3 A Muslim Minority
1. See Lovejoy 1980 for a history of kola production and trade in West Africa.
2. Binger 1892 provides a detailed, firsthand description of Kong. For modern accounts of Kong's history, see Bernus 1960, Green 1984 and 1986, and Université Nationale de Côte d'Ivoire 1977.
3. On the chiefdom of Kadioha, see Launay 1988a and 1988b.
4. Bernus 1961, Ouattara 1977. However, Ouattara argues that these oral traditions reflect Dyula influences, and dates both Nanguin's reign and the foundation of Korhogo much earlier.
5. Outtara 1977.
6. The identity of the Dieli language has been a subject of some controversy; see, e.g., Person 1964: 328 and Glaze 1981: 41. See Launay (n.d.a.) for a critical overview of theories about the Dieli's origin. In any case, their language is unintelligible to any other group in the region. The language is rapidly disappearing; many younger Dieli cannot understand it, much less speak it.
7. Louis Binger (1892: 298) noted a similar phenomenon in Kong, whose Muslim population he divided into three categories: (1) literate Muslims, (2) illiterate Muslims who nevertheless followed Koranic precepts reasonably strictly, (3) dolo -(i.e., beer-) drinking Muslims. Binger's beer-drinking Muslims are no doubt analogous to the tun tigi of Korhogo.
8. Strictly speaking, the term banmana was not used to refer to all unbelievers, but only to those living in the West African Sahel or the savanna. Forest dwellers such as the Akan or the Guro were called by other names.
9. This contrasts sharply with the celebration of Muslim festivities in various kingdoms of northern Ghana, such as Gonja (Goody 1967: 201-2) and Mamprusi (Brown 1975: 95-96, 98), where they were observed by Muslims and non-Muslims alike, and served to express political allegiance to chiefs, rather than membership in the religious community of Islam.
10. Cf. Abner Cohen 1971.
11. One Dyula informant asserted that the Milaga formerly ate dog flesh, proof positive of their staunch paganism; dog flesh, even more than pork, tends to symbolize forbidden meat ( jufaa ) among the Dyula. Whether or not such an assertion is true, it suggests a means whereby Dyula might symbolically distinguish the "pagan" Milaga from Muslim tun tigi , who, after all, drank beer and offered blood sacrifices to spirits.
12. See Goody 1968.
13. Ripert, cited in Marty 1922: 152. The story is situated in the Worodugu, a region with which the Korhogo Dyula maintained close contacts, and whose scholars shared with Korhogo the same "Suwarian" tradition (see Wilks 1968: 176-81).
14. See Triaud 1974 and Harrison 1988 for discussions of French attitudes and policy toward Islam, and of the context in which such declarations of support were solicited.
15. On the notion of "strangers" among the Dyula, see Launay 1979.
16. I would tentatively date the introduction of sermons to Koko to the late 1950s or early 1960s. Their introduction is generally attributed to al-Hajj Mustafa "Benkoro" Cisse, who is still active in Koko and is by no means an old man.
17. For a fuller discussion of Dyula sermons, see chapter 6.
18. In some contexts, the Dieli of Koko continue to stress their separate identity; they have become Dyula for most, but not quite all, intents and purposes.
19. See J. and M.-J. Dérive 1986.