication, 1981.

92. Archives du Congo Beige, Section Documentation, 'Documents pour servir à la connaissance des populations du Congo Belge: aperçu historique (1886-1933) de l'étude des populations autochtones', Leopoldville, 1958. Gilson, 'Notes sur Manda pour M. le Commissaire de District', Kongolo, 20 April 1922, BACDRAP. For a discussion of this 'Balkanization' of the Congo, and the manner in which Minister of Colonies Louis Franck's own Flemish nationalism led to his concern for the cultural autonomy of Congolese peoples, see E. Bustin's Lunda Under Colonial Rule: The Politics of Ethnicity (Cambridge, 1975), p. 62.

93. BACDRAP, Roelens to D. C., Albertville, 15 April 1922. Kaoze's contribution is entitled 'Les populations indigènes du Sud de la Lukuga—leurs engines et organisation—d'après les dires des vieux, de plusieurs clans différents, renseignements recueillis par 1'Abbé Stefano Kaoze, prêtre indigene—de la tribu des Batabwa'.

94. Kaoze's definition of 'tribe' is very similar to that of Cunnison, 'History', p.12. The social organization implied is different from and greater than that of the clan, but it is less inclusive than the name 'Tabwa' as Kaoze himself uses it in the same document.

95. Kimpinde, Kaoze, pp. 153-63. Proceedings of the eighth session (28 April-7 May 1947) of the Permanent Commission for the Protection of Natives attended by Kaoze (the first and only African participant) are in L. Guebels, Relation complète des travaux de la Commission permanente pour la Protection des indigènes (Elisabethville, n. d. (c. 1952)). Kaoze would have participated in the ninth session, in 1951, but he died that Easter. He was not replaced.

96. A particularly complete set of documents from Katanga State archives (now at BACDRAP) concerning events leading up to Kyando's death will be discussed in future writing.

97. Kimpinde, Kaoze, p. 15 2. The late Fr. Joseph Kimembe, a Tabwa ordained some years after Kaoze, was like a younger brother to the latter and cared for him during his bouts of madness in 1949-51. As he recounted, when some concerned people around Kaoze's mission learned that he was speaking nonsense in moments of mental alienation, they felt that he had become possessed by a Bulumbu spirit and urged him to 'repair' ( kutengeneza ) this through the proper ritual. (On Bulumbu, see Roberts, continue

' "Fishers" '.) Only then could the spirit be induced to define its desires, therapy could begin, and Kaoze would return to his senses. Kaoze was furious on hearing this and never again spoke to these erstwhile friends. They, in turn, explained his death by invoking his failure to heed their advice to supplicate the spirit. (Interview at Kalemie, 10 Sept. 1977.)

98. Interview with Fr. J. Kimembe at Kalemie, July 1977. Ironically the mulopwe, too, was radically separated from his subjects by coronation ritual including incest. On the Luba concept of bulopwe, see T. Reefe, The Rainbow and the Kings: A History of the Luba Empire to 1891 (Berkeley, 1981), and L. de Heusch, The Drunken King, or, The Origin of the State (Bloomington, 1982).

99. Interview with J. Kimembe at Kalemie, 10 Sept. 1977.

100. This is in part a reference to a concept voiced repeatedly by other informants, that 'Before the Belgians came, people didn't die; they had illnesses . . . but these could be healed. Death began with the introduction of reading; one read, "Your death will be like this", and so it was, and people began dying.' (Interview with Mumbyoto, at Lubanda, 9 July 1977.) Literacy, history and time, as reckoned by the colonizers, caused the 'death' of earlier lifestyles.

101. As Kizumina concluded his tale (at Nkuba, 3 June 1977), Kaoze was locked in his rosary because he had refused to marry and so had 'lessened the world' (anapunguza dunia ) by begetting no offspring. Tabwa make abundantly clear that the purpose of life is to give birth: those who cannot are pitied and scorned; those who do not are deemed absurd or, possibly, evil.

102. Manda Kaseke, 'Hasili ya pili', MS in possession of Chief Manda at Kirungu, written circa 1939. Such manuscripts were never in wide circulation, it seems, but Kaoze's 'Histoire des Bena Kilunga' (Archives of the Moba-Kalemie Diocese, 1950, reproduced in Nagant, 'Une société, in annex) may be the document referred to with reverence as his 'book' by supporters of an overthrow of Chief Manda by Kaoze's clanfellows; copies of something like it were said to be possessed by slain firebrand Kyando Polycarpe, but I was never able to consult one.

103. Late in 1976, for instance, as tension grew in Zaire prior to the 'Shaba I' attempted coup d'état of March 1977, a Sanga clan member was arrested at Moba. He had been a lifelong, active adversary of Manda, especially as a territorial administrator of the secessionist State of Katanga in the early 1960s. Accused of collusion with 'Katangans' in Angola, the man 'disappeared' after transfer to a Kinshasa prison. In the same few months, Manda prepared to run for election as a People's Commissar.

104. The terms of the accord signed by Mobutu and officials of Orbital Transport und Raketan A.G. (OTRAG) granted virtual sovereignty over a Montana-sized portion of southeastern Zaire in a manner one author compared to the Panama Canal Treaty of 1903. Only Tabwa and closely related people lived there. See Roberts, '"Ransom"'. break

1. I am grateful to Richard Rathbone and Heather Hughes for their comments on an earlier draft of this essay, and to Leroy Vail for his exemplary patience and editorial skill.

2. 13-19 Sept. 1985.

3. Broadcast on the BBC, 28 Sept. 1985.

4. M.O. Sutcliffe and P.A. Wellings, Attitudes and Living Conditions in Inanda: The Context for Unrest (Built Environment Support Group, University of Natal, Durban, November 1985), pp. 2-4.

5. Ibid., pp.3-4.

4. M.O. Sutcliffe and P.A. Wellings, Attitudes and Living Conditions in Inanda: The Context for Unrest (Built Environment Support Group, University of Natal, Durban, November 1985), pp. 2-4.

5. Ibid., pp.3-4.

6. For a brilliant satire on this propensity among whites, see Anthony Delius, The Day Natal Took Off (Cape Town, 1963); Tom Sharpe's equally biting Riotous Assembly and Indecent Exposure (London, 1971 and 1972) are also based on Natal's separatist traditions.

7. Helen Bradford, "The Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union in the South African countryside', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of the Witwatersrand, 1985, pp.285-6.

8. Under four million Zulu live in Natal-Zululand and are thus more directly available for ethnic mobilization.

9. B. Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Harmondsworth, 1967), pp.485-6.

10. S. Marks, 'Natal, the Zulu royal family and the ideology of segregation'. Journal of Southern African Studies, 4 (1978), pp.190-3; see also N.L.G. Cope's important thesis, 'The Zulu royal family under the South African government, 1910-1933', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Natal, Durban, 1986, which covers much of the same ground in far greater detail. Unfortunately this was only presented after this paper was written.

11. See Marks, 'Natal, the Zulu royal family and the ideology of segregation'.

12. For the wider pattern of heightened militancy and the reasons for it, see S. Marks and S. Trapido, "The politics of race, class and nationalism in twentieth century South Africa', in the book of that title edited by Marks and Trapido (London, 1986). break

13. Killie Campbell Library (KCL), Durban, South Africa. Ms. Nic.2.08.1 KCM 3348, Heaton Nicholls to J.H. van Zutphen, 28 May 1929. Cf. also UG 48, Native Affairs Commission, 1936, p.6, where it is argued that

the alternative of turning the Native into a lower class of the population must result, not only in the engulfing of the ethnos of the Bantu race in a black proletariat with loss of every vestige of independence and communal brotherhood, which is the greatest birthright of the Native people, but also, and inevitably, it will result in class war—a war waged between sections of the community of unequal strength and power in which the proletariat and the bourgeoisie can be easily distinguished from each other by the colour of their skin.

Quoted in M. Legassick, 'Race, industrialization and social change in South Africa: the case of R.F.A. Hoernlé', African Affairs, 299 (1976), p.236.

Cf. also Ms. 2.08.1 KCM 3362c, R.F.A. Hoernlé to Heaton Nicholls, 26 July 1937: A few weeks ago I read an article of yours contributed to the South African supplement of the Daily Telegraph . I was very much interested in your presentation there of the case for trusteeship and especially in two of your phrases, viz. 'Bantu Nation vrs Bantu Proletariat' and 'Paramountcy of Native interests in Native area'. Speaking for myself I am willing to back any policy which aims at the realisation of these objectives, and if that is the direction in which you and your colleagues on the (Native Affairs] Commissions are working, more power to your elbow.

14. Cf. KCL. Ms. Nic.2.08.1 KCM 3362d, carbon copy fragments of a letter, addressee and date unknown, but probably 1930-31:

The policy of a Bantu nation as distinct from that of a black proletariat—and that stripped of all verbiage, that is the real issue in Africa—obviously brings in its train a pride of race. The most race proud man I know is Solomon [(kaDinizulu), son and heir of the last Zulu king]. He glories in his race and its past prowess; and there is no native in the Union who is so earnestly desirous of maintaining Bantu purity.

The use of the term 'race purity' is somewhat ironic in view of Solomon's known promiscuity and the fact that at this very time many of his wives were suffering from venereal disease, having been infected by Solomon himself. See R. Reyner, Zulu Woman (New York, 1948).

15. See A. Luthuli, Let My People Go (London, 1962), pp.37-8. Luthuli's involvement with the Zulu Society and the paramountcy was quite intense until 1945, and he depended on its support for his election to the Native Representative Council. By the end of 1945, however, he had become disillusioned with the conservative character of the Society. See Note 45 below.

16. Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg. Papers of the Zulu Society (ZS). ZS III/7, Mpanza to the President, 28 March 1937. Nicholls was widely regarded as the United Party's next Minister for Native Affairs, but his pro-imperial stance and anti-Afrikaner sentiments foreclosed this possibility.

17. The literature on the connections between industrialization and segregation is now considerable, and it owes much to three unpublished papers by Martin Legassick in the early 1970s. It has been developed most recently in a comparative context by John W. Cell, Segregation. The Highest Stage of White Supremacy (Cambridge, 1982). See also M. Lacey, Working for Boroko (Johannesburg, 1982). Some of the connections may be glimpsed in the explicit statements by Heaton Nicholls in Notes 13 and 14 above.

18. For events in the Natal countryside, see Bradford, 'The Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union', passim; idem, 'Mass movements and the petty bourgeoisie: the social origins of ICU leadership, 1924-1929', Jouroal African History, 25, 3 (1984); and idem, 'Lynch Law and labourers: the ICU in Umvoti, 1927-8', Journal of Southern African Studies, 11 (1984). For the beer boycotts, see P. la Hausse, 'The struggle for the city: alcohol, the ematsheni and popular culture in Durban, 1902-1936', unpublished MA thesis, University of Cape Town, 1984, passim . For Champion's role and his banishment, see S. Marks, The Ambiguities of Dependence in South Africa. Class, Race and Nationalism in Twentieth Century Natal (Baltimore and Johannesburg, 1986), Chapter 3. break

19. For the 1927 Native Administration Act, see S. Dubow, 'Holding "a just balance between white and black": the Native Affairs Department in South Africa, c. 1920-1933', Journal of Southern African Studies, 12, 2 (1986).

20. See Luthuli, Let My People Go, p.95. Mshiyeni's role comes out clearly in the account given by Carl Faye, a clerk in the Native Affairs Department, 'Résumé of proceedings', Annexure 5 to 'Bantu Conference held in the Umgeni Court, Pietermaritzburg, 22-25th October, 1935', in Natal Archives, Chief Native Commissioner's Papers, Box 110 (Provisional numbering) CNC 94/19 N1/15/5.

21. S. Marks, The ambiguities of dependence: John L. Dube of Natal', Journal of Southern African Studies, 1 (1975), pp.176-9.

22. The rivalry between Champion and Dube was legendary; it continued until the latter's death in 1946. It almost led to legal action between Champion and the Natal Native Congress leaders in 1939—only prevented through the action of ANC national leaders. See, e. g., Calata to Champion, 27 Dec. 1939 and 10 Jan. 1940, microfilm of the Carter-Karis Collection, CKM 15a Xxc3: 41/9, 10; J.S. Malinga, Sec, NNC to Champion, 17 Nov. 1939; 41/41, J.T. Gumede to Champion, 24 Nov. 1939. The President of the NNC at this time was John Dube, the Vice President, A. Mtimkulu; by this time Champion was the Secretary for Lands and Locations in the national ANC; letters between Champion and Dube, ibid., 41/28-30, 1939. For the various ICU factions, see D. 4683 (Hoover Library microfilm of Champion papers) I 32, passim . For splits in the Durban ICU, D.4683 I 1933 37, 'Report on Internal Differences. ICU Yase Natal, 1932-3'; and ibid., 1934-44, Champion to Kadalie, 8 Oct. 1937.

23. See, for example, the letters between Champion and (?) Xaba in 1939 and Champion and W.J. Gobhozi from 1937 in CKM 15a, passim .

24. See, for example, CNC16/19 N/1/9/3 (H.C. Lugg) to SNA Pretoria, 2 March 1935. Cf. also Champion to Editor, Natal Mercury, 13 April 1939: 'The Government eventually got certain school teachers to organise the Zulu Society which is carrying on a sort of propaganda whose aims and objects are not known to many native leaders.'

25. See Colony of Natal, Blue Book on Native Affairs, 1904 (Pietermaritzburg, 1904), pp.72-8, passim .

26. D. Hemson, 'Migrant labour and class consciousness: dockworkers in Durban', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. University of Warwick, 1980, pp. 112-13. According to Cope, 'Zulu royal family', 'syphilis in Zululand and Northern Natal had reached "epidemic proportions" in 1910'. Curiously, he maintains that the high incidence of venereal disease amongst migrant workers decreased from about 1914 and that 'after the post-war influenza pandemic the Zulu were relatively disease-free until the malaria epidemic of the 1930s' (pp. 50, 155). That syphilis died away seems unlikely, but there was undoubtedly a fresh 'moral panic' about venereal disease in the 1930s after a lull following World War I.

27. Blue Book on Native Affairs, 1904, pp. 72-4.

28. M.S. Evans, White and Black in South East Africa (London, 1916), p.82. Evans was one of the Commissioners.

29. Colony of Natal, Report of the Native Affairs Commissioner, 1906-7 (Pietermaritzburg, 1907), pp.17, 25, which stresses in particular the extent to which the 'debauchment of their girls' was 'one of their principal grievances'. As the Commission expressed it, 'nothing is more calculated . . . to stretch the endurance of even the most submissive people to the breaking point'.

30. Evans, Black and White in South East Africa, pp.150-1.

31. Union of South Africa, UG 51-1949, Population Census, 7 May 1946, Vol. 1, Geographical Distribution of the Population of the Union of South Africa (Pretoria, 1949), Table 7, pp. 28-9. I have changed the numbers to the nearest hundred. The rise for Durban was from 27,000 African men and 1500 African women in Durban proper and 12,700 and 5100 in the 'rural areas' around Durban in 1921 to 53,700 men and 30,700 women (with 1500 men and 18 women in 'rural Durban') in 1936, to 81,500 continue

men and 30,000 women (856 and 12 in 'rural' Durban) in 1946. Ibid., p.24.

32. Ibid., p.28.

31. Union of South Africa, UG 51-1949, Population Census, 7 May 1946, Vol. 1, Geographical Distribution of the Population of the Union of South Africa (Pretoria, 1949), Table 7, pp. 28-9. I have changed the numbers to the nearest hundred. The rise for Durban was from 27,000 African men and 1500 African women in Durban proper and 12,700 and 5100 in the 'rural areas' around Durban in 1921 to 53,700 men and 30,700 women (with 1500 men and 18 women in 'rural Durban') in 1936, to 81,500 continue

men and 30,000 women (856 and 12 in 'rural' Durban) in 1946. Ibid., p.24.

32. Ibid., p.28.

33. T. Nairn, The Break-up of Britain (London, 1977), p.340.

34. 1930-32 Native Economic Commission, Evidence, 6268. (Although the Report of the 1930-32 NEC was published at the Government Printer's, Pretoria, as UG 22-'32, the evidence was not, and it only exists in a variety of TSS in South African libraries, of which the most complete is at University of South Africa, Pretoria. The School of Oriental and African Studies, London, has an almost complete microfilm.)

35. Rev. J.L. Dube, 'The arrest of progress of Christianity among the heathen tribes of South Africa', in The Evangelisation of South Africa. Report of the Sixth Genera] Missionary Conference of South Africa, Held at Johannesburg, June 30th -July 3rd 1925 (Cape Town, 1925), p.64.

36. MS MAR 2.08.5 File 74, KCM 8337, 24 Feb. 1928, cited in Cope, "The Zulu royal family', p.301.

37. Cope, "The Zulu royal family', p.156.

38. ZS II/5, Luthuli to Mapanza, 22 May 1942.

39. ZS IV/1/3, Ngidi to Mpanza, encl. TSS, not signed, but initialled 'AHN'.

40. Ibid . Capitals in original.

39. ZS IV/1/3, Ngidi to Mpanza, encl. TSS, not signed, but initialled 'AHN'.

40. Ibid . Capitals in original.

41. ZS II/13, Ngidi to Mpanza, 1 Nov. 1945.

42. ZS III/13, Mpanza to Ngidi, 29 Nov. 1945.

43. ZS III/1/7, Mpanza to H.I.E. Dhlomo, 28 Dec. 1943.

44. So unpopular were the Regent's war efforts that in 1942 it was reported that he was 'nearly stabbed by one of his own men at Mome, [and] someone else threw a big stone . . . at him in his tent . . . at Eshowe'. ZS II/7, A.W. Dhlamini to Mpanza, 17 March 1942.

45. Selby Ngcobo was the first to express his disaffection, when he resigned from the Zulu Society and the Natal Bantu Teachers' Association in 1939, although the grounds are not clear (see ZS VI/1, Ngcobo to Mpanza, 30 June 1939). Although in 1944 Luthuli called the members of the Zulu Society his 'great friends', by the end of 1945 Ngidi was warning Mpanza that Luthuli 'has industriously and consistently of late absented himself from all our Z.S. Executive meetings'. (ZS II/17, Luthuli to Mpanza, 4 Jan. 1944 and ZS II/13, Ngidi to Mpanza, 1 Nov. 1945.) Cf. ZS II/15, Luthuli to President, 19 Jan. 1946, where Luthuli excused himself from the Zulu Society Conference, allegedly because he had been called home on urgent business, and asked that his name as seconder of Ngidi's 'subject on African townships' be omitted 'because as I pointed out even as a society we had not come to a common policy on the matter even apart from the matter being linked with high African politics. Towns are not artificially sponsored, but grow around industries or fairly mass occupation with labour legislation. . . . What chance have Africans under the present economic state?' A.W.G. Champion was never a vigorous supporter of the Zulu Society, and Ngidi accused him also of 'working very hard [with Luthuli] to undermine the very life of the Zulu Society, or at least its present office-bearers'. (ZS II/13, Ngidi to Mpanza, 1 Nov. 1945.)

46. ZS II/7, President to Mpanza, 30 Jan. 1946. Mpanza actually left in November 1945.

47. According to Donovan Williams, this was acutely experienced by the Scottish-trained African missionary, Tiyo Soga, in the nineteenth century. See D. Williams, Umfundisi. A Biography of Tiyo Soga (Lovedale, 1979). André Odendaal, Vukani Bantu! The Beginnings of Black Protest Politics in South Africa to 1912 (Cape Town, 1983), shows that in the nineteenth century Eastern Cape 'the educated élite who participated in the new western forms of politics . . . were much more tied to their own communities and much more concerned with traditional matters than has been realised' (p. xii).

48. The material on and quotations from R.R.R. Dhlomo come from T. Couzens, "The New African. Herbert Dhlomo and Black South African Literature, 1903-1956', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of the Witwatersrand, 1981. break

49. See G. L. Mosse, 'Nationalism and respectability: normal and abnormal sexuality in the nineteenth century', Journal of Contemporary History, 17, 2 (1982).

50. Cited in Couzens, "The New African', p.308.

51. Luthuli, Let My People Go, pp.37-8.

52. Natal Archives, Acc. No. 302, Charter of the Zulu Society.

53. ZS II/7, Dhlamini to Mpanza, 6 Nov. 1945.

54. Natal Archives, Chief Native Commissioner's files. Box 110 (provisional numbering), CNC 94/19, Part II, 'Conference of Native Chiefs, Pietermaritzburg, 31st July, 1939'.

55. Cf. ZS II/7, Dhlamini to Mpanza, 6 Nov. 1945, where he describes the reversal of the decision of the royal family to appoint Thandayiphi heir to Solomon kaDinizulu as 'disastrous to the Society' and a 'nullification of all our toil and sweat'.

56. For Mshiyeni's role, see, for example, the records of the various meetings between state officials and the Zulu chiefs, reports of the Native Advisory Council, the correspondence between Edgar Brookes and the Zulu Society, and that between Luthuli and the Zulu Society. His greatest coup was settling the so-called 'faction fight' between different segments of the Embo people in 1934, after six years of intermittent strife and several deaths and injuries. See Natal Archives, Faye Papers, Box 11, 'Record of Public Proceedings at Peace making ceremony at Mbumbulu Store, 19 Oct. 1934'; Natal Witness, 16 Oct. 1934. This was the first time that the Native Affairs Department had called on the services of the Zulu royal house to intervene in a dispute amongst Natal Africans.

57. Charter of the Zulu Society, sections 24 and 35.

58. Jeff Guy, 'Analysing precapitalist societies in southern Africa', Journal of Southern African Studies, 13, 2 (1986).

59. R. Finlayson, 'Xhosa women's language of respect: isihlonipa sabafazi, unpublished paper presented at the Africa Studies Seminar, Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town, Aug. 1985, pp.7-8.

60. H.J. Simons, African Women: Their Legal Status in South Africa (London, 1968), pp.202ff.

61. Colony of Natal, Blue Book on Native Affairs, 1904, pp.73-4.

62. Amelia Mariotti, "The incorporation of African women into wage employment in South Africa, 1920-1970', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Connecticut, 1980, Chapter 1. For the importance of tribal control over youth for the white farmers, see Cope, 'The Zulu royal family', pp.315-21.

