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Notes

1. As it had happened, the Battle for Of in 1916 had begun on virtually the same day of the year that the Russians had evacuated the district two years later in 1918. So Liberation Day simultaneously marks resistance to as well as liberation from the Russian military occupation. [BACK]

2. I was repeatedly told that no one was allowed to mount a horse in Of except the agha, a point that was intended to illustrate how the old imperial hierarchy had been supplanted by republican equality. Compare the Ottoman sultan on his horse in the middle court (chap. 4). [BACK]

3. He appealed to religious conservatives on other occasions as well. During the month of Ramadan, when attendance at the morning prayers was heavy, he stood outside the mosque to greet the crowds of men as they left the building. [BACK]

4. Some years later in Istanbul, groups of an Islamist orientation would begin to commemorate Mehmet II's conquest at the old walls of the city. This presumably would have raised the question of whether the palace could henceforth remain a subject of children's play. [BACK]

5. Hasan Ulusoy, father of one of the organizers of the new association, had contributed a substantial sum of money in the late 1960s (some said forty thousand Turkish lira) for the rebuilding of the minaret of the old mosque in Of. [BACK]

6. The association has since moved into luxuriously furnished quarters on the top floors of a tall building in the Fatih quarter. [BACK]

7. I would be surprised if this were universally true. [BACK]

8. Altay Yiğit (1981) had also published a second volume thirty years after his account of the Battle for Of. It was a study of the history and folklore of Çaykara. [BACK]

9. For examples of other intellectual projects in an urban context, see Meeker 1991, 1994b. [BACK]

10. See Shankland 1999 for a good overview of the place of religious leaders and brotherhoods in the politics of Turkey. [BACK]

11. For a recent study of money and association in the city, see White 1994. [BACK]

12. The use of this term would appear to be a neologism, since "agha-ness" would have once referred to a state appointment of an individual to serve as an agha in accordance with certain defined duties. See chaps. 7 and 8. [BACK]

13. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, another bizarre interlude, the "time of Natashas," repeated the "time of the waiter girls" of the 1920s. [BACK]

14. Some of my acquaintances had cited the names of several individuals who had been the mayor of the town before and after the Great War but were not members of the Selimoğlu family line. [BACK]

15. I do not know which mayor was responsible for the photomontage, or when it was first hung in the office of the mayor. My point is that the career of Süleyman brought the importance of fairness and efficiency to the foreground. Other members of the family line would have learned this lesson even before Süleyman became mayor. [BACK]

16. This may be a result of the influence of Max Weber's views of patrimonial domination, but Findley (1980, 7) notes that the Ottomans themselves sometimes ascribed to such a viewpoint. [BACK]

17. Cf. Delaney 1991, who has explored the prevalence of patriarchal symbolism in Turkey. [BACK]


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