63. UG 22-'32, Union of South Africa, Native Economic Commission (Pretoria, 1932), p.140, cited in Mariotti, 'The incorporation of African women', pp.91-2.

64. Section 7 (a) and (d) of the Native (Urban Areas) Act, 1923. Amendment Act 1930 (n. 25), cited in Mariotti, 'The incorporation of African women', on which this section draws heavily.

65. Natal Archives, CNC Papers, Box 110 (provisional numbering), CNC 94/19 N/1/15/5, Part IV, 'Meeting of Chiefs etc at Eshowe, 28 July, 1937.'

66. Ibid., Box 41 (provisional numbering), CNC 38/47/ N/1/7/2 (X): 'Meeting of Chiefs with Minister of Native Affairs, Pietermaritzburg, 1939.'

65. Natal Archives, CNC Papers, Box 110 (provisional numbering), CNC 94/19 N/1/15/5, Part IV, 'Meeting of Chiefs etc at Eshowe, 28 July, 1937.'

66. Ibid., Box 41 (provisional numbering), CNC 38/47/ N/1/7/2 (X): 'Meeting of Chiefs with Minister of Native Affairs, Pietermaritzburg, 1939.'

67. Evidence, 1930-32 Native Economic Commission, p.6314.

68. For Sibusisiwe Makhanya, see my introduction to 'Not Either an Experimental Doll': the Separate Worlds of Three South African Women (Pietermaritzburg, 1986). There is also an unpublished biography by M. Trowbridge, simply entitled 'Sibusisiwe' (which means 'We are blessed'), in the Killie Campbell Library, 3 parts, KCM 14343-5. The descriptive phrases are from the American Board Archives, Boston, AB 15.4, Vol. 41, M. Walbridge to M. Emerson, 20 June 1927, and from 'Miss Makhanya in Boston', Missionary Herald, Nov. 1927, p.411.

69. KCL. Killie Campbell Oral History Transcripts: KCAV interview with Bertha Mkize, Durban.

70. This section draws heavily on Marks, 'Not Either an Experimental Doll', Introduction. continue

For her stay in the United States, see R.H. Davis, 'Producing the "Good Africa": South Carolina's Penn School as a guide for African education in South Africa', in T.A. Mogomba and M. Nyaggah, Independence Without Freedom: The Political Economy of Colonial Education in Southern Africa (Santa Barbara, 1980), pp.83-112.

71. See D. Gaitskell's pioneering essay, 'Wailing for purity: prayer unions, African mothers and adolescent daughters, 1912-1940', in S. Marks and R. Rathbone, eds., Industrialisation and Social Change: African Class Formation, Culture and Consciousness, 1870-1930 (London, 1982).

72. Cope, 'The Zulu royal family', records the use of the term izimpantsholo from the beginning of the century (p.50); S.L. Kark, 'The social pathology of syphilis in Africans', South African Medical Journal, 23 (29 Jan. 1949), maintains that isifo sedolopi and isifo sabelungu were the only terms known. He was writing, however, nearly fifty years later, in 1949.

73. S.L. Kark, "The social pathology', pp.77-84. He also reviews the other literature cited.

74. Box 41 (provisional numbering) CNC 38/47 N/1/7/2 (X).

75. Kark, 'The social pathology', passim .

76. The Charter of the Zulu Society.

77. G.L. Mosse, 'Nationalism and respectability', pp. 242-3. For a brilliant evocation of the impact of 'modernity' on consciousness in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, see Marshall Bermann, All That is Solid Melts into Air. The Experience of Modernity (London, 1983). It is interesting that European anti-modernist nationalists also inveighed against the evils of ballroom dancing, fearing it loosened sexual control. (Mosse, p.228.)

78. Natal Native Teachers'Journal, April 1949, p.186.

79. Ibid . For the editor's views, see the issue for October 1948; Gibben expresses his opinion in the issue for July 1949, p.186.

78. Natal Native Teachers'Journal, April 1949, p.186.

79. Ibid . For the editor's views, see the issue for October 1948; Gibben expresses his opinion in the issue for July 1949, p.186.

80. I.V. Hull, 'The bourgeoisie and its discontents: reflections on "nationalism and respectability"', Journal of Contemporary History, 17, 2 (1982), p.249.

81. Natal Native Teachers'Journal, January 1949, pp.97-8.

82. Ibid., pp.99-100.

83. Ibid., p.101.

84. Ibid., April 1949, p.187.

85. Ibid., July 1949, pp.255-6.

81. Natal Native Teachers'Journal, January 1949, pp.97-8.

82. Ibid., pp.99-100.

83. Ibid., p.101.

84. Ibid., April 1949, p.187.

85. Ibid., July 1949, pp.255-6.

81. Natal Native Teachers'Journal, January 1949, pp.97-8.

82. Ibid., pp.99-100.

83. Ibid., p.101.

84. Ibid., April 1949, p.187.

85. Ibid., July 1949, pp.255-6.

81. Natal Native Teachers'Journal, January 1949, pp.97-8.

82. Ibid., pp.99-100.

83. Ibid., p.101.

84. Ibid., April 1949, p.187.

85. Ibid., July 1949, pp.255-6.

81. Natal Native Teachers'Journal, January 1949, pp.97-8.

82. Ibid., pp.99-100.

83. Ibid., p.101.

84. Ibid., April 1949, p.187.

85. Ibid., July 1949, pp.255-6.

86. For the complexities of so-called 'faction fighting' in Natal, see J. Clegg,' "Ukubuyisa Isidumbu" —"Bringing Back the Body": an examination into the ideology of vengeance in the Msinga and Mpofana rural locations (1882-1944) ', paper presented to the African Studies Seminar, African Studies Centre, University of the Witwatersrand, May 1979. I am grateful to Heather Hughes for calling my attention to the reasons for the provisions of the Natal Code.

87. P. la Hausse, 'The struggle for the city', pp.222-30, 272-6. The quotations are from pages 229 and 273.

88. E. Mphahlele,. Down Second Avenue (London, 1959), p.145.

89. For the history of Adams, see C.C. Grant, Adams College, 1853-1951 (Pietermaritzburg, c. 1951). For the upheavals in August 1950, Grant to Parents and Governors, 18 Sept. 1950, published in 'Not Either an Experimental Doll' ; Minutes of a Special Meeting of the General Purposes Committee, Adams, 7 Sept. 1949 (KCL MS ADA 1.07, Adams College Minutes). For the expulsion of the two students in June 1949, see Adams, Minutes of the General Purposes Committee, Report No. 2, 24 June 1949 (KCL, MS ADA 1.07).

90. S.M. Molema Papers (CAMP Microfilm 456/1), Meeting of the National Executive of the ANC, Bloemfontein, 1 Feb. 1947; Ibid., S. Msimang to S.M. Molema, 13 Feb. 1952. Cf. Anthony Ngubo, 'The African university students - a problem of group adjustment', B. Sc. essay, 1960, Durban, pp.14-15:

From the interview material it is clear that African students on the whole do not trust continue

Indians. . . . At student meetings when issues involving African-Indian relations are discussed the student body sharply divides into Indian on the one hand and African on the other. African students accuse Indians of political bargaining for privileges from the white ruling group.

(Cited in the Leo Kuper Papers, Microfilm 3, CAMP collection.)

91. La Hausse, 'Struggle for the city', p.274.

92. See C. Bundy, 'Land and liberation. Popular rural protest and the national liberation movements of South Africa, 1920-1960', in Marks and Trapido, eds., The Politics of Race, Class and Nationalism, as well as the introduction to the collection. break

1. The classification of the population of South Africa used in this essay will follow the official classification outlined in the Population Registration Act, No. 30 of 1950. For definitions of the statutory race groups, see M. Horrell, Legislation and Race Relations (Johannesburg, 1971) and its supplements. Following the official census, the term 'Coloured' in this essay will for the period after 1904 refer to the statutory group which excludes Africans. The term 'Coloured identity' will refer to an ethnic identity which does not necessarily correspond with the official race classification. Indeed, many people defined as Coloured, African or white reject those definitions. The term 'black' in this paper will refer to people designated as Coloured and African and should not be confused with the state's use of the term to refer to people previously categorized as 'Africans', 'Natives', 'Bantu' or 'Kaffirs'. When referring to the nineteenth century the term Coloured, unless otherwise stated, will refer to that class of people who in the twentieth century came to be defined as Coloured.

2. See, for example, C. Bundy, The Rise and Fall of a South African Peasantry (London, 1979), and S. Marks and R. Gray, 'Southern African and Madagascar' in R. Gray, ed., The Cambridge History of Africa Vol. 4: c. 1600 to 1790 (Cambridge, 1975).

3. Ibid., p. 443.

4. Ibid., p. 451.

2. See, for example, C. Bundy, The Rise and Fall of a South African Peasantry (London, 1979), and S. Marks and R. Gray, 'Southern African and Madagascar' in R. Gray, ed., The Cambridge History of Africa Vol. 4: c. 1600 to 1790 (Cambridge, 1975).

3. Ibid., p. 443.

4. Ibid., p. 451.

2. See, for example, C. Bundy, The Rise and Fall of a South African Peasantry (London, 1979), and S. Marks and R. Gray, 'Southern African and Madagascar' in R. Gray, ed., The Cambridge History of Africa Vol. 4: c. 1600 to 1790 (Cambridge, 1975).

3. Ibid., p. 443.

4. Ibid., p. 451.

5. J. Moodie, Ten Years in South Africa (London, 1835), p.304.

6. See S. Newton-King, The Rebellion of Khoi in Graaf-Reinet, 1799 to 1803 (Cape Town, 1980), passim .

7. J. Marais, The Cape Coloured People, 1652-1937 (Johannesburg, 1957), p.114.

8. Ibid., p.109; G. Cary, The Rise of South Africa (London, 1968), p.149.

7. J. Marais, The Cape Coloured People, 1652-1937 (Johannesburg, 1957), p.114.

8. Ibid., p.109; G. Cary, The Rise of South Africa (London, 1968), p.149.

9. E. Walker, A History of South Africa (London, 1968), p.149. break

10. S. Trapido, "The friends of the natives: merchants, peasants and the political and ideological structure of liberalism in the Cape, 1854-1910', in S. Marks and A. Atmore, eds., Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa (London, 1980), p.262.

11. S. Trapido, 'White conflict and non-White participation in the politics of the Cape of Good Hope, 1853-1910', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. University of London, 1970.

12. Cited in Trapido, "The friends of the natives', p.262, and Trapido, 'White conflict', p.39.

13. Ibid .

12. Cited in Trapido, "The friends of the natives', p.262, and Trapido, 'White conflict', p.39.

13. Ibid .

14. W. M. Macmillan, The Cape Colony Question: an Historical Survey (London, 1937), p.267.

15. Ibid .

14. W. M. Macmillan, The Cape Colony Question: an Historical Survey (London, 1937), p.267.

15. Ibid .

16. See Trapido, 'White conflict', passim ; Trapido, "The friends of the natives', passim ; M. Legassick, 'The frontier tradition in South African historiography', in Marks and Atmore, eds., Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa, pp.44-79, passim .

17. Macmillan, Cape Colony Question, p.141, and S. Newton-King, The Rebellion of Khoi, p.192, among others, are wrong to suggest that by 1853 the term 'Coloured' had been reconstituted in colonial discourse and had replaced the term 'Hottentot'. 'Hottentot' appeared as a sub-category of the category 'Coloured' in the 1892 Cape Census. The latter category included all non-European people.

18. G 6/92 Cape Census, 1892, XVII, paras 98-100.

19. Ibid., para. 98.

18. G 6/92 Cape Census, 1892, XVII, paras 98-100.

19. Ibid., para. 98.

20. Cape Colony, Select Committee Report, A12-1890, p.40, cited in V. Bickford-Smith, 'Black labour in the docks at the beginning of the twentieth century', in C. Saunders and H. Phillips, eds., Studies in the History of Cape Town, Vol. 2 (Cape Town, 1980), p.87.

21. G19/1905, Cape Census, 10-4, para. 102.

22. Ibid .

21. G19/1905, Cape Census, 10-4, para. 102.

22. Ibid .

23. C. Bundy, 'Poor Whites before poor Whiteism', unpublished seminar paper, Oxford University, February 1983, p.4.

24. See ibid ., p. 4-5; W. Beinart, 'Notes on changes in the occupational structure of the Coloured people: a historical perspective', unpublished essay, 16 May 1974.

23. C. Bundy, 'Poor Whites before poor Whiteism', unpublished seminar paper, Oxford University, February 1983, p.4.

24. See ibid ., p. 4-5; W. Beinart, 'Notes on changes in the occupational structure of the Coloured people: a historical perspective', unpublished essay, 16 May 1974.

25. Rev. J. McLure, cited in E. van Heyningen, 'Refugees and relief in Cape Town, 1899-1902', in C. Saunders et al., eds., Studies in the History of Cape Town, Vol. 3 (Cape Town, 1980), p.70.

26. South African News, 19 Aug. 1899, cited in ibid ., p.71.

27. C. Schumann, Structural Changes and Business Cycles in South Africa, 1806-1936 (London, 1938), p.93-4. Note that Schumann was writing in 1938.

28. Bundy, 'Poor Whites before poor Whiteism', passim .

29. Ibid . p.5.

30. Ibid .

28. Bundy, 'Poor Whites before poor Whiteism', passim .

29. Ibid . p.5.

30. Ibid .

28. Bundy, 'Poor Whites before poor Whiteism', passim .

29. Ibid . p.5.

30. Ibid .

31. Van Heynigen, 'Refugees and Relief in Cape Town', p.82.

32. Ibid .

31. Van Heynigen, 'Refugees and Relief in Cape Town', p.82.

32. Ibid .

33. See B. Nasson, '"These Natives think the war to be their own"', Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Collected Seminar Papers on the Societies of Southern Africa in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (London, 1979), p.8.

34. Marais, Cape Coloured People, pp.275-6.

35. Ibid .

36. Ibid .

34. Marais, Cape Coloured People, pp.275-6.

35. Ibid .

36. Ibid .

34. Marais, Cape Coloured People, pp.275-6.

35. Ibid .

36. Ibid .

37. Nasson,'"These Natives think the war to be their own"', pp.4-5.

38. Ibid .

37. Nasson,'"These Natives think the war to be their own"', pp.4-5.

38. Ibid .

39. See Marais, Cape Coloured People, passim ; Trapido, 'The friends of the natives', passim ; S. Trapido, 'The origins and development of the African Peoples' continue

Organisation', Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Collected Seminar Papers on the Societies of Southern Africa, Vol. 1. (London, 1970), pp.79-80.

40. Trapido, 'Friends of the natives', p.267.

41. Ibid .

40. Trapido, 'Friends of the natives', p.267.

41. Ibid .

42. F. Molteno, 'Colour, caste and ruling class stragegy in the South African class struggle', in M. Murray, ed., Black Political Opposition (Cambridge, Mass., 1982), p.267.

43. M. Simon, 'Organised Coloured political movements', in H.W. van der Merwe and J.C. Groenwald, eds., Occupational Change Among Coloured People in South Africa (Cape Town, 1976), pp.207-8.

44. Ibid .

45. Ibid ., and Trapido, 'Friends of the natives', passim .

46. Ibid .

47. See ibid. ; also Trapido, 'Origins and development', passim .

43. M. Simon, 'Organised Coloured political movements', in H.W. van der Merwe and J.C. Groenwald, eds., Occupational Change Among Coloured People in South Africa (Cape Town, 1976), pp.207-8.

44. Ibid .

45. Ibid ., and Trapido, 'Friends of the natives', passim .

46. Ibid .

47. See ibid. ; also Trapido, 'Origins and development', passim .

43. M. Simon, 'Organised Coloured political movements', in H.W. van der Merwe and J.C. Groenwald, eds., Occupational Change Among Coloured People in South Africa (Cape Town, 1976), pp.207-8.

44. Ibid .

45. Ibid ., and Trapido, 'Friends of the natives', passim .

46. Ibid .

47. See ibid. ; also Trapido, 'Origins and development', passim .

43. M. Simon, 'Organised Coloured political movements', in H.W. van der Merwe and J.C. Groenwald, eds., Occupational Change Among Coloured People in South Africa (Cape Town, 1976), pp.207-8.

44. Ibid .

45. Ibid ., and Trapido, 'Friends of the natives', passim .

46. Ibid .

47. See ibid. ; also Trapido, 'Origins and development', passim .

43. M. Simon, 'Organised Coloured political movements', in H.W. van der Merwe and J.C. Groenwald, eds., Occupational Change Among Coloured People in South Africa (Cape Town, 1976), pp.207-8.

44. Ibid .

45. Ibid ., and Trapido, 'Friends of the natives', passim .

46. Ibid .

47. See ibid. ; also Trapido, 'Origins and development', passim .

48. H.J. and R.E. Simons, Class and Colour in South Africa, 1850-1950 (Harmondsworth, 1969), p.74.

49. South African Spectator, 23 March 1901, cited in Trapido, 'White conflict', p.399.

50. Simons and Simons, Class and Colour in South Africa, pp. 74-6.

51. Ibid .

52. Ibid., pp.77-9 .

50. Simons and Simons, Class and Colour in South Africa, pp. 74-6.

51. Ibid .

52. Ibid., pp.77-9 .

50. Simons and Simons, Class and Colour in South Africa, pp. 74-6.

51. Ibid .

52. Ibid., pp.77-9 .

53. Trapido, 'White conflict', p.400.

54. G.M. Frederickson, White Supremacy: a Comparative Study on American and South African History (Oxford, 1981), p.131.

55. Ibid ., p.132.

56. Ibid ., p.133.

54. G.M. Frederickson, White Supremacy: a Comparative Study on American and South African History (Oxford, 1981), p.131.

55. Ibid ., p.132.

56. Ibid ., p.133.

54. G.M. Frederickson, White Supremacy: a Comparative Study on American and South African History (Oxford, 1981), p.131.

55. Ibid ., p.132.

56. Ibid ., p.133.

57. Trapido, 'Origins and development', pp.90-91.

58. G. Watson, Passing for White (London, 1970), p.120.

59. See Trapido, 'White conflict', passim .

60. Bundy, 'Poor Whites before poor Whiteism', p.10.

61. Ibid ., pp.9-11.

60. Bundy, 'Poor Whites before poor Whiteism', p.10.

61. Ibid ., pp.9-11.

62. G. Stedman-Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship Between Classes in Victorian Society (Oxford, 1971), passim .

63. Bundy, 'Poor Whites before poor Whiteism', p.8.

64. Cape Argus, 21 Dec. 1892, cited in V. Bickford-Smith, 'Dangerous Cape Town: middle class attitudes to poverty in Cape Town in the late nineteenth century', in C. Saunders et al., eds., Studies in the History of Cape Town, Vol. 4 (Cape Town, 1981), p.57.

65. Bundy, 'Poor Whites before poor Whiteism', p.3.

66. See Bickford-Smith, 'Dangerous Cape Town', passim .

67. Cape Argus, 27 Jan. 1895, cited in ibid ., p.55.

68. M. Swanson, 'The sanitation syndrome: bubonic plague and urban native policy in the Cape Colony, 1900-1909', Journal of African History, 18 (1977), passim . See also M. Swanson, 'Urban origins of separate development'. Race, 10 (1968), passim .

69. The Lantern, 23 Sept. 1882, cited in Bickford-Smith, 'Dangerous Cape Town', p.37.

70. C. Saunders 'The creation of Ndabeni', in C. Saunders, ed., Studies in the History of Cape Town, Vol. 1. (Cape Town, 1979), p.143; Van Heyningen, 'Refugees and relief in Cape Town', p.102.

71. For this paragraph see Saunders, 'The creation of Ndabeni'; Swanson, 'Sanitation syndrome'; Swanson, 'Urban origins of separate development'.

72. Cape Times, 23 March 1899, cited in C. Saunders, "The creation of Ndabeni', p.136.

73. Ibid .

72. Cape Times, 23 March 1899, cited in C. Saunders, "The creation of Ndabeni', p.136.

73. Ibid .

74. Cape Times, 27 March 1899, cited in C. Saunders, 'The creation of Ndabeni', p.137.

75. See Trapido, 'Origins and development', passim ; R. van der Ross, The Founding of the African Peoples' Organisation (Pasadena, 1975), passim . break

76. South African Spectator, 14 Jan. 1901 and 8 Feb. 1901, cited in Trapido, 'White conflict', p.419.

77. Ibid .

78. Ibid ., p.433, para. 1.

76. South African Spectator, 14 Jan. 1901 and 8 Feb. 1901, cited in Trapido, 'White conflict', p.419.

77. Ibid .

78. Ibid ., p.433, para. 1.

76. South African Spectator, 14 Jan. 1901 and 8 Feb. 1901, cited in Trapido, 'White conflict', p.419.

77. Ibid .

78. Ibid ., p.433, para. 1.

79. Cited in Van der Ross, The Founding ofthe African Peoples' Organisation, p.12.

80. See Abdullah Abdurahman Family Papers, Africana Manuscripts 1, Comparative African Manuscripts Project, University of Chicago, Box 1, Folders 11-12.

81. Cited in D. Innes, Forced Removals of Coloureds in South Africa (London, 1975), pp.4-5.

82. C. Ziervogel, Brown South Africa (Cape Town, 1937), p.68.

83. South African News, 2 Oct. 1902, cited in G. Lewis, '"Your votes are your guns": the emergence of Coloured political organisation at the Cape', unpublished seminar paper, University of Cape Town, 1983, p.36.

84. Cited in B. Magubane, The Political Economy of Race and Class in South Africa (London, 1979), pp.10-11.

85. Cited in Van der Ross, The Founding of the African Peoples' Organisation, pp.21-23.

86. APO, 13 Jan. 1912.

87. APO, 9 April 1910.

88. See Simons and Simons, Class and Colour in South Africa, passim . break

1. H. Johnson and H. Bernstein, eds., Third World Lives of Struggle (London, 1982), p.262.

2. For comparative studies in southern Africa see B. Willan, 'An African in Kimberley: Sol T. Plaatje, 1894-1898', and P. Bonner, 'The Transvaal Native Congress, 1917-1920: the radicalization of the black petty bourgeoisie on the Rand', in S. Marks and R. Rathbone, eds., Industrialization and Social Change in South Africa (London, 1982), pp.238-58 and 270-313, respectively; S. Thornton, 'The struggle for profit and participation by an emerging African petty bourgeoisie in Bulawayo, 1893-1933', Societies of Southern Africa in the 19th and 20th Centuries, Vol. 9 (London, 1977-1978), pp.63-85; D. Keet, 'An overview of Portuguese colonialist native policies with special reference to the "civilized" population of Angola to the middle of the 20th century', unpublished African History Seminar paper, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, May 1982.

3. The changing tenor of the refrain 'We are all Portuguese' can be followed in: O Africano, 25 Dec. 1908; Brado Africano, 27 Sept. 1919, 14 Nov. 1925, 29 Jan. 1927; Voz Africans, 30 Dec. 1933.

4. There were also Chopi and Makua elite groupings linked (respectively) with American Board Mission or American Methodist Episcopal religious traditions, and with English language or Islamic/Arabic and Swahili language educational traditions. Much more research is necessary adequately to place these groups in the struggle considered here, but for a limited analysis of interplay amongst all the elite groups see Jeanne continue

Marie Penvenne, 'A history of African labour in Lourenço Marques, 1877 to 1950', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Boston University, 1982, pp. 151-67, and Brado Africano, 20 June 1931.

5. There are several versions of who formed the original Grêmio and when it was formed. See Clamor Africano, 10 Dec. 1932; Brado Africano, 24 Dec. 1939, 30 Dec. 1939, 12 Dec. 1946, and 24 Dec. 1948; Interviews with Joaquim da Costa and Roberto Tembe, 16 June 1977 and with Da Costa, Tembe and Guilherme de Brito, 5 July 1977, all Port Authority, Maputo (Tapes G, M, and N); and Raul Bernardo Manuel Honwana, Memorias: Histórias Ouvidas e Vivadas dos Homens e da Terra (Maputo, 1985), p.61. Professor A. Isaacman kindly allowed me to read the Honwana MS.

6. For specific assimilation legislation see the following: Portaria Provincial (PP) 317, 9 Jan. 1917; PP 1,041, 18 Jan. 1919; Decreto 7,151, 19 Nov. 1920; Portaria 58, 2 Aug. 1921; Portaria 352, 20 July 1923; Dec. Lei 12,533, art. 3 of 23 Oct. 1926; Dip. Leg . 36 of 12 Nov. 1927. For a revealing discussion of the political importance of the categories indígena and assimilado, see Actas do Conselho do Governo, 17 Aug. 1927 to 30 Sept. 1927.

7. Tito de Carvalho, Les Colonies Portugaises au Point de Vue Commercial (Paris, 1900), pp.115-16; Penvenne, 'A history of African labour', pp.17-28; Gregory Roger Pirio, 'Commerce, industry and empire: the making of modern Portuguese colonialism in Angola and Mozambique, 1890-1914', unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of California at Los Angeles, 1982, pp.172-4; G. Clarence-Smith, The Third Portuguese Empire, 1825-1975: A Study in Economic Imperialism (Manchester, 1985), Chapter 4.

8. The slave trade between Mozambique and Brazil, however, continued to have an impact into the last quarter of the century. See Pirio, 'Commerce, industry and empire', pp.172-99; J. Capela, As Burguesias Portuguesas e a Abolição do Tráfico da Escravatura, 1810-1842 (Porto, 1979), pp.117-92; De Carvalho, Les Colonies, pp.58-61, 100-101, 115-16, 125-26; Patrick Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique to South Africa; with special reference to the Delagoa Bay hinterland, c. 1862 to 1897', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1983, Chapter 8.

9. De Carvalho, Les Colonies, Chapter 3; Capela, As Burguesias Portuguesas, pp.174-5; Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique', pp.40, 76, 96; E. de Noronha, O Distrito de Lourenço Marques e a Africa do Sul (Lisbon, 1895), p.188.

10. De Carvalho, Les Colonies, pp.42-3; L. Vail and L. White, Capitalism and Colonialism in Mozambique: A Study of Quelimane District (London and Minneapolis, 1981), pp.58-63.

11. England controlled 57 per cent and France 20 per cent. See De Carvalho, Les Colonies, pp.61-2; J. P. Oliveira Martins, Portugal em Africa—A Questão Colonial—O Conflito Anglo-Portuguez (Porto, l981), p.19.

12. Portugal, Pautas das Alfándegas da Província de Moçambique: Comprehendando as de Lourenço Marques e Cabo Delgado: Aprovados por Decreto de 29 de Dezembro de 1892 (Lisbon, 1893), p.5.

13. De Carvalho, Les Colonies, p.122.

14. De Noronha, O Distrito de Lourenço Marques, pp.132-43.

15. Vail and White, Capitalism and Colonialism, pp.131-7.

16. De Carvalho, Les Colonies, p.96.

17. Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique', pp.287, 294; De Noronha, O Distrito de Lourenço Marques, pp.59, 132; A. Enes, Relatório Apresentado ao Govêrno por Antênio Enes (Lisbon, 3rd ed., 1946), p.45; J.H. Bovill, Natives under the Transvaal Flag (London, 1900), p.67.

18. A.A. Freire d'Andrade, Colonisação de Lourenço Marques (Porto, 1897), p.30; O Commérçio de Lourenço Marques, 26 Nov. 1892; O Futuro, 20 April 1895; Diório de Notíciais, 10 April 1906.

19. A.J. Araujo, Les Colonies Portugaises d'Afrique: Colonisation, Emigration, continue

Deportation (Lisbon, 1900), Vol. 2, p.218.

20. For biographical data on these men see the following sources: Diocleciano Fernandes das Neves, Itinerório de uma Caça dos Elephantes (Lisbon, 1878); General Ferreira Martins, João Albasini e a Colonia de S. Luís: Subsídio para a História da Província de Moçambique e as suas Relações com o Transvaal (Lisbon, 1957), pp.107-8; Alfredo Pereira da Lima, História dos Caminhos de Ferro de Moçambique (Lourenço Marques, 1971), Vol. I, pp.24-5; Julião Quintinha e Francisco Toscano, A Derrocado do Império Vátua e Mousinho d'Albuquerque (Lisbon, 1935), 3rd ed., Vol. I, pp.65 and 74n, 96-100; Letters by António Gabriel Gouveia and João Albasini dating from 1847 to 1862 in Códice 1317 Annexe, Manuscritos Ultramarinos da Biblioteca Pública Municipal do Porto (BPMP), Oporto, Portugal.

21. Biographical information on the black elite of Lourenço Marques has been culled from a great many sources, but principal among them are the following: Assimilation records contained in Secretaria de Negócios Indígenas (SNI—Native Affairs Department), Documents 3-141 and 3-408 and Administração de Concelho de Lourenço Marques (ACLM), Document 1517/1, all now housed at the Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique (AHM), Maputo; Social news in O Africano and O Brado Africano ; Interviews conducted in Maputo, Mozambique, June to November 1977, see especially Tapes G, M, and N; C. Santos Reis, A População de Lourenço Marques em 1894 (Um Censo Inédito) (Lisbon, 1973); Quintinha and Toscano, A Derrocado do Império Vatua, 3rd ed., Vol. 1, pp.79-130.

22. Tentent Mário Costa, Cartas de Moçambique; de Tudo um Pouco (Lisbon, 1934), p.211; O Chocarreiro, 3 Sept. 1910; Santos Reis, Censo Inédito; O Progresso, July to Dec. 1907 under heading 'Para todos Lerem'; Lourenço Marques Guardian, 8 July 1907; Brado Africano, 7 July 1928.

23. A. Lobato, 'Lourenço Marques: Xilunguine, Pequena Monografia da Cidade', Boletim Municipal (Lourenço Marques), 3 (Dec. 1968), p.12.

24. See, for example, correspondence of António Gabriel de Gouveia, 21 Sept. 1864, to unknown, Códice 1317 Annexo (BPMP).

25. Quote from Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique'. This point is also well documented in S.J. Young, ' "What have they done with the rain?": twentieth century transformation in Southern Mozambique with particular reference to rain prayers', unpublished paper presented at the African Studies Association Annual Conference, 2 Nov. 1978; idem, 'Fertility and famine: women's agricultural history in Southern Mozambique', in R. Palmer and N. Parsons, eds., The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa (Berkeley, 1977 and James Currey, 1988), pp.66-81; and R. Pélissier, Naissance du Mozambique (Orgeval, 1984), Vol. 2, Chapter 7.

26. Correspondence in Códice 1317, Annexo BPMP, Oporto; J.J. Machado, 'Lourenço Marques à Pretória', Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, 11/12 (1885), pp.663-5.

27. Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique', pp.172-6, and Pélissier, Naissance du Mozambique, Vol. 2, Chapter 7.

28. Actas do Conselho do Governo, 28 Oct. 1914, testimony by Egas Coelho, p.814; Noronha, Distrito de Lourenço Marques, p.168; articles on Roberto Ndevo Mashaba in Brado Africano, 8 Sept. 1934, 7 Sept. 1935, and 27 May 1939; Pélissier, Naissance du Mozambique, Vol. 2, Chapter 7.

29. Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique', p.214.

30. Penvenne, 'A history of African labor', Chapters 1 to 3.

31. Ferreira Martins, João Albasini, pp.27-31; Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique', passim .

32. This process is discussed in detail in Penvenne, 'A history of African labor', especially Chapters 3 and 6. break

33. Santos Reis, Censo Inédito, p.21; 'Mappas Estatisticas', ACLM document 11/12, A.H.M., Maputo.

34. Penvenne, 'A history of African labor', pp.17-48; S.E. Katzenellenbogen, South Africa and Southern Mozambique: Labour, Railways and Trade in the Making of a Relationship (Manchester, 1982), Chapter 2.

35. Penvenne, 'A history of African labor', pp.17-168; Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique', Chapter 5.

36. Costa, Cartas de Moçambique, pp.38-40, 196-203, 205, 211; Pereira de Lima, História dos Caminhos de Ferro, Vol. 1, pp.24-25, 162.

37. 'Festa dos Pioneiros', O Progresso, 3 Oct. 1917; 'Os Pioneiros de Lourenço Marques', O Africana (Almanach) (1913), pp.104-5; Costa, Cartas de Mozçmbique, pp.196-203, 205, 211; Brado Africano, 21 March 1925.

38. Lobato, 'Lourenço Marques: Xilunguine', p.12.

39. Note the cases of Paulino Fornasini and the Albasinis in Santos Reis, Censo Inédito, unpaginated census sheets.

40. See the example of the Fornasini children 'Para todos lerem', in O Progresso, Sept. to Dec. 1907.

41. Santos Figueiredo, 'A vida social', p.9; Anuário Estatístico (1940), pp.236-7; Voz Africano, 30 Jan. 1934.

42. Santos Reis, Censo Inédito, p.21; 'Mappa Estatística', ACLM, Doc. 15/16, AHM, Maputo.

43. 'Mappa Estatística', ACLM, Doc. 15/16, AHM, Maputo.

44. Penvenne, 'A history of African labor', pp.17-76.

45. S. Gool, Mining Capitalism and Black Labour in the Early Industrial Period in South Africa: A Critique of the New Historiography (Lund, 1983), Chapter 4; R. First et al., Black Gold: The Mozambican Miner, Proletarian and Peasant (New York, 1983), pp.xx, 16.

46. See, for example, O Progresso, 27 June, 30 Sept., 3 and 17 Oct. 1907; and A Tribuna, 15, 23-28 Aug. 1907.

47. The penetration of British Indian traders into this area is detailed in the following: Pirio, 'Commerce, industry and empire', pp.174-84; Harries, 'Labour migration from Mozambique', Chapter 8; Clarence-Smith, Third Portuguese Empire, Chapter 4; Andrade, Colonização de Lourenço Marques, p.30.

48. 'Mappa Estatística', ACLM Doc. 15/16, AHM, Maputo.

49. The lobbying effort can be followed in: Relatórios da Direcção de Associação Commercial de Lourenço Marques and Relatorios, Cámara de Comércio de Lourenço Marques; Actas do Conselho do Governo and licensing correspondence for Verba 47 and 49 in uncatalogued files, ACLM archive. See also the press campaign, for example, in A Tribuna, July to Aug. 1907.

50. A. F. Nogueira, A Raça Negra (Lisbon, 1881), p.7.

51. Ibid., pp.12, 206-9, 228-9, 231-2.

52. Ibid., p.10.

53. Ibid., p.209.

50. A. F. Nogueira, A Raça Negra (Lisbon, 1881), p.7.

51. Ibid., pp.12, 206-9, 228-9, 231-2.

52. Ibid., p.10.

53. Ibid., p.209.

50. A. F. Nogueira, A Raça Negra (Lisbon, 1881), p.7.

51. Ibid., pp.12, 206-9, 228-9, 231-2.

52. Ibid., p.10.

53. Ibid., p.209.

50. A. F. Nogueira, A Raça Negra (Lisbon, 1881), p.7.

51. Ibid., pp.12, 206-9, 228-9, 231-2.

52. Ibid., p.10.

53. Ibid., p.209.

54. An anonymous letter to Jornal de Commércio (Lisbon) of 21 Feb. 1861, probably written by Oliveira Martins, advocated exploiting Africans, just as one would exploit buffalo or dromedary to 'grub out' Africa's wealth. Quoted in António José de Seixas, A Questão Colonial Portugueza em Presença das Condições de Existéncia da Metropole (Lisbon, 1881).

55. Enes, Moçambique, p.69.

56. A.A. Freire de Andrade, Relatórios sôbre Moçambique, 2nd edition (Lourenço Marques, 1907-1910), Vol. 1, p.74.

57. Text reprinted in Comissão Organizadora das Comemorações do Premeiro Centenário de Mouzinho de Albuquerque em Moçambique, Mouzinho; Governador de Lourenço Marques, 25 de Setembro de 1890 - 4 de Janeiro de 1892: Compilação continue

de Documentos Offciais do Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique (Lourenço Marques, 1956), p.202.

58. David Hemson, 'Class consciousness and migrant workers: dock workers of Durban', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Warwick, 1979, pp.75, 110.

59. Quotes from O Simples, 6 Feb. 1911 and O Progresso, 18 Feb. 1909. See also analysis in J. Capela, O Movimento Operário em Lourenço Marques, 1898-1927 (Oporto, 1983), pp. 9-10, 37-52.

60. See Note 5 above and O Progresso, 26 March 1908; O Simples, 5 Sept. 1911; O Africano (Almanach), 1913, p.27; O Voz do Operário, 13 March 1922, O Africano, quoting from A Vanguard, 30 Jan. 1934.

61. O Progresso, 18 Feb. 1909.

62. O Africano (Almanach), 1914, pp.14-18, 44.

63. O Voz do Operário, 13 March 1922.

64. O Africano, 22 Aug. 1917.

65. Ibid .

64. O Africano, 22 Aug. 1917.

65. Ibid .

66. 'Peste em Lourenço Marques, 10 December 1907', Relatórios e Informações (1908).

67. A similar process was occurring at the very same time on the Witwatersrand. See C. van Onselen, Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand, Vol. 2: New Nineveh (New York, 1982), p.138.

68. L. Vail and L. White, 'Plantation protest: the history of a Mozambican song', Journal of Southern African Studies, 5 (1978), pp.1-25.

69. Many eloquent and penetrating critiques were published in O Africano and O Brado Africano . For some of the best, see: O Africano, 13 May and 1 June 1909, 7 and 21 Nov. 1912, series 'Vozes de Burro' in 1913, and O Brado Africano, series 'A Tal Portaria', throughout 1919.

70. This is broadly evident throughout the press, but see especially O Africano, 1 March 1909 and Brado Africano, 25 Dec. 1918, 4 Jan. and 12 July 1919.

71. O Africano was at that time subtitled 'defender of the natives of Moçambique'.

72. See especially O Africano, 13 May 1909, but also 13 July 1913, 9 May 1914, 14 April 1915, 10 Jan. and 22 Aug. 1917.

73. Quote from Brado Africano, 17 May 1924, but see also 16 June 1923, 18 Aug. 1923, and 16 Feb. 1924.

74. Quote from J. Lonsdale, 'States and social processes in Africa: a historiographical survey', African Studies Review, 14, 2/3 (1981), p.142.

75. Lonsdale, drawing on F. Cooper, in ibid., p.182.

76. The Gremiê 's most comprehensive statement of such attitudes is contained in their series "The future and those who work', O Africano, 17 and 28 Sept., 6 July and 17 Oct. 1912.

77. O Africano, 13 May and 31 July 1909, 29 Aug. 1912, 30 Sept. 1911, and 5 Dec. 1914.

78. Composited from O Africano, 22 May 1909, 31 July 1909, 29 Aug. 1912, 14 Jan. 1914, 27 Feb. and 30 Sept. 1917; Brado Africano, 10 May and 12 July 1919, and 18 Aug. 1923.

79. This is an ironic pun. Portugal's nineteenth century map which showed her idealized African coast-to-coast empire stretching from Angola to Mozambique was painted pink and the expression mappa côr de rosa had a similar connotation to the English expression'Cape to Cairo'. O Africano, 30 Sept. 1911.

80. Brado Africano, 16 Feb. 1924.

81. The term mesa de funcionalismo is from Costa, Cartas de Moçambique, p.91 and the Grêmio self-promotional tactics are broadly evident in: O Africano, 24 April 1909, 8 March 1912, 13 Feb. 1913, 30 June 1915, 24 Jan. 1917, 2 Jan. 1918, and 8 Nov. 1919; Brado Africano, 27 March 1920, 16 April 1921, Sept. to Dec. 1921, 21 July 1923, 13 June 1925, 13 Nov. 1926, 22 Jan. 1927, 17 March 1928, 12 Jan. 1929 and 13 Oct. 1934. break

82. For example, O Progresso, 18 Feb. 1909; O Africano, 24 April 1909, 22 May 1909, 16 Aug. 1909, 5 Sept. 1909, 23 Dec. 1909, 14 Nov. 1912, and 9 May 1917; Brado Africano, 20 Feb. 1925 and 27 Nov. 1927.

83. See, for example, O Progresso, 30 Sept. 1907, 17 Oct. 1907, 12 Dec. 1907, 2 Jan. 1908, and 18 Feb. 1909; Os Simples, 6 Feb. and 5 Sept. 1911; O Emancipador, spring of 1922. See also, Capela, O Movimento Operário, Introduction and Chapter 1.

84. O Africano, 7 April 1909.

85. Lonsdale, 'States and social processes', p.139.

86. Quote from Quintinha and Toscano, Derrocado do Império Vátua, 3rd edition, Vol. 1, p.98. Compare with homage to Estácio Dias in Brado Africano, 13 Feb. and 30 Oct. 1937.

87. Brado Africano, 14 Oct. 1922.

88. J. Hay and M. Wright, eds., African Women and the Law (Boston, 1982), p.x.

89. Governor, Distrito de Lourenço Marques to Secretaria Geral do Governador de Moçambique, 22 Dec. 1902, 'Confidencial, 88', Moçambique, Primeira Repartição, Caixa 16, Arquivo Histórico du Ultramar (AHU), Lisbon, Portugal.

90. Formal statements of Grêmio concerns appeared in: O Africano, 25 Dec. 1908; Brado Africano, 24 Dec. 1918, 27 Sept. 1919, 11 Aug. 1922, and 17 Sept. 1932.

91. For details see Penvenne, 'A history of African labor', pp.76-168.

92. O Africano, 25 Dec. 1908, 26 April and 23 Dec. 1909.

93. Jeanne Penvenne, 'Labor struggles at the port of Lourenço Marques, 1900-1933', Review, 8, 2 (1984), pp.255-64; ACLM, 'Relatório', 21 May 1909, in SNI, Caixa 104, AHM.

94. Penvenne, 'Labor struggles at the port of Lourenço Marques', pp.255-64.

95. 'Petition by merchants and forwarding agents' to ACLM, enclosed in ACLM to Governor, Distrito de Lourenço Marques, 6 Sept. 1911; ACLM to Intendéncia de Negócios Indígenes e Emigração, 20 Dec. 1911, both in SNI, Caixa 249, AHM.

96. See especially, O Africano, 22 Aug. 1912.

97. ACLM, 'Relatório', 21 May 1909, in SNI, Caixa 104, AHM.

98. Ibid .

97. ACLM, 'Relatório', 21 May 1909, in SNI, Caixa 104, AHM.

98. Ibid .

99. 'ACLM Relatório', 21 May 1909 and Brado Africano, 1 Feb. 1919.

100. Legislation for this period is as follows: Portaria Provincial (PP) 1198 of 10 Sept. 1913; Dec . 951 of 14 Oct. 1914 authorized in Mozambique by PP 18 Sept. 1915; Dec . 312 of 4 Dec. 1922 and PP 352 of 30 Jan. 1923. See O Africano, 22 Aug. 1912, 20 Sept. and 11 Oct. 1913, 11 March 1914, 22 Sept. 1915, and 26 Feb. 1916; Brado Africano, 10 Nov. 1923 and 'Informação', 2 March 1916. SNI, Caixa 249, AHM.

101. The original assimilation legislation is PP 317 of 9 Jan. 1917, but it was subsequently modified in various ways by PP 1041 of 18 Jan. 1919, Dec . 7151 of 19 Nov. 1920, Portaria 58 of 2 Aug. 1921 and Dec . 352 of 20 Jan. 1923. The final change for the period under consideration here was Dec . 12, 533 of 1927. Legislation can be followed in: Boletim Oficial de Moçambique and José Caramona Ribeiro, Sumários de Boletim Oficial de Moçambique, 1855-1965 (Lourenço Marques, n.d.).

102. O Africano, 27 Jan. 1917 for quote. See also O Africano, 20 July 1918, 24 Jan. 1917 and 28 Feb. 1920; Brado Africano, 4 and 18 Jan., 1 March, 19 April and 19 July 1919, 3 Jan. and 28 May 1920.

103. Honwana, 'Memorias', p.62.

104. Albasini authored the column entitled 'a tal portaria' carried in O Africano and Brado Afhcano throughout the period 1917 to 1920.

105. Among Albasini's best journalistic challenges are articles or editorials in the following: O Africano, 24 and 27 Jan. and 19 Sept. 1917, 20 July and 7 Aug. 1918; Brado Africano, 1 March and 19 April 1919, 3 Jan. and 28 Feb. 1920. break

106. Quote from homage to Albasini on the tenth anniversary of his death, Brado Africano, 20 Aug. 1932.

107. O Africano, 13 and 22 May 1909, for example.

108. Actas do Conselho do Governo da Colonia de Moçambique, 28 July 1927, p.13.

109. Cartoon in O Africano (Almanach), 1913; p.31; and Public Record Office, London. FO 367/341, Hardinge to Consul, Lisbon, 3 March 1913, quoting Freire de Andrade.

110. O Africano, 5 and 12 July 1919.

111. Penvenne, 'Labor struggles at the port of Lourenço Marques', pp.249-285.

112. Interviews with Samuel Mussongueia Mussona, 4 July and 3 Oct. 1977, CMM, Maputo; Nicodemus Salamão Nhaca, 11 Oct. 1977, AHU, Maputo, Tapes A and F.

113. Penvenne, 'Forced labor and the origin of an African working class: Lourenço Marques, 1870-1962', Boston University, African Studies Center Working Paper, 13 (1979), pp.17-20.

114. O Africano, 5 July and 1 Nov. 1913.

115. Brado Africano, 19 April 1919.

116. Penvenne, 'A history of African labor', pp.221-3; O Africano, 31 March 1915, 18 May 1918; Brado Africano, 8 March 1919, 8 Sept. 1923, 29 May 1926, and 28 Nov. 1936.

117. David Hedges specifically explores the question of state policy on assimilation and mission education in Mozambique for the subsequent period in his 'Educação, missões e a ideologia política de Assimilação, 1930-1960', Boletim do Departmento de História de Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, 1 (June 1985), pp.7-19.

118. The phrase is from Clarence-Smith, Third Portuguese Empire, p.135.

119. Delagoa Directory and Anuário Estatistico detail school populations throughout this period.

120. Ilidio Rocha, Catálogo dos periódicos e principais seriados de Moçambique, da introdução da tipografia a independéncia (1854-1975) (Lisbon, 1985), pp.23, 52-3, 57, 254-5.

121. For the reasons behind the economic crisis see Vail and White, Capitalism and Colonialism, pp.202-5, and Clarence-Smith, Third Portuguese Empire, Chapter 5.

122. For details see Penvenne, 'Labor struggles at the port of Lourenço Marques', pp.264-6.

123. By the 1940s, however, the younger mulatto generation petitioned for assimilation. See AHM SNI Files 3-141 and 3-408 and ACLM Doc. 1517/1.

124. Interviews with Tembe and da Costa, 5 July 1977, 24 and 25 Aug. 1977, Maputo; Brado Africano, 4 June 1932; Rocha, Catálogo, p.322; Honwana, 'Memorias', p.63. These associations were social associations which commonly incorporated persons of diverse economic classes and political persuasions. It is misleading to paint one group as any more or less 'militant' than another. The Associação Africana, for example, was not '. . . a more militant outgrowth' of the Gremio Africano, any more than the Instituto Negrófilo was '. . . yet another militant faction' breaking away from the Gremio . The leadership of each group was predominantly of petty bourgeois origin, and their positions on most important issues were similar. Quotations from T.H. Hendriksen, Revolution and Counterrevolution, Mozambique's War of Independence, 1964-1974 (Westport, Ct., 1983) pp.16-17; and B. Munslow, Mozambique: The Revolution and Its Origins (London, 1983), pp.65-6.

125. Cf. Actas do Conselho do Governo, 24 Aug. 1927.

126. Leadership fragmentation is particularly evident in Brado Africano, 31 Dec. 1932, Aug. to Dec. 1933, and 23 Dec. 1933.

127. For details, see Penvenne, 'A history of African labor, pp.452-77.

128. The Brado Africano quickly deteriorated into a chronicle of elite fragmentation and continue

disillusion, for example, 31 March 1934, 19 June 1937, 18 March 1939, 12 Dec. 1946, 24 Dec. 1948, 19 Feb. and 27 Aug. 1949, and 27 June 1952.

129. Among the most pathetic examples of this genre are Brado Africano, 15 May 1937 and 11 June 1938.

130. Karl Marx, 'The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon' in Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, Selected Works, 3 vols. (Moscow, 1969), Vol. 1, p.398. break

1. Accounts of the 'land deal' negotiations can be found in The Land Dispute: Incorporating Swaziland?, DSG/SARS Publication 7 (Johannesburg, 1982), pp.1-28, and in Forced Removals in South Africa: The Surplus Peoples Project Reports, Vol. 5, Transvaal (Cape Town, 1983), pp.76-88. See also Institute of Race Relations, Survey of Race Relations in South Africa 1982 ( SRRSA ) (Johannesburg, 1983), pp.375-9, and SRRSA 1983 (Johannesburg, 1984), pp.326-7, 343-4.

2. According to SRRSA 1984, p.184, the population of KaNgwane in 1984 was estimated at 377,898. See also Report on the 1976 Swaziland Population Census (Mbabane, n.d. [1980]), Vol. 1, p.48.

3. P. Bonner, Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires: The Evolution and Dissolution of the Nineteenth-Century Swazi State (Cambridge, 1983), p.212.

4. D. Ziervogel, A Grammar of Swazi (siSwati), Bantu Grammatical Archives, C.M. Doke, ed. (Johannesburg, 1952), pp.xix-xxi; D. Ziervogel, 'A Swazi translation of 1846', African Studies, IX (1950), pp.167-84.

5. N. Garson, 'The Swaziland question and the road to the sea', Archives Year Book, Vol. 2 (Pretoria, 1957), pp.271-87; J.S.M. Matsebula, A History of Swaziland (Cape Town, 1972), pp.49-67.

6. bid., pp.53-5.

7. Bonner, Kings, Commoners and Concessionaires, pp.164-81.

8. D. Forbes, My Life in South Africa, a Narrative of Seventy Years Pioneering in continue

Mid-East Africa (London, 1938), pp. 30-33; Minutes of Evidence of the Eastern Transvaal Native Lands Committee (Stubbs Committee), UG-32, 1918, evidence of C. Griffith, Resident Magistrate, Ermelo, and W.R. Collins, Member of the Legislative Assembly, Ermelo, 7 Jan. 1918, pp.166, 168.

9. Report of the Native Land Commission (Beaumont Commission Report), UG-22, 1916, Vol. 2, p.258, evidence of Gen. Tobias Smuts.

10. Ibid ., p.309.

9. Report of the Native Land Commission (Beaumont Commission Report), UG-22, 1916, Vol. 2, p.258, evidence of Gen. Tobias Smuts.

10. Ibid ., p.309.

11. Evidence of the Eastern Transvaal Natives Land Committee, evidence of J. Gosland, Pretoria, 6 Feb. 1918, p.165.

12. Report of the Native Land Commission, Vol. 1, Appendix III, p.7.

13. J. van Warmelo, Preliminary Survey of the Bantu Tribes of South Africa, Department of Native Affairs, Ethnological Publications, No. 5 (Pretoria, 1935), pp.45, 86; Report of the Transvaal Labour Commission (Johannesburg, 1903), evidence of J. Hulley, 26 Aug. 1903, para. 9618.

14. M. Lacey, Working for Boroko: The Origins of a Coercive Labour System in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1981), pp.30-31, 389.

15. Results of a Census of the Transvaal and Swaziland taken on the night of Sunday, 17th April, 1904 (Johannesburg, 1906), Vol. 1, p.20, and Plate 32.

16. R. Hyam, The Failure of South African Expansion (London, 1972), p.8; Garson, The Swaziland Question, pp.346-72.

17. Hyam, The Failure of South African Expansion, pp.8-9.

18. A. Miller to D. Malcolm (private secretary to Lord Selborne), 21 Dec. 1906, in Miller Papers, File 113, MS. 429, Killie Campbell Africana Library, Durban, South Africa.

19. A.G. Marwick, The Attitude of the Swazi Towards Government and its Causes (Mbabane, 1955), pp.31-3; Financial and Economic Situation in Swaziland, Dominions No. 135 (Pim Report), pp.25-6, 30, 120.

20. J.S. Crush, 'The colonial division of space: the significance of the Swaziland land partition', International Journal of African Historical Studies, 13 (1980), pp.81-2, quoting the SelboRNe Memorandum, 3 Feb. 1908, in Public Record Office, London (PRO) C.O. 417/456/71.

21. H. Kuper, The Uniform of Colour (Johannesburg, 1947), pp.3-11.

22. E.g., Swaziland National Archives (SNA), S 13, D, 'Memorandum of proceedings at first public exhibition of Ngwane, King of Swaziland', 5 Sept. 1890, speech of Nococo. Queen Labotsibeni did attempt to intervene on behalf of Mswati's widow at Mbhuleni when she was threatened with eviction for the first time in 1906. See F.E. Moony, Resident Commissioner, Swaziland, to Secretary for Native Affairs, Transvaal, 12 March 1906, and subsequent correspondence in Transvaal Archives Depository, Pretoria, Secretary of Native Affairs, File 834/06.

23. SNA RCS 732/13, transcript of meeting on 17 Oct. 1913, in Abantu-Batho, 19 Dec. 1913.

24. Native Land Commission Report, Vol. 2, p.403, evidence of J.G. Sutherland.

25. SNA RCS 819/14, 'Report on attendance by chiefs at meeting of 19 October 1914', by A.C. Ross-Garner, Native Commissioner, Pigg's Peak, to Resident Commissioner, 20 Nov. 1914.

26. Kuper, The Uniform of Colour, p. 1; Native Land Commission Report, Vol. 2, p.403. An example of ethnic ambiguity was, however, offered by Chief Sithambe who lived in the Piet Relief district but had many followers in Swaziland. He was the only Transvaal chief to attend meetings of the Swazi Nation in connection with the land partition of 1914 but told the Stubbs Committee in 1917 that he was 'a chief of the Zulu'. Ethnic ambiguity would appear to be a continuing feature of the Piet Relief and Wakkerstroom districts. Mourners at the funeral in 1983 of Saul Mkhize, the murdered leader of the people of the Driefontein 'black spot' who were under the threat of relocation to the KaNgwane and KwaZulu Bantustans, told the press that they did not know whether they were Swazi or Zulu. Minutes of Evidence of the continue

Eastern Transvaal Natives Land Committee, evidence of Chief Sithambe, 31 Dec. 1917; SNA RCS 819/14, report by H.M. Carter, Native Commissioner, Hlatikulu, to Resident Commissioner, 7 Dec. 1914; Drum Magazine (Johannesburg), June 1983. For the history of Driefontein, see 'Driefontein—exception or rule?', in Work in Progress, 27 (Johannesburg, 1983), pp.25-33, and Forced Removals, Vol. 5, Transvaal pp.110, 188-93. The Driefontein 'black spot' is title-deed land bought by the South African Native Farmers' Association in 1913 under the leadership of Pixley Seme.

27. Kuper, The Uniform of Colour, pp.1-2.

28. H.M. Jones, Report on the 1966 Swaziland Population Census (Mbabane, 1968), pp.122-4; A.R. Booth, 'The development of the Swazi labour market', South African Labour Bulletin, 7 (1982), p.44. A Native Recruiting Corporation office was established at Mbabane in 1913.

29. Quoted by Hyam, The Failure of South African Expansion, p.79.

30. SNA RCS 51/26, C.S. Mabaso, manager, Abantu-Batho Ltd., to Financial Secretary, Swaziland, 15 Aug. 1927; W.T. Hall, liquidator, Abantu-Batho Ltd., to Resident Commissioner, Swaziland, 24 Jan. 1929.

31. My interpretation differs, but see P. Walshe, The Rise of African Nationalism in South Africa: the African National Congress, 1912-52 (London, 1970), p.33.

32. S. Plaatje, Native Life in South Africa (London, n.d. (1916)), p.183; Walshe, The Rise of African Nationalism, p.205; SNA RCS 842/13, A.G. Marwick, Mbabane district reports, 21 April 1913 and 8 May 1914.

33. T. Couzens, 'Irish traders, cricket scores and Paul Kruger's dreams: the search for Grendon', unpublished typescript, pp.50-52, quoting 'Mafukuzela in Swaziland', by 'Incognitus' (Robert Grendon), in Ilanga lase Natal, 7 May 1915; letter (in Zulu) from P. KaI. Seme to the editor, Abantu-Batho, 15 April 1915, copy in SNA RCS 23/15; The African World, 20 Feb. 1915.

34. H. Kuper, Sobhuza II, Ngwenyama and King of Swaziland (London, 1978), pp.50-1.

35. 1bid., p. 101.

36. SNA RCS 66/18, Queen Regent Labotsibeni to Resident Commissioner, 24 Jan. 1918.

37. Ibid ., High Commissioner (Buxton) to Resident Commissioner, 4 March 1918.

36. SNA RCS 66/18, Queen Regent Labotsibeni to Resident Commissioner, 24 Jan. 1918.

37. Ibid ., High Commissioner (Buxton) to Resident Commissioner, 4 March 1918.

38. Minutes of Evidence of the Eastern Transvaal Natives Land Committee, UG-18, p.205, evidence of the delegation of the Ermelo district branch of the South African Natives National Congress, 8 Jan. 1918.

39. Report of the Eastern Transvaal Native Land Committee, quoted in General Hertzog's Solution to the Native Question, Johannesburg Joint Council Memorandum, No. 1 (Johannesburg, n.d. (1927)), p.23.

40. Lacey, Working for Boroko, pp.90-1.

41. SNA RCS 304/19, petition dated 19 April 1919.

42. Ibid ., Resident Commissioner (Honey) to Queen Regent and Chiefs, 8 Jan. 1920; Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.76-82, refers to further petitions of 29 Aug. 1921 and 30 May 1922 and quotes the High Commissioner (Prince Arthur of Connaught) to Resident Commissioner, 12 Dec. 1921.

41. SNA RCS 304/19, petition dated 19 April 1919.

42. Ibid ., Resident Commissioner (Honey) to Queen Regent and Chiefs, 8 Jan. 1920; Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.76-82, refers to further petitions of 29 Aug. 1921 and 30 May 1922 and quotes the High Commissioner (Prince Arthur of Connaught) to Resident Commissioner, 12 Dec. 1921.

43. SNA RCS 202/20, S.M. Makgato, President, SANNC, to Resident Commissioner, Swaziland, 25 March 1920, and to Government Secretary, Swaziland, 24 April 1920, enclosing J. Vilakazi for Queen Labotsibeni to J. Hlubi, 31 March 1919 and J.M. Hlubi to S.M, Makgato, n.d.; J. Vilakazi for Queen Labotsibeni to Resident Commissioner, Swaziland, 27 April 1920; Resident Commissioner to Queen Regent, 10 July 1920; Secretary for Native Affairs, South Africa, to Government Secretary, Swaziland, 6 July 1920; and Government Secretary to Secretary for Native Affairs, 17 Aug. 1920.

44. H. Kuper, 'A royal ritual in a changing political context', Cahiers d'études africaines, 21 (1972), p.596; Kuper, Sobhuza II, p.81. break

45. A.C. Myburgh (edited in cooperation with the author by P.G.J. Koornhof), Die Stamme van die Distrik Carolina, Ethnological Publications No. 34 (Pretoria, 1956), p. 108.

46. Lacey, Working for Boroko, Appendix A, pp.382-8; W.M. Macmillan, Complex South Africa (London, 1930), pp.232-54.

47. Lacey, Working for Boroko, pp.155-80; Macmillan, Complex South Africa, pp.251-4.

48. The Powers of the Supreme Chief under the Native Administration Act, 1927, Original Machinery of the African Native Government and Native Social Life (Johannesburg, 1928), p.2.

49. H.J. and R.E. Simons, Class and Colour in South Africa (Harmondsworth, 1969), pp.345-6; Lacey, Working for Boroko, pp.94-5, 84-119, passim,

50. SNA RCS 276/25, Government Secretary, Swaziland, to Secretary for Native Affairs, Pretoria, 27 Aug. 1925, and Secretary for Native Affairs (J.F. Herbst) to Government Secretary, 15 Sept. 1925; minutes of meeting of Resident Commissioner and Paramount Chief, Sobhuza II, 12 Oct. 1925; minutes of a meeting of the Resident Commissioner, Government Secretary, Ndvunankhulu Mandanda Mthetwa, Chief Mhola, et al., 5 April 1926.

51. Hyam, The Failure of South African Expansion, p. 107, quoting Athlone to Secretary of State for the Colonies, 7 Nov. 1924, in PRO C.O. 417/709/5868.

52. SNA RCS 276/25, J.F. Herbst to Government Secretary, 15 Sept. 1925.

53. Ibid ., Minutes of meeting of Resident Commissioner and Paramount Chief, 12 Oct. 1925.

52. SNA RCS 276/25, J.F. Herbst to Government Secretary, 15 Sept. 1925.

53. Ibid ., Minutes of meeting of Resident Commissioner and Paramount Chief, 12 Oct. 1925.

54. Evidence to Natives Economic Commission (typescript), p. 504.

55. SNA RCS 276/25, J.F. Herbst to Bede Clifford, Imperial Secretary, 4 Nov. 1926.

56. Evidence to Natives Economic Commission, pp.494, 503-4.

57. Ibid ., pp.495, 504; A.C. Myburgh, The Tribes of the Barberton District, Department of Native Affairs Ethnological Publications, No. 25 (Pretoria, 1947), p.33.

56. Evidence to Natives Economic Commission, pp.494, 503-4.

57. Ibid ., pp.495, 504; A.C. Myburgh, The Tribes of the Barberton District, Department of Native Affairs Ethnological Publications, No. 25 (Pretoria, 1947), p.33.

58. Evidence to Natives Economic Commission, p.504.

59. H. Bradford, '"A taste of freedom": capitalist development and response in the Transvaal countryside', in B. Bozzoli, ed., Town and Countryside in the Transvaal (Johannesburg, 1983), pp.136-40; Workers Herald, 12 Jan. 1927, 17 May 1927, and 12 May 1928. I am grateful to Helen Bradford for the latter references and translations from the original Zulu. See V. Brittain, Testament of Friendship (London, 1939), p.214, and Workers Herald, 12 May 1928, for references to Norman Nxumalo.

60. Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.99-101; Simons and Simons, Class and Colour in South Africa, pp.428-9; Walshe, The Rise of South African Nationalism, pp.230-31. Two of the most prominent chiefs in the ANC at the time had Swazi connections. Chief Mandlesilo Nkosi was a Swazi chief in the Wakkerstroom district, probably at Daggaskraal, and Chief Stephen Mini, of the Edendale 'Amakholwa', had acted as secretary to King Mbandzeni in the 1880s and had owned a mineral concession in Swaziland in his own right. See T.D. Mweli Skota, African Yearly Register (Johannesburg, n.d (1932), pp.200, 227, 231, 422, 427.

61. C. Kadalie, My Life and the ICU (London, 1970), p.222; G. Carter and T. Karis, eds., From Protest to Challenge (Stanford, 1972), Vol. 1, p.335, quoting from a pamphlet entitled Blood and Tears . See also S. Marks, The Ambiguities of Dependence in South Africa: Class, Nationalism and the State in Twentieth Century Natal (Baltimore and Johannesburg, 1986), pp.74-109.

62. Walshe, The Rise of African Nationalism, p.213, quoting The Cape Times, 13 Feb. 1934.

63. Carter and Karis, From Protest to Challenge, Vol. 1, pp.313-15.

64. W. Ballinger and M. Hodgson, 'Swaziland', 7 March 1931, copy of an unpublished report in the Charles Roden Buxton papers, Rhodes House, Oxford. Brit. Emp. S continue

405/1, f.72; Sir Brian Marwick, interview with the author, Castletown, Isle of Man, 3 Oct. 1983.

65. Ibid .

64. W. Ballinger and M. Hodgson, 'Swaziland', 7 March 1931, copy of an unpublished report in the Charles Roden Buxton papers, Rhodes House, Oxford. Brit. Emp. S continue

405/1, f.72; Sir Brian Marwick, interview with the author, Castletown, Isle of Man, 3 Oct. 1983.

65. Ibid .

66. SNA RCS 331/30, A.G. Marwick to Resident Commissioner, 1 June 1930, encloses draft of the 'Swazi National Constitution', not nowin file. Kuper, Sobhuza II, p. 103, refers to a request from T. Ainsworth Dickson, Resident Commissioner, 18 June 1929, for a memorandum on the 'forms and procedures of his councils, executive and general . . .'. See A.G. Marwick, The Attitude of the Swazi towards Government, 89ff. for lengthy extracts from this document.

67. Pim report, pp.115-17.

68. SNA RCS 152/30, "Minutes of meeting of Native intelligentsia with H.H. the R.C.', 30 Jan. 1930, and copy of draft constitution; RCS 300/30, copy of draft constitution of 'Bantu and Coloured Peoples Welfare Association', with comments from Assistant Commissioners.

69. Sir Brian Marwick, interview with author, 3 Oct. 1983; Kuper, Sobhuza II, p.171; Kuper, The Uniform of Colour, pp.137-8; J. Halpern, South Africa's Hostages (Harmondsworth, 1965), p.369; SNA Secretariat File 1479, minute on Swazi Commercial Amadoda by Government Secretary, 16 June 1948, with comments by District Commissioners; also in SNA, unfiled, two draft constitutions of the Swazi Commercial Amadoda. See also Kuper, Sobhuza II, p.171.

70. Pim report, p.66; Swaziland Government, Report on Education, 1932, by H.J.E. Dumbrell, dated 4 July 1933, p.30-1.

71. Pim report, p.67.

72. 'Memorandum upon Native Education by the Paramount Chief of Swaziland', n.d. (1933), in the Institute of Race Relations Papers, 'Ibutho' file, University of the Witwatersrand Library, Johannesburg.

73. Swaziland, Report on Education, 1932, p.31; SNA RCS 503/35, A.G. Marwick to Col. R. Rey, Resident Commissioner, Bechuanaland Protectorate, 13 Nov. 1935; Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.2-10; B. Marwick, The Swazi (Cambridge, 1940), pp.271-5, includes long extracts from the memorandum by Mrs A.W. Hoernlé and Dr I. Schapera entitled 'Joint report on the advisability and possibility of introducing the Ibuto system of the Swazi people into the educational system', n.d. (1934). There is a copy of this memorandum in SNA RCS 503/35.

74. Hoernlé and Schapera memorandum, pp.1-11; A.G. Marwick to Alfred Hoernlé, 19 Dec. 1934, in Malinowski papers. File 545.

75. SNA RCS 503/35, 'Minutes of a Meeting of the Committee Appointed by the Board of Advice on Native Education to Consider the Possible Amalgamation of the Ibutho and Pathfinders Systems', 22 Feb. 1935, para. 13; Ibid ., 'Report on the "Ibuto" System of the Swazi National School', by T. Keen, Principal, 20 Sept. 1938.

76. Ibid ., and Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.138-41; Interview with J.S.M. Matsebula by Lee Nichols, Voice of America, Conversations with African Writers, Tape 46, 1976.

75. SNA RCS 503/35, 'Minutes of a Meeting of the Committee Appointed by the Board of Advice on Native Education to Consider the Possible Amalgamation of the Ibutho and Pathfinders Systems', 22 Feb. 1935, para. 13; Ibid ., 'Report on the "Ibuto" System of the Swazi National School', by T. Keen, Principal, 20 Sept. 1938.

76. Ibid ., and Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.138-41; Interview with J.S.M. Matsebula by Lee Nichols, Voice of America, Conversations with African Writers, Tape 46, 1976.

77. B. Sundkler, Zulu Zion and some Swazi Zionists (London, 1976), pp.206-38; Kuper, Sobhuza II, p.104; Halpem, South Africa's Hostages, pp.348-50; personal knowledge.

78. H. Kuper, interview with the author, Los Angeles, 14-15 April 1983.

79. Report on Education, 1932, p.28.

80. D. Ziervogel, A Grammar of Swazi (Pretoria, 1952).

81. Swaziland, Annual Report of the Director of Education, 1953, para. 64; 'A Swazi Orthography' in African Teachers Journal, 10 (Mbabane, May 1954), pp.22-3; 'Proposed Swazi Orthography' in African Teachers Journal, 18 (May 1956), pp.10-12.

82. D. Ziervogel and E. Mabuza, A Grammar of the Swati Language (Pretoria, 1976); Bantu (organ of the Bantu Affairs Department), 25 (Nov. 1977), pp. 11, 19.

83. Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.101, 105, 175, 190, 192; Kuper, Uniform of Colour, p.21; personal knowledge. break

84. The Petition of the Swazi Tribes of the Eastern Transvaal to the Union Parliament (Newcastle, Natal, 1932), with preface by P. kal. Seme, p.2. In view of later developments, it is interesting to note that four of these ten 'Swazi' chiefs were marginally Swazi, having a probable majority of 'Shangaan' followers, and later claimed, or were alleged to be, 'Shangaan'.

85. SNA RCS 604/36, reference to reply dated 12 April 1934 (Secretary for Native Affairs, File 247/308) in draft petition, Aug. 1936, encl. in Seme to Resident Commissioner, Swaziland, 3 Sept. 1936; RCS 258/39, D.L. Smit (Secretary for Native Affairs) to Resident Commissioner, 28 July 1939; RCS 604/36, Minutes of meeting of Resident Commissioner, A. G. Marwick, with Paramount Chief, 6 July 1936; Seme to Resident Commssioner, 13 July 1936; Resident Commissioner to Seme, 16 July 1936; Paramount Chief to Resident Commissioner, 23 July 1936, enclosing Seme to Paramount Chief, 13 July 1936.

86. Hyam, The Failure of South African Expansion, p. 161.

87. SNA RCS 258/39, Paramount Chief to Secretary for Native Affairs, 13 Feb. 1939, in Paramount Chief to Resident Commissioner, 12 Feb. 1939; Secretary for Native Affairs to Resident Commissioner, 28 July 1939.

88. Hyam, The Failure of South African Expansion, pp.159 and 163-71; D. Reitz, No Outspan (London, 1943), pp.244, 249. Reitz met the Duke of Devonshire on 24 Oct. 1939.

89. SNA RGS 258/39, Reitz and Van der Merwe, attorneys, Pretoria, to Secretary for Native Affairs, 27 October 1939.

90. SNA Secretariat File 651, Secretary for Native Affairs (South Africa) to Administrative Secretary, High Commissioner's Office, 26 April 1947.

91. Ibid ., minutes of meeting of First Assistant Secretary (Swaziland) with Native Authority, 9 May 1947; Acting Administrative Secretary, High Commissioner's Office, to Secretary for Native Affairs, 6 June 1947.

90. SNA Secretariat File 651, Secretary for Native Affairs (South Africa) to Administrative Secretary, High Commissioner's Office, 26 April 1947.

91. Ibid ., minutes of meeting of First Assistant Secretary (Swaziland) with Native Authority, 9 May 1947; Acting Administrative Secretary, High Commissioner's Office, to Secretary for Native Affairs, 6 June 1947.

92. SNA RCS 454/40, T. Ramsay, Native Commissioner, Bushbuckridge, to Resident Commissioner, Swaziland, 1 Aug. 1940, and subsequent correspondence.

93. Myburgh, Die Stamme van die Distrik Carolina, p.147.

94. Summary of the Report of the Commission for the Socio-Economic Development of the Bantu Areas within the Union of South Africa, UG 61: 1955, p. 182.

95. Statement by Dr H. Verwoerd in the House of Assembly, 4 May 1959, reprinted in Bantu, Sept. 1959, pp.59-62.

96. Extract from The Times of Swaziland, n.d., reproduced in J. Daniel, G.N. Simelane, and V.M. Simelane, eds., Politics and Polity in Swaziland, UBLS Readings, Vol. 3, 1975, from S.S. Ndwandwe, Politics in Swaziland (Johannesburg, 1968).

97. A.J. van Wyck, Swaziland, a Political Study (Pretoria, 1969), p. 50.

98. Halpern, South Africa's Hostages, pp.384-93; Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.134-179.

99. Ibid ., pp.202-222; Halpern, South Africa's Hostages, pp.338-43.

98. Halpern, South Africa's Hostages, pp.384-93; Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.134-179.

99. Ibid ., pp.202-222; Halpern, South Africa's Hostages, pp.338-43.

100. Sir Brian Marwick, 'A farewell message to the Ngwenyama and his people . . . 20th April 1964', copy in author's possession; M. Fransman, 'Labour, capital and the state in Swaziland', South African Labour Bulletin, 8, 6 (April 1982), p.66; Report of the Commission Appointed to Inquire into the Causes and Circumstances of the Strike which Took Place in the Big Bend Area during March 1963 (Mbabane, 1963), pp.39-41, 47.

101. Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.227-8; Halpern, South Africa's Hostages, pp.343, 357, 359-61.

102. Marwick, 'A farewell message'; Halpern, South Africa's Hostages, pp. 363-4.

103. J. Daniel, "The political economy of colonial and post-colonial Swaziland', South African Labour Bulletin, 7, 6 (1982), pp.103-5; I. Winter, "The post-colonial state and the forces and relations of production: Swaziland', Review of African Political Economy, 9 (1978), pp. 39-42.

104. Kuper, 'A royal ritual in a changing political context', pp.608-9; S. Zwane, "The continue

future of English: some perspectives in Swaziland', paper presented at the Conference on English in Southern Africa, Lusaka, Zambia, 1-5 Dec. 1983, p. 3.

105. Kuper, Sobhuza II, p.238; Stevens, Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland, p.240.

106. SNA Secretariat File 2041A, Minute by Acting Government Secretary, J. Stebbing, 21 Feb. 1949 and subsequent correspondence; Hughes, Swazi Land Tenure, p.66; Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.215-16; SNA Secretariat File 3043, Minutes of meeting of Pigg's Peak District Immigration Board, 3 Sept. 1963; District Commissioner, Pigg's Peak, to Government Secretary, 9 May 1963.

107. Report of the Committee on Foreign Labour (Pearce Report) (Mbabane, 1966), pp.2-3, 6-7; Lord Hailey, The Republic of South Africa and the High Commission Territories (London, 1963), pp. 107-14; Halpern, South Africa's Hostages, pp.236-9, 420-5; Report of the Localization Committee (Mbabane, 1966), paras. 3 and 9; Swaziland, House of Assembly Official Report, 2nd session, 6th meeting, 12 Nov. 1969, speech by Leo Lovell; Halpern, South Africa's Hostages, pp.346.

108. Swaziland, House of Assembly Official Report, 2nd session, 6th meeting, 174, 12 Nov. 1969; 224, 12 Nov. 1969, speeches by Prince Bhekimpi.

109. Kuper, Sobhuza II, pp.321-37.

110. The Citizenships Order, King's Order in Council, 22 of 1974, 3 Sept. 1974, Swaziland Government Gazette, 1974, paras. 10-16.

111. The Star, 2 March 1982.

112. Carter and Karis, From Protest to Challenge, Vol. 4, Political Profiles, p.140; M. Benson, The Struggle for a Birthright (Harmondsworth, 1966), pp.114-16.

113. 'Petition by Swazi Chiefs, Indunas, Community leaders of South Africa and their followers for the unification of Swazis of South Africa and those of the kingdom of Swaziland', n.d. (1983), compiled by Swazi Council of Chiefs of South Africa, D. Lukhele, Secretary; E.J. Mabuza, 'KaNgwane—the road ahead', copy of a speech at the University of Potchefstroom, 14 April 1983; D. Lukhele, 'Brief summary and background', n.d. (1974); D. Lukhele, 'Political development among the Republic Swazis vs. relations with Swaziland', n.d. (1973).

114. C. Desmond, The Discarded People (Harmondsworth, 1971), pp.178-9; Kangwane Economic Review 1978, pp.26-8; A. Zwi, 'Cholera in South Africa', South African Outlook (Nov. 1981), pp.172-6; idem, 'Cholera: a tropical disease?'. Work in Progress, 16 (March 1981), pp.21-33.

115. 'Petition of Swazi Chiefs', p.27.

116. SRRSA, 1973, pp.154-5; Forced Removals, Vol. 4, Natal, pp.l60, 162-3.

117. The Land Dispute: Incorporating Swaziland?, p.7; Kangwane Economic Review 1978, p.9.

118. D. Lukhele, 'Kusile maSwazi' ('Dawn of the Swazis'), Africa South (official organ of the Official African Political Parties of South Africa), 5, 4 (1970), pp.12-18 (in Zulu); idem, 'Political development among the Republican Swazis', pp.1-5; 'Swazi National Council of South Africa Manifesto', n.d. (1974).

119. Lukhele, 'Summary and background', p.2.

120. Forced Removals, Vol. 5, Transvaal, pp.73, 187.

121. The Land Dispute: Incorporating Swaziland?, p.6; The Swazi Observer (Mbabane), 18 Sept. 1982; 'Petition of Swazi Chiefs', p.22; Mabuza, 'KaNgwane—the road ahead',pp.11-14.

122. Forced Removals, Vol. 5, Transvaal, p.66.

123. Rand Daily Mail, 6 June 1978.

124. 'Petition of Swazi Chiefs', p.24. I have seen no other reference to this petition, and the date may be inaccurate.

125. News from Swaziland (issued by the Swaziland Information Department), 10 March 1980, 15 March 1983; The Citizen, 19 Oct. 1983; The Star, 9 Nov. 1977.

126. Forced Removals, Vol. 5, Transvaal, pp.73, 187-8; Myburgh, Die Stamme van die Distrik Carolina, p.80. break

127. Forced Removals, Vol. 5, Transvaal, p.66; Times of Zambia, 12 Jan. 1984, and Zambia Daily Mail, 13 Jan. 1984, quoting Reuter reports. See also 'Memorandum submitted to the Secretary, Land Commission (Mr Myburgh) on the possible incorporation of the Embhuleni valley into the KaNgwane area by Chief Mkolishi Diamini of the Embhuleni Swazi', 2 March 1984, copy in author's possession.

128. Forced Removals, Vol. 5, Transvaal, p.67.

129. Mabuza, 'KaNgwane—the road ahead', pp.5-9.

130. Informa, April 1981, p.1; Africa News, 11 Oct. 1982; Rand Daily Mail, 11 Oct. 1979; The Star, 21 May 1981. The latter three references are to interviews with Enos Mabuza.

131. Informa, April 1981, pp.3, 5, 12-13; Rand Daily Mail . 2 June 1978.

132. 'Petition of Swazi Chiefs', p.27.

133. The Land Dispute: Incorporating Swaziland?, p.6; Forced Removals, Vol. 5, Transvaal, pp.76-9.

134. E. da Silva, 'Mozambican nationalism and the Nkomati Accord', Work in Progress, 32 (1984), p.18; Times of Zambia, 20 June 1984; The Commission of Enquiry into Kangwane (Rumpff Commission), In Re the Matter of the Cession of Kangwane to Swaziland. Brief of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights under Law, United States of America as Amicus Curiae, 13 March 1984; copy in author's possession.

135. Mabuza, 'KaNgwane—the road ahead', pp. 5-9.

136. Ibid ., pp.18-19.

135. Mabuza, 'KaNgwane—the road ahead', pp. 5-9.

136. Ibid ., pp.18-19.

137. 'Petition of Swazi Chiefs', pp.34-7. Allegationsas to the non-Swazi composition of the KaNgwane Legislative Assembly were made even more forcibly in a 'Petition to the Honourable Prime Minister Mr P.W. Botha of the Republic of South Africa by the Swazi Council of Chiefs of South Africa', dated 13 Aug. 1984 and signed by Chief J.M. Dhlamini and Mr D. Lukhele. The petition, which was written after the South African government's evident reversal of policy on the land deal included the statement:

It appears that the South African government is forcing us Swazis to be ruled by other national groups in our own homeland, the South African government is forcing us to be ruled by Shangaans.

At the same time, several chiefs were petitioning to secede from KaNgwane on the grounds that they were not Swazi but Shangaan. 'Petition of Chiefs of Mbambisi Mkatshwa and Mandhinda Mkatshwa', n.d. (February 1984), copies of petitions in author's possession.

138. Forced Removals, Vol. 5, Transvaal, pp.59-89, 181-7, 245-59.

139. The Black Who's Who of South Africa Today (Johannesburg, 1979).

140. The Land Dispute: Incorporating Swaziland?, p.16.

141. 'Swaziland, South Africa's willing captive', Work in Progress, 27 (1983), p.22; 'The continuing power struggle in Swaziland', Southern African Dossier, Centre of African Studies, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo, Mozambique, 4 Oct. 1983.

142. SRRSA, 1982, p.86.

143. Stats, July 1981, p.101, gives the number of cattle in KaNgwane as 72,000. Swaziland: An Economic Survey and Businessman's Guide (Mbabane, 1981) gives the cattle population of Swaziland as 660,000, of which 525,000 were on Swazi Nation land and 135,000 on title deed land.

144. A. Luthuli, Let My People Go (London, 1962), p.144. break

1. This study is an English version of one originally written in French. It was translated by K. Alley and M. Dupont. I would like to thank Leroy Vail for further editing. An enlarged French version, together with comments by Luba and Luluwa social scientists, has been published in Cahiers d'études africaines . I am grateful to the Social Science Research Council of Canada for providing a grant that made my research possible.

2. J. Berque, 'Identités collectives et sujets de 1'histoire', in G. Michaud, ed., Identités collectives et relations interculturelles (Brussels, 1978), pp.11-18. See also J. Berque, 'Qu'est-ce une identité collective?', in Mélanges offerts à Levi-Strauss (Paris, 1969), p. 486. For a definition of 'political culture', see B. Badie, La Culture Politique (Paris, 1983). A. Touraine stresses that 'the appeal to identity becomes an appeal, contrary to social roles, to life, liberty and creativity', as quoted in P. Tap, 'Conclusion prospective', in P. Tap, ed., Identité individuelle et personalité (Toulouse, 1979), p. 398.

3. For an excellent analysis of the manipulation of ethnicity by the state and Church, see the following articles by J.P. Chrétien: 'Les deux visages de Cham', in P. Guiral and E. Ternine, eds., L'ldée race dans la pensée politique francçise contemporaine (Paris, 1977), pp. 171-99; 'Du Hirsute au Hamite', History in Africa, 8 (1981), pp. 3-41; 'Vocabulaire et concepts tirés de la féodalité occidentale et administration indirecte en Afrique orientale', in D. Nordman and J.P. Raison, eds., Science de I'homme et la conquête coloniale. Constitution et usages des sciences humaines en Afrique (XIXe-XXe sièdes) (Paris, 1980), pp. 47-63; and 'Féodalité ou féodalisme du Burundi sous le mandat belge', Etudes africaines offertes à Henri Brunschwig (Paris, 1982), pp. 367-88.

For critical analyses of the concept of ethnicity, see J. Vansina, 'Lignage, idéologic et histoire en Afrique équatoriale', Enquêtes et documents d'histoire africaine, 4 (1980), pp. 133-55; J. Copans, 'Mode de production, formation sociale ou ethnic: le leçon d'un long silence de 1'anthropologie marxiste française,' Canadian Journal of African Studies, 20 (1986), pp. 74-90 (first circulated as a working paper of EHESS, Paris 1982); J. Saul, "The Dialectics of class and tribe'. Studies in Political Economy, I (1979), pp. 1-42; M. G. Schatzberg, 'The emerging trialectic: state, class and ethnicity in Africa', paper presented to the Colloquium on the African State, University of California, Berkeley, 25 May 1982; T. C. Young, The Politics of Cultural Pluralism (Madison, 1976), as well as his 'Patterns of social conflict: state, class and ethnicity', Daedalus, 111 (1982), pp. 71-98; P. van den Berghe, The Ethnic Phenomenon (New continue

York, 1981); and B. Jewsiewicki, 'Les pratiques et idéologic de l'ethnicité au Zaire: quelques réflexions historiques', in B. Jewsiewicki, ed., L'Etat Indepéndant au Congo, Congo beige, République démocratique du Congo, République du Zaire? (Quebec, 1984), pp. 103-6. See also the excellent study by J.-L. Amselle, 'Ethnies et espaces: pour une anthropologie topologique', in J.-L. Amselle and E. M'Bokolo, eds., Au coeur de l'ethnie (Paris, 1985), pp. 11-48.

4. See F. Dumont, L'anthropologie en absence de 1'homme (Paris, 1982); A. Touraine, 'L'historicité' in Une nouvelle civilisation? Hommage à Georges Friedmann (Paris, 1973), pp. 3-44; and F. Barnard, 'Accounting for actions: causality and teleology', History and Theory, 20 (1981), pp. 291-312.

5. F. Schick, Having Reasons (Princeton, 1984), p. 148, asserts 'Not every reason is rational and there may sometimes be social reasons where there are no rational ones. Reasons go beyond rationality, and so the range of action does.' But there are many rationalities, as is pointed out by J. Habermas, 'Technology and science as "ideology" ' in Toward a Rational Society (Boston, 1971), pp. 81-122. He speaks, on p. 83, of 'rationality in Weber's sense which shows its Janus face'. H. Marcuse, 'Industrialisation and capitalism in the work of Max Weber', in Negations: Essays in Critical Theory (Boston, 1968), pp. 201-226, speaks about rationality as being a form of unacknowledged political domination.

6. A. Dawe, "Theories of social action', in T. Bottomore and R. Nesbit, eds., A History of Sociological Analysis (London, 1979), p. 398.

7. See B. Jewsiewicki, ed., Recits de vie et mémoires: pour une anthropologie historique du souvenir (Paris and Quebec, 1987), for analysis and an extensive bibliography.

8. The relationship between Social Darwinism, racism and industrialization (but also involving scientific selection, management efficiency, and rational authority) is discussed in P. Legendre, Paroles poétiques échapées du texte (Paris, 1982). See also UNESCO, Sociological Theories: Race and Colonialism (Paris, 1980), especially C. Guillaumin's chapter, and also her essay, 'Caractères spécifiques de l'idéologie raciste,' Cahiers intemationaux de sociologie, 53 (1972), pp. 247-74, where she makes a distinction between 'self-referential' racism and 'other-referential' racism; A. Chase, The Legacy of Malthus: the Social Cost of the New Scientific Racism (Urbana, 1980); A. Kriegel, La race perdue (Paris, 1983); Y. Christen, Le dossier Darwin (Paris, 1982); L. Kuper, ed., Race, Science and Society (Paris, 1975); and P. van den Berghe, Race and Racism (New York, 1967).

A. Rose, 'Race and ethnic relations', in R. Morton, ed., Contemporary Social Problems (New York, 1966), p. 429, suggests that ethnicity in pre-colonial times is based on the idea of cultural values and racism is based on biological determinism. If he is correct, to speak of ethnicity today is a fallacy of 'a common predilection to extrapolate from past experience without observing signs of incipient change . . .'

9. E.P. Thompson, 'Peculiarities of the English', Socialist Register (1965), p. 357. It is useful to remember L. Althusser's view, in his Répoase à John Lewis (Paris, 1973), that one cannot define class before class struggle, the latter producing class division and class identity. There certainly is not a unilineal logic of industrialism nor any unitary logic of class formation. See P. Worsley, 'Social class and development', in G. Bereman, ed., Social Inequality (New York, 1981), pp.221-55.

10. J. Lonsdale, 'When did the Gusii (or any other group) become a tribe?', Kenya Historical Review, 5 (1977), pp.123-33.

11. It is essential to restore the political dimension of social conflict. See E. Fox-Genovese and E. Genovese, "The political crisis of social history: class struggle as subject and object'; in their Fruits of Merchant Capital (View York, 1983), pp. 175-212; T. Judt, 'A clown in regal purple: social history and the historians'. History Workshop, 7 (1979), pp.66-94; and S. Hochstadt, 'Social history and politics: a materialist view', Social History, 7 (1982), pp.75-83.

12. See M. Agulhon, 'Plaidoyer pour les Jacobins: La gauche, l'Etat et la région dans la continue

tradition historique francaise', Le Débat, 13 (1981), pp. 55-65; F. Dumont, 'Mouvements nationaux et régionaux d'aujourdhui', Cahiers internationaiix de sociologie, 66 (1979), pp.5-17; and, from a quite different, but no less important perspective, R.M. Taylor, Jr., 'Summoning the wandering tribes: genealogy and family reunions in American history'. Journal of Social History, 16 (1984), pp.21-37. For the concept of community, see R. Plant, 'Community: concept, conception and ideology', Politics and Society, 26 (1978), pp.79-107, and B. Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, 1983).

13. P. Vilar, 'Réflexions sur les fondements des structures nationales', La Pens ée, 217-8 (1981), pp.46-64, also published in English in Marxist Perspectives, 5 (1979), pp.3-17.

14. For good examples, see O. Debhonvapi, 'Société zairïise dans le miroir de la chanson populaire', in B. Jewsiewicki, ed., Etat Independant du Congo, p.129; B. Jewsiewicki, 'Political consciousness among African peasants in the Belgian Congo', Review of African Political Economy, 19 (1980), pp.23-32; and J.-L. Vellut, 'Matériaux pour reconstituer une image du Blanc dans la société coloniale du Congo Beige', in J. Pireotte, ed., Stéréotypes nationaux et préjugés raciaux aux XIXe et XXe siécles (Louvain-la-Neauve, 1982), pp.91-114.

15. See C. Young and T. Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State (Madison, 1985). E. Bustin, Lunda under the Belgian Rule (Cambridge, MA, 1975), presents a very different, but contiguous case of the colonial state's manipulations of ethnic history and identity.

16. B. Jewsiewicki, 'Capitalisme par procuration et industrialisation sans entrepreneurs: la petite entreprise au Congo belge, 1910-1960', in Laboratoire 'Tiers-Monde', Entreprises et entrepreneurs en Afrique, 19e-20e siécles (Paris, 1983), Vol. 2, pp.81-100, and 'La raison d'Etat ou la raison du capital: accumulation primitive au Congo belge', African Economic History, 12 (1983), pp.157-82.

17. T.K. Biaya, 'De l'aube des temps jusqu'alors: l'histoire contemporaine des Luluwa par Nyuinyi wa Lwimba', in Jewsiewicki, ed., Etat Indépendant du Congo, pp. 23-4, presents oral 'popular' history. Mabika Kalanda, Baluba et Lulua: Une ethnic à la recherche d'un nouvel équilibre (Brussels, 1959) and C. Young, Politics in the Congo (Princeton, 1965), have made scholarly analyses.

18. See J.-L. Vellut, 'Les bassins miniers de I'ancien Congo Belge: essai d'histoire economique et sociale (1900-1960) ', Cahiers du CEDAF, 1 (1981). A shortened version of this was published in English in D. Birmingham and P. Martin, eds., History of Central Africa (New York, 1983), Vol. 2,pp.126-62.

19. For a theoretical analysis, see P. Bourdieu, Ce que parler veut dire (Paris, 1982). For examples from Central Africa, see W. Samarin, 'Colonization and piginization on the Ubangi River', Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, 4 (1982), pp.1-42 and J. Fabian, 'Missions and the colonization of African languages: development in the former Belgian Congo', Canadian Journal of African Studies, 17 (1983), pp.165-87.

20. See B. Jewsiewicki, 'Zaire enters the World System: its colonial incorporation as Belgian Congo, 1885-1960', in G. Gran, ed., Zaire: The Political Economy of Underdevelopment (New York, 1979), pp.29-53.

21. The social history of white colonial society in the Belgian Congo remains to be written. We have only J.-L. Vellut's very brief, but excellent, essay, 'Les belges au Congo, 1885-1960', in A. d'Haenens, ed., La Belgique: Sociétés et cultures depuis 150 ans (Brussels, 1980), pp. 260-5.

22. 1 use the term 'elite' as J.N. Paden and E. W. Soja, The African Experience (Evanston, 1970), define it, on the basis of education and special employment. This conforms to colonial perceptions and includes the idea of possessing a special potential for influence in historical changes.

23. We know almost nothing about the urban culture of the Belgian Congo. See J. Fabian, 'Popular culture in Africa: findings and conjectures', Africa, 48 (1978), pp.315-34, continue

and his 'Kazi: conceptualization of labour in charistmatic movements among Swahili-speaking workers', Cahiers d'Etudes Africaines, 13 (1973), pp.292-325. For suggestive work on other areas of southern Africa, see D. Coplan, 'The emergence of an African working class culture', in S. Marks and R. Rathbone, eds., Industrialization and Social Change in South Africa (New York, 1982), pp.358-75; C. van Onselen, Studies in the Social and Economic History of the Witwatersrand, 1886-1914, Vol. II: New Nineveh (New York, 1982), pp.171-201; and F. Cooper, ed., Struggle for the City (Beverley Hills, 1983), passim .

24. Fabian, 'Missions and the colonization of African Languages'.

25. G. Feltz, 'Une introduction a 1'histoire de 1'enseignement en Afrique centrale (XIXe-XXe siècles): Idèologies, pouvoirs et sociétés', Bulletin de l'Institut belge de Rome, 51 (1981), pp.351-99.

26. See B. Jewsiewicki, 'Histoire de 1'agriculture africaine dans l'ancienne Province du Katanga (1919-1940) ', Likundoli, 2/3: Enquetes et documents d'histoire africaine, I (1975). A shortened English version of that essay is to be found in R. Palmer and N. Parsons, eds., The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1977), pp.317-44. See also Tshundolela Epanya, 'Politique coloniale, économic capitaliste et sous-développement au Congo belge: Le cas du Kasai' (1920-1959) ', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Université de Lubumbashi, 1980.

27. E. M'Bokolo, 'Le "séparatisme katangais" ', in Amselle and M'Bokolo, eds., Au coeur de 1'ethnie, pp.185-226, published after the completion of this essay, is the best analysis of this process.

28. For this concept, see Centre méridional d'histoire sociale des mentalités et des cultures, Les intermédiaires culturels (Aix-en-Provence, 1981). It is important to place this concept within the context of the history of mentalités . See M. Vovelle, Idélogies et mentalités (Paris, 1982); R. Darton, The Great Cat Massacre (New York, 1984); P. Hutton, "The history of mentalities: the new map of cultural history', History and Theory, 20 (1981), pp.237-59.

29. E. De Jonghe, Les formes d'asservissement dans les sociétés indigènes du Congo belge (Brussels, 1949).

30. P. Tempels, La Philosophic bantoue (Elisabethville, 1945 and Paris, 1949). The original text published in Flemish in 1946 in Antwerp is a culmination of the process of the indigenization of African culture by Belgian thinkers all of whom worked for some time in Elisabethville (Lubumbashi). This group included C. van der Kerken, J. de Hemptinne, G. Henenn, P. Tempels's inspired Jamaa movement, as well as the CEPSI's attempts at social and scientific action and social engineering. For the Jamaa movement, see J. Fabian, Jamaa: A Charismatic Movement in Katanga (Evanston, 1971), and W. De Craemer, The Jamaa and the Church (Oxford, 1977).

31. J. Fabian, Placide Tempels et son oeuvre dans une perspective historique (Brussels, 1970); Bilolo Mubabinge, 'La philosophic nègre dans l'oeuvre d'Emile Possoz, I: 1939-1945', Revue africaine de Théologie, 5 (1981), pp.197-226, and his 'Impact d'Emile Possoz sur P. Tempels: Introduction au destin du possozianisme', idem ., 6 (1982), pp.25-57. See also A. Smet's introduction and new translation of Tempels's Philosophie bantou (Kinshasa, 1979), and his 'La conception de la philosophie dans 1'oeuvre du Père Tempels', in Ethique et société, Actes de la 3e Semaine Philosophique de Kinshasa du 3 au 7 avril 1978, Kinshasa, Faculté de théologie catholique (1980), pp.333-44. It is worth noting that the only other Central African ethno-philosophy has been that of the Tutsi: A. Kagame, La philosophie bantu rwandaise de 1'Etre (Brussels, 1956), and his La philosophie bantu comparées (Paris, 1980). Kagame stresses in his Introduction that Tempels had influence upon his ideas.

32. E. Hobsbawmand T. O. Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1983) ; J. Pouillon, 'Tradition: transmission ou reconstruction?', in J. Pouillon, Fétiche dans fétichisme (Paris, 1975); and E. Shils, Tradition (Chicago, 1981). break

33. The bibliography of the colonial debate can be found in A. Romaniuk, Fécondité des populations congolaises (Paris, 1967). As C. Ginzburg, 'Clues, roots of a scientific paradigm'. Theory and Society, 7 (1979), pp. 273-88, notes: 'Later [after 1850] individuality and identity grew in importance as issues of specific social groups, among them those interested in social control.' (p. 283.) So the central question of demography is probably not the technical one but that of the paradigm: is there any relation between social organization and demography, between ethnicity and demographic growth? Who is ethnic and who is individual and why? 'The individual born in a religious context (persona), acquired its modern, secularized meaning only in relation with the State.' (p. 284).

D. Kirkby, 'Colonial policy and native depopulation in California and New South Wales', Ethnohistory, 31 (1984), pp. 1-16, suggests that the implicit detribalization resulted in massive depopulation in North America and Australia. The implicit conclusion of ethnic studies in demography is that ethnic cohesion ('retribalization'?) has an important effect on demography: as the colonial administration believed from 1920, the 'traditional' peasant living in a tribal (ethnic) society is a good one, while the detribalized African was an abomination. For a short discussion of historical development in the Belgian Congo, see B. Jewsiewicki, 'Modernisation ou destruction du village africain: l'économie politique de la "modernisation agricole" au Congo belge', Les Cahiers du CEDAF (Brussels, 1983), 15, pp. 21-6.

34. There is no room here to analyze the evolution of ethnographic, philosophical/ theological, linguistic and juridical studies based upon and constructing an assumed Luba 'cultural model', from Colle through Van Caenengham, Sohier, Stappers, et at . However, Ntedika Konde, 'Bibliographic sélective (1925-1975) ', Revue Africaine de Théologie (1977-82), is useful for following the development of this group of writers, most of whom were missionaries, but which also included some jurists.

35. The French term 'cadet' is a better word; see for discussion and an extensive bibliography B. Jewsiewicki and J. Létourneau, eds., Mode of Production: the challenge of Africa (Quebec, 1985). As far as the concept of 'household' is concerned as an analytical tool, I prefer Sacs's in 'Sisters and wives: the past and future of sexual equality', Contributions in Women's Studies, 10 (Westport, Ct., 1979). See also J. Guyer, 'Household and community', African Studies Review, 24 (1981). How can we study the phenomenon of women's contribution if the basic assumption is that a woman is always given to a man by some other man? Cf. C. Levi-Strauss, cited by E. LeRoy Ladurie, 'Le carré d'amour occitan', Le Débar (1984), p. 65.

36. See J. MacGaffey, 'The effect of rural-urban ties, kinship and marriage on household structure in a Kongo village', Canadian Journal of African Studies, 17 (1983), pp. 69-83.

37. One should also be aware of Kalamba Mangole's fate—and that of many others. T. K. Biaya, 'Kalamba Mangole et Nkwembe: histoire, idéologie et politique', in Jewsiewicki, ed., Etat Indépendent du Congo, pp. 66-9.

38. It is a kind of linguistic and occupational stereotype well demonstrated for France by C. Bertho, 'L'invention de la Bretagne: genése sociale d'un stéréotype', Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 35 (1980), pp. 45-72.

The Bangala-Equateur case seems to me to be more a regional identity than an ethnic one. Lingala originated in an external/internal linguistic production, and it has been said by the 'natives' to be a maternal tongue of whites.

Colonial underdevelopment and the subsequent search by President Mobuto for a regional political base created some basis for a claim of some common cultural heritage, chiefly through employing the Hulstaert/Boelart thesis of a common Mongo culture. The thesis has the advantage of being a conceptual one. (See epistemological remarks by I. Veit-Brause, 'A Note on Begriffsgeschichte', History and Theory, 20 (1981), p.61. There is also a political advantage of the large Mongo/Equateur model in that it subsumes the Tetela culture, from which Patrice Lumumba derived. One continue

must also note the supposed opposition between Lingala and Lomongo that is strongly stressed by Hulstaert as an opposition between an 'artificial' product and a true 'ethnic' creation. The discussion between Hulstaert and Mumbanza in Zaire Afrique, 78 (1973), pp.471-83; 83 (1973), pp.173-85; 90 (1974), pp. 625-32, and in Likundali, 2 (1974), pp. 129-49 is very important for anyone studying the 'production' of 'modern' ethnic identity.

39. It is the same process of invention of an ideal social space as in the case of the Shtetl. See R. Gay, 'Inventing the Shtetl', American Scholar, 53 (1984), pp. 329-49. See also C. Karnoouh, 'National unity in Central Europe: the state, peasant folklore and mono-ethnism', Telos, 53 (1982), pp.95-105; P. Bourdieu, 'Espace social et genèse des "classes" ', Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 52-53 (1984), pp.3-12; and L. Dramalieve, 'Les coordonnées de l'espacetemps dans une idéologie de la conscience collective', Diogène, 117 (1982), pp. 27-51.

40. E. Torday, Camp and Tramp in African Wilds (London, 1913). See also for comparison J. Hay, 'Local trade and ethnicity in Western Kenya', African Economic History Review, 2 (1975), pp. 7-12.

41. Tshundolela Epanya, 'L'innovation technologique en milieu africain dans la zone minière orientale du Kasai (Zaire): blocages, adaptations et transformations socio-économiques', in B. Jewsiewicki and J. P. Chrétien, eds., Réactions sociales à l'innovation technologique en Afrique centrale et occidentale (Quebec, 1984), pp.233-66.

For local people a specific regional identity is chiefly the result of industrial change. See also D. Greenwood, 'Continuity in change: Spanish Basque ethnicity as a historical process', in M. Esman, ed., Ethnic Conflict in the Western World (Ithaca, 1977), pp. 8l-102.

42. See K. Thompson, 'Folklore and sociology', Sociological Review, 28 (1980), pp.249-85; E.P. Thompson, 'Folklore, anthropology and social history', Indian Historical Review (1978), pp. 247-66; and R. Jaulin, 'Du folklore' in La dédvilisation: Politique et oratique de l'ethnocide (Brussels, 1974), pp. 119-25.

43. See J. Goody, The Graphical Reason (London, 1976); P. Legendre, Paroles poétiques échapés du texte (Paris, 1982); and, for an excellent empirical analysis, D. Gisler, 'Corps, langage, politique: Une expérience d'alphabétisation en Guadeloupe', Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 32-33 (1980), pp. 105-110.

44. V. Y. Mudimbe, 'La culture', in J. Vanderlinden, ed., Du Congo au Zaire, 1960-1980 (Brussels, 1981), pp. 309-98.

45. Unfortunately, we lack comparative studies of indigenization practices and ideologies in colonial and post-colonial Africa, especially Zaire, and Latin America. For Mexico, see C. Deverre and R. Reissner, 'Les figures de l'Indien problème: L'évolution de l'indigénisme mexicain', Cahiers Inteniationaux de Sociologie, 68 (1980), pp.149-67; and J. Friedlander, L'Indien des autres (Paris, 1979).

46. See the essay in this volume by Allen Roberts for a case study of this process.

47. Dualism is presented in Plan décennal pour le développement économique et social du Congo beige (Brussels, 1949), page xxxxvii, as an official philosophy of development. For the continuity of basic assumptions about economic dualism, see E. M'Bokolo, ' "Historicité" et pouvoir d'Etat en Afrique noire', Relations Internationales, 324 (1983), pp. l94-213.

48. See the already classic analysis of S. N. Eisenstadt and R. Lermarchand, eds., Political Client, State and Development (Beverley Hills, 1981); S.N. Eisenstadt and L. Roniger, eds., Patron, Clients and Friends (Cambridge, 1984); L. Roniger, 'Modern patron-client relations and historical clientalism', Archives européennes de sociologie, 24 (1983), pp.63-95; R. Theobald, 'The decline of patron-client relations in developed societies', idem ., pp. 136-47; and R. Jobert, 'Clientelisme, patronage et participation populaire', Revue Tiers Monde, 24 (1983), pp.537-56.

49. The phrase is Crawford Young's in 'Zaire: the unending crisis', Foreign Affairs, Fall continue

(1978), pp.165-85. For a further discussion, see the essays by Young, Newbury, Nzongola, Verhaegen, and Willames in Jewsiewicki, ed., L'Etat Indépendant du Congo, passim .

50. De Heusch, 'Introduction: travel memories', in Why Many Her? (Cambridge, 1981), p.20.

51. B. Jewsiewicki and Mumbanza mwa Bawele, 'The social context of slavery in Equatorial Africa during the 19th and 20th centuries', in P. Lovejoy, ed., The Ideology of Slavery in Africa (Beverley Hills, 1981), pp.73-98.

52. See W. MacGaffey, 'Economic and social dimensions of Kongo slavery (Zaire) ', in S. Miers and I. Kopytoff, eds., Slavery in Africa: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives (Madison, 1977). Robert Harms, in his important essay, 'Sustaining the system: trading towns along the middle Zaire', in C. Robertson and M. Klein, eds., Women and Slavery in Africa (Madison, Wi., 1983), pp.95-110, presents the following definition for free people: 'people who could trace their ancestry back for several generations through blood ties instead of master-servant ties' (p. 98). See also in the same volume S.H. Broadhead, 'Slave wives, free sisters: Bakongo women and slavery, c. 1700-1850', pp.160-84, where she notes that the 'children of slave wives belonged to the lineage of their father' (p. 166) and 'A woman without legally recognized ties of sisterhood was a slave' (p.162).

53. For the Belgian Congo, B. Jewsiewicki, 'African peasants in the totalitarian colonial society of the Belgian Congo, 1885-1960', in M. Klien, ed., Peasants in Africa (Beverley Hills, 1980), pp.45-77. For elsewhere in Africa, where cotton played a special part in the process, see L. Vail and L. White, ' "Tawani, Machembero!" : forced cotton and rice growing on the Zambezi', Journal of African History, 19, 2 (1978), pp.239-65; A. Isaacman et al ., 'Cotton is the mother of poverty: peasant resistance to forced cotton production in Mozambique, 1938-1961', International Journal of African Historical Studies (1982), pp. 581-615; U. Sturtzinger, 'Tchad: mise en valeur, coton et developpement', Revue Tiers Monde, 24 (1983), pp. 643-52.

54. See J.-L. Vellut, 'Le Katanga industriel en 1944: malaises et anxiétés dans la société coloniale', in ARSOM, Le Congo beige durant la seconde guerre mondiale (Brussels, 1983).

55. B. Verhaegen, 'Les premiers manifestes politiques à Léopoldville (1950-1956) ', Les Cahiers du CEDAF (Brussels, 1971), p.110, and his 'Le centre extracoutumier de Stanleyville (1940-1945) ', in idem . (Brussels, 1981), pp. 8-^9.

56. Expression ofMudimbe, in 'La culture'.

57. Ilunga Kabongo, 'Déroutante Afrique ou La syncope d'un discours', in Jewsiewicki, ed., L'Etat Independant du Congo, p.17.

58. B. Jewsiewicki, 'L'Etat et I'accumulation primitive coloniale: la formation du mode de production colonial au Zaire', Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, 68 (1981), pp. 71-91.

59. M. Oriol, 'Identité produite, identité instituté, identité exprimée: confusions des théories de l'identite nationale et culturelle', Cahiers Intemationaux de sociologie, 66 (1979), pp. 19-28. See also M. Bassand, 'Identité régionale, un concept carrefour', in Identité régionale (Saint-Saphorin, 1981), pp. 3-26: 'Formation of identity signifies either the processes by which an individual adapts himself to his socio-cultural environment or else that by which the individual creates an image of himself and attempts to actualize it' (p.4).

60. From any perspective that views ethnicity as a 'modern' phenomenon, it means that it is a phenomenon of industrialization: A. Cassanova, 'Ethnie, nation et histoire'. La nouvelle critique, 88 (1975), pp.16-22, and O. Patterson, 'Context and choice in ethnic allegiance: a theoretical framework and Caribbean case study', in N. Glazer and D. Moynihan, eds., Ethnicity, Theory and Experience (Cambridge, Ma., 1975), pp.305-49; P. Bourdieu, 'Le capital social', Actes de la recherche en sciences continue

sociales, 31 (1980), pp.2-3, and Ce que parler veut dire, pp. 135-48. This point cannot be ignored.

61. See some interesting remarks inspired by Bourdieu in M. Le Pape and C. Vidal, 'Raisons pratiques africaines', Cahiers Internationaiix de socioloeie, 73 (1982), pp.306-7.

62. M. Mitterauer and R. Siednev, The European Family: Patriarchy to Partnership from Middle Ages to the Present (Chicago, 1982).

63. L. Verbeek and J.-L. Vellut, eds., 'Mouvements religieux dans la region de Sakania (1925-1931) ', Enquetes et documents d'bistoire africaine, 5 (1983), pp.60-66; and private communication from Eveline Libert.

64. See for migrant workers and social control, M. Verdon, The Abutia Ewe of West Africa (The Hague, 1983); C. Pairault, 'L'économiste et I'anthropologie', Cahiers Intemationaux de sociologie, 66 (1979), pp.170-71; and, for Greece, B. Vernier, 'La circulation des biens de la main-d'oeuvre et des prenoms a Karpathas', Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 31 (1980), pp.63-87.

65. A. Schwarz, Les dupes de la modernisation (Montreal, 1983), pp. 103-33, and B. Verhaegen et al ., 'La marginalité, le manage et l'instruction à Kisangani', in Jewsiewicki, ed., L'Etat Independant du Congo, pp.131-7.

66. See J. Berque, 'Identites collectives et sujets', p.12: 'Thus, we are not able to consider again the struggle of socio-economic classes, in the sense that Marx gives to this word, as defining all the actors in the debate. There are still other classes in society that are not just economic ones: that of youth and that of women—and these may be reduced to an economic base only artificially.' Also M. Davis Caulfield, 'Equality, sex and mode of production', in G. Berreman, ed., Social Inequality: Comparative and Developmental Approaches (New York, 1981), p.202: 'Erosion, distortion and near annihilation of use value relations in class societies . . . have resulted in the devaluation and exploitation not only of "women's work" and of women themselves, but also of human relations generally . . .'

67. As T. Paming and L. Mee-Yan Cheung, 'Modernization and ethnicity', in J. Domy and A. Akiwowo, eds., National and Ethnic Movements (Beveriey Hills, 1980), pp.131-42, note: 'modernization creates new ethnic elites and new identities and solidarities'.

68. P. Laslett, 'Familie und Industrialisierung: eine "starkeTheorie" ', in W. Conze, ed., Socialgeschichte der Familie in der Neuzeit Europas (Stuttgart, 1976), p.31, remarks that the family change is a key to understanding the social change. See also S. Songer and J. Dupâquier, eds., Marriage and Remarriage in Populations of the Past (London, 1981), p.3; and J. Cuisenier, Economic et parenté (Paris, 1975), pp.39-47.

69. T. Nairn, "The modern Janus', New Left Review, 94 (1975). break

1. J.J. Grotpeter, Historical Dictionary of Zambia (Metuchen, N.Y., 1979), p. 138.

2. J. A. Fishman, 'An examination of the process and function of social stereotyping', Journal of Social Psychology, 43 (1956), p.28. Also M. Banton, Race Relations (New York, 1967), pp.299-303; D.T. Campbell, 'Stereotypes and the perception of group differences', American Psychologist, 22 (1967), pp.821-25; R.A. LeVine and D.T. Campbell, Ethnocentrism: Theories of Conflict, Ethnic Attitudes and Group Behavior (New York, 1972), pp.156-75, 205-23; A.G. Miller, 'Historical and contemporary perspectives on stereotyping' in A.G. Miller, ed., In the Eye of the Beholder (New York, 1982), pp.1-40.

3. C.M. Doke, The Lambas of Northern Rhodesia (London, 1931), p.22.

4. F.J.M. de Lacerda e Almeida, Travessia da Africa (Lisbon, 1936), pp.239-40; also R.F. Burton's translation from his The Lands of Cazembe (London, 1873) in Doke, The Lambas, p.30. Lacerda's report is confirmed by Story LXXXVIII and Aphorisms 592, 806, 1176 and 1529 in C.M. Doke, Lamba Folk-Lore, American Folk-Lore Society, Vol. 20 (New York, 1927), pp. 166-69, 370, 403, 452.

5. A.F.F. da Silva Porto, Silva Pôrto e a Travessia do Continente Africano (Lisbon, 1938), pp.115-23. For a broad overview of Ilamba in the nineteenth century, see A. Roberts, 'The age of tradition (A.D. 1500 to 1850) ' in B.M. Fagan, ed., A Short History of Zambia (London, 1966), pp.103-22; J. Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna (Madison & Milwaukee, 1966), pp.227-35; Zambia National Archives (ZNA) KSN 2/1. District Officer Jones's 1932 'History of the Lima Chiefs' in the Ndola District Notebook, Vol. 2, pp.304-6; and Doke, The Lambas, pp.35-48.

6. H. Delvaux, L'Occupation du Katanga, 1891-1900: Notes et Souvenirs du Seul Survivant (Supplément á L'Essor du Congo, Elisabethville: Imbelco, 12 Aug. 1950), pp.48-54; E. Verdick, Les Premiers Jours au Katanga, 1890-1903 (Brussels, 1952, pp.74-77, 119-23; J.E. Stephenson, Mohammedan Early Days in the Copperbelt of Northern Rhodesia (Lusaka, 1972), pp.33-41.

7. J. Thomson, 'To Lake Bangweolo and the unexplored region of British Central Africa', Geographical Journal, 1 (1893), pp.97-121; M. Faber, "The Mshiri-Thomson meeting of November 1890: a note', African Social Research, 12 (1971), pp.129-43; B.S. Krishnamurthy, 'The Thomson treaties and Johnston's certificate of claim', African Social Research, 8 (1969), pp.588-601.

On Lewanika's claims to tributary sovereignty, see L.H. Gann, The Birth of a Plural Society (Manchester, 1958), pp.215-20; J.E. Stephenson, Chirupula's Tale (London, 1937), pp.24-26, 133-37; Public Record Office, London (PRO) C.O. 795/17-18, 1926 Line of Rail Native Reserves Commission Report, Evidence and Correspondence, Vol. 1, pp.226, 306-11, and Vol. 2, pp.105-08, 119, 169.

8. On village depopulation, see H. Capello and R. Ivens, De Angola á Contra-Costa continue

(Lisbon, 1886), p.157; Delvaux, L'Occupation du Katanga, p.37; Doke, Lamba Folk-Lore, p.542; Doke, The Lambas, pp.41-43; C.M. Doke, Trekkiag in South-Central Africa, 1913-1919 (Roodepoort, Transvaal, 1975), pp.166-67; R. Marchal, 'Le tribunal des Balamba', Bulletin de Centre d'Etude des Problèmes Sociaux Indigènes, 2 (1946-47), p.86; J.M. Moubray, In South Central Africa (London, 1912), pp.101-2; G.E. Tilsley, Dan Crawford: Missionary and Pioneer in Central Africa (London & Edinburgh, 1929), p.415; Verdick, Les Premiers Jours, pp.119-23.

On the 1890 locust famine and smallpox epidemic, and the 1892-94 rinderpest epizoötic, see A. Delcommune, Vingt Années de Vie Africaines, Vol. 2 (Brussels, 1922), pp.326-32; Delvaux, L'Occupation du Katanga, pp.36, 42; Doke, The Lambas, p.43; Faber, 'The Mshiri-Thomson meeting', p.135; L. Lambo, 'Etude sur les Balala', Bulletin des Jurisdictions Indigènes et du Droit Coutumiers Congolais, 14, 8-10 (1946), p.323; A. Roberts, A History of Zambia (London, 1976), p.171; Tilsley, Dan Crawford, p.227.

9. E. Bourgeois, La Promotion d'un Pays en Voiede Développement: Problème Délicat et Difficile, CEPSI Memoir No. 24 (Elisabethville, 1965), pp.23, 28-29, 34. Translation by author.

10. J. van Waelvelde, 'Problàmes d'acculturation chez les Lambas de la chefferie de Kaponda', Problèmes Sociaux Congolais, 82 (1968), p. 161. Translation by author.

11. Verdick, Les Premiers Jours, p.123. Author's translation.

12. Mr. le Substitut Hoomeart, 'Rapport sur les Causes Principales de Désertion parmi les Travailleurs Noirs', Elisabethville, 22 Nov. 1913, p. 7 (in Jean-Luc Vellut, Documents du Zaire Colonial, Fiche 1454C-1460D). Also Comptes-Rendus, Comité Régional de la Province du Katanga, Avr. 1924, pp.24-25; Fév. 1925, pp.14-15; Avr. 1925, pp.10-13; Avr. 1933, pp.149-51; R.R. Sharp, Early Days in Katanga (Bulawayo, 1956), pp.129, 133; J-L. Vellut, 'Rural poverty in western Shaba, c. 1890-1930', in R. Palmer and N. Parsons, eds., The Roots of Rural Poverty in Central and Southern Africa (London, 1977), p.307.

13. Doke, The Lambas, pp.47-48; Doke, Trekking, pp.96, 127; ZNA KSN 2/1, Ndola District Notebook, Vol. 1, pp.151-56; Stephenson, Chirupula's Tale, pp.63, 87, 105, 181-82, 188-92, 216, 220-23, 227-36. On 'Chirupula' Stephenson himself, see Doke, Trekking, pp.95-98; K.S. Rukavina, Jungle Pathfinder (New York, 1951); M. Wright, 'Chirupula Stephenson and Copperbelt history: a note', African Social Research, 14 (1972), pp.311-17; Stephenson's testimony to the 1926 Native Reserves Commission in PRO, C.O. 795/17-18, Reserves Commission, VoL 2, pp. 95-119; ZNA HM 23/ST/1/1/1-4, 'J.E. Stephenson Correspondence'. The Public Record Office, London, in addition, is said to have many files of Stephenson's correspondence.

14. 'Kafue District Report' and 'Report of Civil Commissioner P.H. Selby, 1900-02' in Reports on the Administration of Rhodesia, 1900-02 (London, 1903), pp.411-12, 419.

15. B. Fetter, 'La création d'un colonat Européen et la situation des Africains au Katanga, 1916-1930', Etudes Congolaises, 11 (1968), pp.51-52; Comptes-Rendus, Comité Régional de la Province du Katanga, Avr. 1921, Anexe 22, Avr. 1924, p.4; Avr. 1925, pp.14-17; Avr. 1926, pp. 210, 216-19; F. Grevisse, 'Le centre extra-coutumier d'Elisabethville', Bulletin du Centre d'Etude des Problèmes Sociaux Indigènes, 15 (1931), pp.151-6.

16. Roan Consolidated Mines, Zambia's Mining Industry: The First 50 Years (Ndola, 1978), pp.22-25; PRO C.O. 795/17-18, Reserves Commission, Vol. 1, pp.75-76.

17. Ibid ., pp.44, 150-51; Vol. 2, pp.2-6, 8-9, 14-16, 42-3, 58-9, 68-9; W. Allan, Studies in African Land Usage in Northern Rhodesia, Rhodes-Livingstone Paper No. 15 (London, 1949), pp.26, 42.

16. Roan Consolidated Mines, Zambia's Mining Industry: The First 50 Years (Ndola, 1978), pp.22-25; PRO C.O. 795/17-18, Reserves Commission, Vol. 1, pp.75-76.

17. Ibid ., pp.44, 150-51; Vol. 2, pp.2-6, 8-9, 14-16, 42-3, 58-9, 68-9; W. Allan, Studies in African Land Usage in Northern Rhodesia, Rhodes-Livingstone Paper No. 15 (London, 1949), pp.26, 42.

18. ZNA KSN 3/1/2, Luangwa District, Ndola Sub-District Annual Reports, Years Ending 31 Mar. 1925 and 31 Mar. 1926; PRO C.O. 795/17-18, Reserves continue

Commission, Vol. 1, p.312; Vol. 2, pp.23, 31-4, 40, 46, 53-4, 82-3, 92, 117-18.

19. The Seba and Temba peoples of Katanga, living nearest Elisabethville and the mines, became domestic servants, market gardeners and labourers for private urban firms. The Katanga Lamba worked instead as woodcutters, porters or labourers for the railway, prospecting parties or private firms in Sakania. The Rhodesian Lamba worked with mineral prospecting and railway construction teams, served as porters during the German East African campaign of World War I, and as gardeners and domestic servants thereafter.

20. Compte-Rendu, Comité Régional du Katanga, March 1938, pp.35-37, 50-51.

21. Roan Consolidated Mines, Zambia's Mining Industry, p.32; P. Harries-Jones, 'The tribes in the towns' in W.V. Brelsford, The Tribes of Zambia (Lusaka, 1965), p.125. Also Doke, Lamba Folk-Lore, pp.246-69; Doke, The Lambas, pp.318-19, 352-3; A. C. Fisher, '40 Years of medicine on the Copperbelt', Horizon (Salisbury), 11 (1969), p.4-9; L.M. Rodger, 'The development of medical and health services at Roan Antelope (Part 1) ', Northern Rhodesia Journal, 5 (1962), pp. 135-41; F. Spearpoint, 'The African native and the Rhodesian copper mines'. Supplement to the Journal of the Royal Africa Society, 36 (1937), pp.3-4; J.E. Stephenson, 'The Luanshya snake', Northern Rhodesia Journal, 6 (1965), pp.13-16; Sir M. Watson, African Highway: The Battle for Health in Central Africa (London, 1953), pp.13-14, 92-3.

22. PRO C.O. 795/17-18, Reserves Commission, Vol. 1, pp.75-80, 312; Vol. 2, pp.33, 82-3.

23. A.J. Cross, Twenty Years in Lambaland (London & Edinburgh, 1925), p.6; H. Masters and W. Masters, In Wild Rhodesia: A Story of Missionary Enterprise and Adventure (London, 1920), pp.121, 181, 214, 224; J.M. Springer, The Heart of Central Africa: Mineral Wealth and Missionary Opportunity (Cincinnati and New York, 1909), pp.81-5; PRO C.O. 795/17-18, Reserves Commission, Vol. 1, pp.45, 149; Vol. 2, pp.9, 40, 53-4, 76.

Rev. and Mrs John M. Springer (above), Methodist Episcopal missionaries from America, visited the South African Baptists at Kafulafuta Mission in 1907 while on their way from Bulawayo to Benguela. Springer captured much of his hosts' disappointment with the Lamba, writing of them, 'A more degenerate, hopeless lot of people it would be hard to find' (p.82). Clement Doke, to his credit, was the first Baptist at Kafulafuta Mission to challenge this view of the 'degenerate' Lamba: 'From the moral point of view I do not consider the Lambas to be degraded as a people. Their standard of morality certainly differs from that which we have inherited from centuries of Christian precept, but the standard which they have is not low, nor is its observance by the people lax' ( The Lambas, p.30).

24. ZNA KSN 3/1/2, Ndola Sub-District Annual Report, Year Ending 31 Dec. 1926, pp.12-13. It is, I think, no accident that these remarks so closely parallel 'Chirupula' Stephenson's August 1926 testimony to the Native Reserves Commission (PRO C.O. 795/17-18, Vol. 2,pp.117-18).

25. M.C. Young and B. Jewsiewicki, personal communications; B.G. Schoepf, 'Unintended consequences and structural predictability: man and biosphere in Zaire's Lufira valley', Human Organization, 42 (1983), p.364; B. Siegel, 'Comments on Schoepf's "Unintended consequences and structural predictability" ', Human Organization, 43 (1984), pp.185-7; Bourgeois, La Promotion d'un Pays, p.23; Lambo, 'Etude sur les Balala', pp.239, 326.

26. J. C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance, Rhodes-Livingstone Paper No. 27 (Manchester, 1956), esp. p.27; A.L. Epstein, "The network and urban social organization' (1961) in J.C. Mitchell, ed., Social Networks and Urban Situations (Manchester, 1969), p.102; A.L. Epstein, Ethos and Identity: Three Studies in Ethnicity (London, 1978), pp.25, 158n.

27. J.C. Mitchell, 'Distance, transportation and urban involvement in Zambia', in A. Southall, ed., Urban Anthropology (London, 1973), p.295; J.C. Mitchell, 'The continue

distribution of African labour by area of origin on the copper mines of Northern Rhodesia', Rhodes-Livingstone Journal, 15 (1954), pp.30, 32.

28. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance, pp.11-14; A.L. Epstein, 'Linguistic innovation and culture on the Copperbelt', Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 15 (1959), pp.235-53; A.L. Epstein, Urbanization and Kinship: The Domestic Domain on the Copperbelt of Zambia, 1950-1956 (London & New York, 1981), pp. 56-7, 259-60.

29. A.E. Beech, 'Early days around the Copperbelt', Northern Rhodesia Journal, 2 (1953), pp.47-8; S.J. Chibanza, Kaonde History, Central Bantu Historical Texts, I, Part II, Rhodes-Livingstone Communication No. 22 (Lusaka, 1961), pp.78-81; E.A.M. Harris, 'A harvest to be reaped: Chisalala Mission Station, Northern Rhodesia', Pioneer (South Africa General Mission), 27 (1914), pp.149-51; W.M.J. van Binsbergen, 'Religious change and the problem of evil in Western Zambia [long version] ' in his Religious Change in Zambia: Exploratory Studies (London & Boston, 1981), pp.147-50; Doke, Lamba Folk-Lore, pp.276-7; Doke, The Lambas, pp.30-31, 180, 276; Stephenson, Chirupula's Tale, pp.11-15.

On Jeremiah Gondwe and his Watchtower Movement's role in Ilamba's millenarian tradition, see Lambaland (quarterly record of the South African Baptist Missionary Society, Kafulafuta Mission, 1916-56), 8 (July 1918), 37 (Oct. 1925), 76 (Oct. 1935), 88 (Oct. 1938), 114 (Jan. 1948), 133 (Jan. 1953); R.I. Rotberg, The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa (Cambridge, Ma., 1965), pp.140-43; S. Cross, 'A prophet not without honour: Jeremiah Gondwe' in C.Allen and R.W. Johnson, eds., African Perspectives (Cambridge, 1970), pp.171-84; S. Cross, 'The Watchtower Movement in South Central Africa, 1908-1945', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University, 1973, pp.271-84.

30. Epstein, Urbanization and Kinship, pp. l58n. 256.

31. LeVine and Campbell, Ethnocentrism, pp. 156-60.

32. ZNA KSN 3 1/4, Ndola Sub-District Annual Report, Year Ending 31 Dec. 1932.

33. A partial record of disease and food shortages among the Rhodesian Lamba runs as follows: 1901-02 smallpox; 1907 locusts; 1910 drought; 1917 'kaffirpox' ( akamabokoshi ); 1918-20 Spanish influenza and food shortages; 1922-23 drought and famine; 1926-27 'kaffirpox', influenza and famine; 1929-30 smallpox and food shortages; 1932 'kaffirpox', influenza and locusts; 1934-35 severe locusts; 1940-41 severe famine; 1945-46 smallpox and food shortages; 1948 drought; 1950 drought, sorghum rust and famine.

The principal references here are Lambaland, 3-122 (Apr. 1917-Apr. 1950); ZNA KS 3/1 1-4, Ndola Sub-District Annual Reports, Years Ending 31 Mar. 1920-26 and 31 Dec. 1926-32; KSN 3/1/5, Ndola District Annual Reports on Native Affairs, 1933-36; SEC 2/1101-1109, Ndola District Tour Reports, 1931-51.

34. Compte-Rendu, Comité Régional de la Province du Katanga, Avr. 1933, p.148. Author's translation.

35. J.L. Keith, 'Human geography report: Ndola District, Central Province, Northern Rhodesia', unpublished 1935 MS, British Association of Geographers, p. 6.

36. Province d'Elisabethville, Territoire d'Elisabethville, Rapport Annuel, Service des Affaires Indigenes et de la Main-d'Oeuvre, 1935, p.9. Author's translation.

37. Letter from Mr. Ziegler de Ziegleck, Commissaire de District du Haut-Katanga to Chef de Province d'Elisabethville, 30 Sep. 1937, 'Main-d'Oeuvre en Territoire d'Elisabethville' (in Vellut, Documents, Fiche 1114C-E); Rapport de Route de 1'Administrateur Territorial Joset G. en Chefferie de Katala, Mars-Aw. 1938, pp. 25-27 (in Vellut, Documents, Fiche 953G-957C).

38. Northern Rhodesia, Department of Agriculture, Annual Report for the Year 1943 (Lusaka, 1944), pp.5-6; Allan, African Land Usage, p. 35.

39. Grevisse, 'Le centre extra-coutumier d'Elisabethville', pp.159-64; Rapport, Joset G., pp.22-24; ZNA KSN 3/1/5, Ndola District, Native Affairs Annual Report for 1935, P.1. break

40. Northern Rhodesia, Native Affairs Annual Report for 1933 (Livingstone, 1934), p.30; Spearpoint, "The African native', pp.1-9.

41. Northern Rhodesia, Native Affairs Annual Report for 1935 (Lusaka, 1936), pp.19-20.

42. Northern Rhodesia, African Affairs Annual Report for 1952 (Lusaka, 1953), pp.11-12.

43. Census figures from the 1948-56 Ndola District Tour Reports record some 17 to 25 per cent of the taxable males in those Lamba-Lima Native Reserve chieftaincies nearest the towns (Lamba chiefs Nkana and Mushili, and Lima chiefs Malembeka and Kalunkumya) were engaged at home in either 'agricultural production other than subsistence' or 'other economic production or distribution'. The 1948-52 Tour Reports suggest that another 50 to 60 per cent of the taxable males from chiefs Nkana's, Mushili's and Malembeka's areas were away at work, as well as 40 to 50 per cent of the taxable males from Lima chiefs Kalunkumya's and Lesa's areas, further to the south. Percentages are calculated from the census records in ZNA SEC 2/1104-1114, Ndola District Tour Reports nos. 1 & 8 of 1948, 3, 8 & 10 of 1949, 9 & 12 of 1950, 1, 2, & 3 of 1951, 3, 5 & 8 of 1952, 1 of 1954, 1 of 1955, and 2 of 1956.

44. District Commissioner's comments on the Lamba-Lima Native Authority in ZNA SEC 2/1109, Ndola District Tour Report No. 3 of 1951.

45. A.L. Epstein, 'Unconscious factors in the response to social crisis: a case study from Central Africa', The Psychoanalytic Study of Society, 8 (1979), pp.4-5; Epstein, Urbanization and Kinship, pp.144n; Roberts, History of Zambia, pp.208-11.

46. Allan, African Land Usage, p.38.

47. Epstein, "The network and urban social organization', p.105; Epstein, Urbanization and Kinship, pp.269-70.

48. Mitchell, TheKalela Dance, pp.6-7; Arnold L. Epstein, personal communication.

49. Mitchell's survey data are cited in Epstein, Ethos and Identity, pp.132-33.

50. A.J. Cross, Twenty Years in Lambaland, pp.12, 29-31; Masters and Masters, In Wild Rhodesia, pp.199-208; ZNA KSN 3/1/2-3, Ndola Sub-District Annual Reports, Years Ending 31 Dec. 1926 and 31 Dec. 1929; ZNA KSN 2/1, Ndola District Notebook, Vol. 1, pp.215-20.

51. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance, pp. 14, 45; J. C. Mitchell and A. L. Epstein, 'Occupational prestige and social status among urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia', Africa, 29 (1959), pp.22-39.

52. G. Chauncey, 'The locus of reproduction: women's labour in the Zambian Copperbelt, 1927-1953', Journal of Southern African Studies, 7 (1981), pp.135-64; Epstein, Urbanization and Kinship, pp.264-70; Harries-Jones, 'The tribes in the towns', pp.134-35.

53. Chauncey, 'The locus of reproduction', p. 149.

54. ZNA SEC 2/1109-1110, Ndola District Tour Reports Nos. 3 of 1951 and 3 of 1952.

55. Epstein, Ethos and Identity, pp. 12-13, 158n; Epstein, Urbanization and Kinship, pp.126, 251, 259-60, 284-85, 311-12, 318, 322-23.

56. Mitchell, TheKalela Dance, pp.7-8.

57. LeVine and Campbell, Ethnocentrism, pp.156-60.

58. By 1939, the year before the Lamba famine, only 24 of 152 recognized lease holdings for European farmers were even occupied, while as late as 1954 at least 85 per cent of the lands under European fanners, thanks to termitaria, remained uncleared and unstumped. See A.T. Wilson, et al ., Department of Agriculture, Report of a Soil and Land-Use Survey, Copperbelt, Northern Rhodesia (Lusaka, 1956), pp. 1-2, 42.

59. E. Colson, 'The assimilation of aliens among the Zambian Tonga' in R. Cohen and J. Middleton, eds., From Tribe to Nation (Scranton, Penn., 1970), pp.35-55; J.A. Hellen, Rural Economic Development in Zambia, 1890-1964, Afrika-Studien No. 32 (Munich, 1968), p.164; R.J. Mutsau, "The Shona and Ndebele settlements in Kabwe rural area, 1953-63' in R. Palmer, ed., Zambian Land and Labour Studies, Vol. 1 continue

(Lusaka: National Archives of Zambia, 1973), pp.41-47; R.S. Canter, 'National and international events and the incidence of ethnic conflict: Lenje-Rhodesian relations in Zambia', Working Papers in African Studies No. 3 (Boston, Boston University, 1976).

60. These affective sentiments and material interests, the subjective-internal and objective-external dimensions of ethnicity, and these reriprocally invidious ethnic stereotypes are all examined at greater length in Brian V, Siegel's Ph.D. dissertation in anthropology. Farms or Gardens: Ethnicity and Enterprise on the Rural Zambian Copperbelt (Ann Arbor, 1984), pp.250-367.

61. Banton, Race Relations, p.300. break

1. Over the years many people have contributed to my understanding of the history of Upper Zambezi societies, especially Mose Kaputungu Sangambo and all the Luvale, Luchazi and Lunda who volunteered their time and knowledge. I owe a special debt to Dr Wim van Binsbergen, with whom I discussed much of what is written here, and to Leroy Vail, who made many important suggestions for changes in the initial draft, not all of which I was able to incorporate.

I also wish to express my gratitude to the Fulbright-Hays Dissertation Fellowship Program; the National Science Foundation, Washington, D. C.; the Ford Foundation through the Center for African Studies of the University of California, Los Angeles; and WOTRO, the Netherlands Institute for Tropical Research, for supporting the field work upon which this article is based.

2. A broader description of (especially) Luvale history can be found in Robert Joseph Papstein. 'The Upper Zambezi: a history of the Luvale people, 1000-1900', unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1978.

3. See C.M.N. White, 'Clan, chieftainship and slavery in Luvale political organization', Africa, 27, 1 (Jan. 1957), pp.59-75, and 'Luvale political organization and the Luvale lineage', Proceedings of the Thirteenth Conference of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute (1959), pp. 113-120. In the Luvale language there is no distinction between 'clan' and 'tribe', the word muyachi being used for both.

4. For a description of the vitally important Chavuma area, see A. Hansen, 'When the running stops: the social and economic incorporation of Angolan refugees into Zambian border villages', unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Cornell University, 1976. Also, C.M.N. White, 'Land tenure and village structure among the Luvale tribe', Man, 60 (1960). pp.103-112.

5. During our many field trips in Zambia and Zaire this was always the protocol used when we arrived as 'strangers' in a new village.

6. This is discussed in White, 'Clan, chieftainship and slavery', pp.59-75, and in Papstein, 'History of the Luvale people', pp. 14-15, 129-59.

7. These are dates arrived at by means of archaeological and lexicostatistical methods combined with oral data. See Papstein, 'History of the Luvale people', pp.69-76, 120.

8. C.M.N. White, 'The material culture of the Lunda-Lovale peoples', Occasional Papers of the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, No.3 (1948), p.5.

9. See Papstein, 'History of the Luvale people'. Appendix 3, 120 word Diagnostic List: Cognition Percentages, pp.286-91.

10. See A. Delille, 'Besnijdenis bij de Aluunda's en de Aluena's in de streek ten Zuiden van Belgish Kongo (grensstreek Belgish Kongo-Angola)', Anthropos, 25, 5-6 (1930), pp. 881-8. Also White, 'Material culture', passim .

11. Testimony of Mose Kaputungu Sangambo, Mize Capital, 14 June 1973.

12. There is no historical evidence for a conflict between the Luvale and Lunda systems of production prior to their fairly recent competition for Chavuma. This competition appears to be largely based on the possibility of producing for the increased market in food and the largely unrealized potential for 'exporting' food to the Copperbelt.

13. C. M. N. White, "The role of hunting and fishing in Luvale society', African Studies, 15, 2 (1956), p.85.

14. Papstein, 'History of the Luvale people', p. 121; and R.M. Derricourt and R.J. Papstein, 'Lukolwe and the Mbwela of North-western Zambia', Azania, 11 (1977), pp.169-76.

15. Mose Kaputungu Sangambo, The History of the Luvale People and their Chieftainship, eds., A. Hansen and R. J. Papstein (Los Angeles, 1979), pp.35ff.

16. Slave trading caravans were still operating in the Upper Zambezi area as late as 1906. Zambia National Archives (ZNA), A/1/1/10, 'BSAC In-Letters', Selborne to High continue

Commission Office, Johannesburg, 15 Nov. 1909. See also D. Wheeler, 'The Portuguese in Angola, 1836-1891: a study in expansion and administration', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Boston University, 1963.

17. Testimony of Mose Kaputungu Sangambo, Mize Capital, 2 July 1973.

18. C.M.N. White, 'An outline of Luvale social and political organization', RhodesLivingstone Paper No. 30 (1960). This was confirmed by my own field work.

19. Papstein, 'History of the Luvale People', pp.237ff.

20. Sangambo, History, pp.35ff.

21. British South Africa Company claims to the territory of west central Africa were based on a series of agreements signed with Lewanika, King of the Lozi. It was therefore in Lewanika's interest to claim that his territories were far wider than was actually the case. The BSAC encouraged these extravagant claims for they gave the company the widest possible concession area.

22. This system of corvée labour, already existing in Bulozi itself, was never actually implemented in Balovale. For the Luvale and Lunda, however, it presaged Lozi administrative intentions.

23. This is described by Robert E. Schecter, 'History and historiography on a frontier of Lunda expansion: the origins and early development of the Kanongesha', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsion-Madison, 1976.

24. I have already indicated how Luvale chiefly titles proliferate in so far as all the children of female chiefs are entitled to the chiefly title, mwangana . The British colonial administration ignored the custom and did not end it. The Luvale responded by seeking out their most able vamwangana, moving them from chieftainship to chieftainship to give themselves the greatest leverage with the British. In one case a 'senior' chief was never actually installed and yet he functioned in that capacity because of his effectiveness in representing Luvale interests to the colonial government.

25. It is unclear why Bruce-Miller decided to use the river as a formal 'tribal' boundary. It probably stemmed from a misreading or hearsay report of the views of Livingstone, who met the Lunda chief Ishinde on the eastern bank of the Zambezi in 1854 and who was told that the Luvale lived on the other side. In any event, Bruce-Miller's attempt to 'tidy up' the ethnic boundaries of the district was the beginning of the Chavuma land dispute which has continued to the present day.

26. For the area in general, see S. Shaloff, "The Kasempa salient: the tangled web of British-Lozi relations', African Social Research, 5 (1972); C.M.N. White, 'Notes on the political organization of the Kabompo district', African Studies, 9 (1950), pp.185-93; Kusum Datta, 'The policy of indirect rule in Zambia (Northern Rhodesia), 1924-1953', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, 1976; and B.C. Kakoma, 'Colonial administration in Northern Rhodesia: a case study of administration in the Mwinilunga district, 1900-1939', unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Auckland, N.Z., 1971.

27. White, 'Kabompo', pp. 185-93.

28. Many Luvale remember this time of Luchazi immigration into Northern Rhodesia. I was frequently shown 'Luvale' villagers who were, in fact, of Luchazi origin or who were known as 'children of the village', a form of debt peonage for having been taken in as refugees.

29. Admitting to being Mbwela—thus not of Luvale royal tradition—was not an admission easily made. However, very important Luvale identified themselves to me in this way as a means of clarifying for me the different socio-ethnic elements which today are subsumed under 'Luvale'.

30. There is actually a Ngangela Dictionary, by Emil Pearson (Morales, Mexico, 1970) in which the term includes five dialects of Luchazi, two of Mbunda, Niemba (or Western Ngangela) and Nkangala.

31. M. Gluckman, 'The role of the sexes in Wiko circumcision ceremonies', in M. Fortes, continue

ed., Social Structure (London, 1949), pp.145-67. See also Gluckman, 'Circumcision rites of the Balovale tribes', African Studies, 13, 2 (1954), pp.89-92; C.M.N. White, 'The Balovale peoples and their historical background', Rhodes-Livingstone Journal, 8 (1949), pp.26-42.

32. Papstein, 'History of the Luvale people', pp.286-8.

33. Most of the shops which still exist in Zambezi town, except for the parastatals, are owned by mission-educated Zambians.

34. I am reluctant to indicate specific names here for fear of imputing inaccurate views of participation in specific events for which I do not have conclusive evidence. However some names do appear in the text and indicate the process I am seeking to indicate.

35. Mose Kaputungu Sangambo, Muwema Toloshi Paciencia and Thomas Chinyama are such figures. They realized that if the uniqueness of Lunda and Luvale history could not be articulated it would be relatively easy for the combined interests of the Lozi and colonial officials to sub-infeudate them to the Lozi. The most recent discussion of this can be found in Mabel C. Milimo, 'Relations between the Lozi and the subject tribes and the colonial administration, 1890-1941', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University, 1981.

36. Virtually all former migrants I spoke with indicated that Angola and Zaire were destinations of the last resort; that South Africa offered the best salaries; and that the Copperbelt and Southern Rhodesia were second best.

37. Unfortunately, we do not have a clear idea of WNLA's operations in the Upper Zambezi. However, the organization scoured the region for workers, sending barges up the Lungwebungu river into Angola. It maintained permanent 'out-stations' on the western bank of the Zambezi together with cattle herds to feed recruits prior to trans-shipment. And there are still former WNLA buildings in Zambezi boma today. Recruits were taken by barge to Mongu or by road to the Copperbelt after 1941. In later years WNLA transported migrants by air. Interview with Johnston Ngona, WNLA recruiter, 6 Feb. 1973.

38. C. Mitchell, 'Distribution of African labour by area of origin on the copper mines of Northern Rhodesia', Rhodes-Livingstone Journal, 14 (1954), pp.30-42. In 1975, while teaching at the University of Zambia in Lusaka, I was told that Lunda and Luvale, with very few exceptions, could not aspire to what were regarded as better jobs because they were ethnically stigmatized. See also the essay in this volume by Brian Siegel for a discussion of the process of ethnic stigmatization.

39. Northern Rhodesia, Report of the Commission Appointed to Examine and Report upon the Whole Question of the Past and Present Relations of the Paramount Chief of the Barotse Nation and the Chiefs Resident in the Balovale District both East and West of the Zambezi River, with Special Reference to the Ownership of the Land and the Methods by which the Tribes have been Governed, and to Make Recommendations for the Future (MacDonnel Commission) (Lusaka, 1939). The full testimony can be found in ZNA ZP 5/1/A, ZP 5/1/5. See also ZP 1/1A/1B, ZP 5/2-4 and KDE 2/3/1-12.

40. Testimony of Mose Kaputungu Sangambo, 26 Feb. 1980.

41. Thomas Chinyama, 'The early history of the Balovale Lunda', typescript, n.d. (c. l941), pp.6-7.

42. The restriction of the offices of chief and headman to a few recognized political leaders and the policy of Indirect Rule augmented earlier political prerogatives by granting the right to influence and even decide who would benefit from the new opportunities offered by the emergent economy.

43. According to local testimony, there was chronic, small-scale, inter-tribal violence in Chavuma from the 1930s onwards, reaching a peak in the late 1940s and 1950s.

44. See Kakoma, 'Mwinilunga' and Datta, 'Indirect Rule', passim .

45. The influence of western-style primary education upon the creation of tribal consciousness is a main theme of David Wilkin, 'To the bottom of the heap: continue

educational deprivation and its social implications in the Northwestern Province of Zambia, 1906-1945', unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse University, 1983.

46. This too was a recurring theme when discussing the Chavuma issue. How widespread this phenomenon was I cannot say. It was, however, one of the major domestic problems mentioned in connection with the dispute over the Chavuma area, especially for those people actually resident there.

47. See, for example, T.O. Ranger and E. Hobsbawm, eds., The Invention of Tradition (London, 1983), passim .

48. While the Luvale and the Lunda recognize that that it is no longer practically possible to move the capital at the death of a chief, Mize Capital is a testimony to how they managed to hold to the essence of the custom without wholly abandoning it. Formerly chiefs' houses were simply sealed up; later, only the room in which the chief had died was sealed. Most recently, the chief has been removed from the house prior to death so that the substantial investment a modern chief's house represents can be inherited by his heir.

49. Ultimately, the chiefs authority rests on the consent of the headmen and the population. Once both Luvale and Lunda decided that Luweji would not choose theirside and that she favoured the rapidly increasing Chokwe population, she was forced to abdicate.

50. I am now told that the Lunda have responded with a 'traditional' ceremony of their own—to demonstrate Lunda crafts and dancing, and to serve as a focal point of orientation for Lunda dwelling in the cities.

51. My role was originally to 'help' with the project while conducting research on a regional scale. But for reasons which are by now obvious, it proved impossible to work with both the Lunda and the Luvale.

52. Sangambo, History, p.32.

53. Testimony of the District Governor, Zambezi District, 20 Jan. 1981.

54. When I suggested to Sangambo that he might wish to delete the section on the Ishinde chieftainship (p.32) in the interests of local harmony, he declined.

55. I understand that Dr G. Kubik, of Doz University, Vienna, has recently produced a Luchazi history based on oral interviews, but I have not yet seen it.

56. For example, Welsh, Friesan and Occitan ethnic consciousness and languages coexist, occasionally abrasively, with the British, Dutch and French national states.

57. Sangambo, History, p.91. break

1. It cannot be expected that a paper of this nature dealing with a territory such as the Ciskei can be too explicit about stating its sources. I hope, however, that by supplying sources for the statistical material and supporting documentation for some of the more continue

surprising data I have managed to give credibility to the whole.

2. There is no compact or trustworthy account of the Ciskei today. A great deal of unevenly presented raw material is to be found in the following very different books: University of Fort Hare, The Ciskei-a Bantu Homeland (Fort Hare, 1971); N. Charton, ed., Ciskei (London, 1980); Surplus People Project, Forced Removals in South Africa, Vol. II: The Eastern Cape (Cape Town and Pietennaritzburg, 1983); G. Quail et al., Report of the Ciskei Commission (Pretoria, 1980). For a useful and incisive journalistic portrait of the Ciskei, see J. Leiyveld, Move Your Shadow: South Africa, Black and White (New York, 1985), pp.155-84.

3. Quail, Report, p.19; Surplus People Project, Forced Removals, p.19.

4. Quail, Report, p.15.

5. Surplus People Project, Forced Removals, pp. 41, 67.

6. Ibid ., pp.336-8.

5. Surplus People Project, Forced Removals, pp. 41, 67.

6. Ibid ., pp.336-8.

7. J.B. Peires, The House of Phalo (Johannesburg, 1981), Chapter 9.

8. C. Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry (London, 1979).

9. P. Walshe, The Rise of African Nationalism in South Africa (Berkeley, 1971), Chapter 1.

10. T. Lodge, Black Politics in South Africa since 1945 (London, 1983), pp.27, 55-8, 348-9.

11. 'Flashpoint: East London', South African Labour Bulletin, 7 (special issue), February 1982.

12. Surplus People Project, Forced Removals, p.3.

13. For the early constitutional development of the Ciskei, see C.C.S. Holdt, 'Constitutional development' in University of Fort Hare, The Ciskei—A Bantu Homeland . For the later period, N. Charton and G.R. kaTywakadi, 'Ciskeian political parties' in Charton, Ciskei .

14. On the referendum, see especially Work in Progress (Johannesburg), 18 June 1981.

15. For the most recent events in the Ciskei-East London area, see N. Haysom, 'Ruling with the whip', Occasional Paper 5, Centre for Applied Legal Studies, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 1983.

16. Eastern Province Herald, 5 Dec. 1985. It is impossible to give further details of these fascinating events here, but see, for example, Sunday Star, 18 Aug. 1985, and the Weekly Mail, 16 July 1987.

17. These events were covered in detail in the local press. See, for example, Daily Dispatch, 30 Sept. 1986; 20 Feb. and 11 April 1987.

18. This section and the next are based on R. A. Moyer, 'Some current manifestations of early Mfengu history'. Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Collected Seminar Papers on the Societies of Southern Africa, Vol. 3 (1971-2), and C.W. Manona, 'Ethnic relations in the Ciskei', in Charton, Ciskei .

19. Charton and ka Tywakadi, 'Ciskeian political parties', p.130.

20. This paragraph is based on Surplus People Project, Forced Removals, pp.33-8, 110-11, 118-19.

21. On the causes of forced relocation in the Ciskei, see Surplus People Project, Forced Removals, pp.99-111.

22. On the resuscitation of the Rharhabe chieftainships, see J.B. Peires, 'Continuity and change in Ciskei chieftainship'. Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Collected Seminar Papers on the Societies of Southern Africa, Vol. 8 (1976-7).

23. Quoted in Peires, 'Continuity', p.137.

24. Surplus People Project, Forced Removals, p.72.

25. Manona, 'Ethnic relations', p. 117.

26. Information on the Maqoma and Burns-Ncamashe chieftainships derived from private sources.

27. On Sebe's initial claims see Peires, 'Continuity', pp. 138-9. Sebe's allegedly illegitimate birth was common gossip throughout the Ciskei after Charles Sebe was detained. break

28. S. Bekker et al ., 'Tsweletswele', Institute of Social and Economic Research Development Studies Working Papers, No. 13 (Grahamstown, 1983), pp. 11-12.

29. Surplus People Project, Forced Removals, p.119. Cf. ibid ., pp.89-90, for attitude of Chief Njokweni of Peddie towards resettlement.

30. Eastern Province Herald, 6 Oct. 1978.

31. Information on the Rharhabe Paramountcy from a former Ciskeian now resident in the Transkei. There is a brief and incomplete account in Peires, 'Continuity', p.139.

32. Matanzima's wish to amalgamate the Ciskei with the Transkei has often been expressed. See, for example, Daily Dispatch, 28 Oct. 1976; Star, 24 March 1977. For the Transkei-sponsored court cases against Ciskei independence, see Star, 29 Sept. 1981.

33. The Mercury (King Williams Town), 22 April 1982.

34. Rand Daily Mail, 29 Dec. 1980.

35. The Mercury, 15 April 1982.

36. Umthombo (Zwelitsha), June 1978. Umthombo is published by the Ciskei Department of Information.

37. S.E.K. Mqhayi, 'Intaba kaNdoda' in Mqhayi, Ityala lama Wele (1914; 7th edition, Lovedale, 1931), p.87.

38. Peires, House of Phalo, pp.39-40.

39. For the building and the costs at Ntaba kaNdoda, see Rand Daily Mail, 17Aug. 1981; Daily Dispatch, 14 Jan. 1981.

40. Institute of Race Relations, Annual Survey of Race Relations, Vol. 33 (Johannesburg, 1979), p. 326.

41. Daily Dispatch, 4 April 1983.

42. Speech by L. Sebe, Imvo zaBantsundu (King Williams Town), 16 April 1982, for example noted that: 'The holy Temple of the Nation erected at Ntaba kaNdoda is visible and conclusive witness of the faith and pride of the Ciskeian nation.'

43. Golden City Press, 27 Feb. 1983.

44. Umthombo, June 1978.

45. Eastern Province Herald, 5 Dec. 1985.

46. D. Mickleburgh, 'Maqoma goes home', Flying Springbok (SA Airways magazine), August 1983, is a vivid if silly description. See also M. G. Whisson and C. W. Manona, 'Maqoma and Ciskeian politics today' in Charton, Ciskei .

47. Sunday Times (Johannesburg), 17 June 1979; Eastern Province Herald, 4 Aug. 1987.

48. Daily Dispatch, 28 May 1981. For Bisho, see also Institute of Race Relations, Annual Survey of Race Relations, Vol. 35 (Johannesburg, 1981), p.302.

49. For the debate on the meaning of 'Bisho', see Evening Post (Port Elizabeth), 21 May 1981; Daily Dispatch, 11 June 1981.

50. Daily Dispatch, 21 March and 9 May 1987.

51. L. Sebe, quoted in Imvo (King Williams Town), 16 April 1982.

52. Daily Dispatch, 12 and 25 May 1982.

53. Institute of Race Relations, Annual Survey of Race Relations, Vol. 34 (Johannesburg, 1980) p.402. See also Daily Dispatch, 25 Feb. 1980.

54. Pretoria News, 28 Sept. 1983.

55. Daily Dispatch, 3 Dec. 1982.

56. Eastern Province Herald, 30 Nov. 1983, 17 May and 22 June 1984, 21 Jan. 1987. Weekly Mail, 16 July 1987.

57. Daily Dispatch, 9 May 1984 and 28 July 1987; Eastern Province Herald, 4 Dec. 1985 and 4 Aug. 1987.

58. Eastern Province Herald, 30 April 1979. Sebe has what is called in South Africa 'JC plus three', that is, a Junior Certificate (two years short of final year) and a three-year course at a teacher training college. The Transkei's former Prime Minister George Matanzima once accused Sebe of having failed his final examinations.

59. Daily Dispatch, 26 Nov. 1981.

60. Daily Dispatch, 23 Feb. 1982. break

62. Daily Dispatch, 3 Dec. 1983.

63. Eastern Province Herald, 30 Nov. 1983.

64. Weekend Post (Port Elizabeth), 20 and 27 June 1986.

65. Much of the information in this paragraph is derived from the eulogistic pages of T. Bates's glossy brochure, "The Republic of Ciskei' (Durban and Bisho, 1987), subtitled ' The Tax Paradise of Southern Africa'.

66. The land in question was originally purchased by the South African government for between R350 and R1000 per hectare. Daily Dispatch, 6 June 1987.

67. Daily Dispatch, 20 June and 8 Sept. 1987.

68. Daily Dispatch, 29 Jan., 3 Feb., and 28 March 1987.

69. City Press, 26 April 1987.

70. Daily Dispatch, 13 March 1987. break